SPIRIT OF THE PRESS.
EDITORIAL OPINIONS OT THI LEAPING .'OUBSALB
Df ON CVHdHM TOPICS OOHPILKD RTSBT
VAT FOB TFX KYBNINO TSLBflBAPW.
The Value of SoiUIktii Declarations
From the jY. K. Walton.
Two hundred "iuflaeiitlal citlzona" of
Charleston, 8. C, have held a metiiiK and
leaned an address to the white people of the
district, informing tbeui, in substance, that the
blacks hare come to the conclusion that true
happiness for the negro can only be found in
"the most degrading vassalage of the white
citizens of the State," and are "fired with a
sentiment of hostility to the white popnlation
of the city and State," and prophesying that,
unless "timely averted, the purposes of wicked
men will be accomplished in deadly strife, and
in the streets of the city scenes will be enacted
which all geod men will deplore." The docu
ment is written in what, considering the season
at which it appears, may perhaps be called
campaign English, and it is therefore impossl ble
to say what its value is, either as an expres
sion of feeling or as a description of a state of
things actually existing. The aooount it gives
Of the sudeiings of the wkites and of the bad
conduct of the blacks may have some truth in
it, but the reader is furnished with so little
means of guessing how much truth that he is
almost driven into refusing it all credence
whatever as the only sate course. What adds
to his difficulty is that the picture the paper
draws of white sufferings makes the advice to
the whites to be "patient" and do nothing
violent, with which it winds np, souud very
nice me lamous admonition to the mob, on no
account to nail the ears of the shorilfa offi jor
to the pump.
KINo matter to what Southern source one
turns for information as to the real condition,
moral as well as physical, of the South, one
finds one's self plunged in the same per
plexity. It is not simply that the language
of Southern speeches and articles is inllateil,
but the propositions they contain are in such
direct opposition to familiar facts of Southern
history that one could not believe them, even
if the language in which they are stated were
never so simple and direct. For instance, we
Hud in the report of General Rocrans' inter
views with General Lee at the White Sulphur
Springs, published by the Richmond Whig,
that "as to Southern animosity to the negro,
nothing could be further from the faot.ani why
should there be ? Said he, there is no rivalry
between the races, but a reciprocal interest,
growing out of the fact that each is dependent
on the other to a grat extent," etc. etc.
Now, whether General Lee aotually said this
or no makes little differenod for the purpose of
our argument. Southern men of his class are
constantly saying it, and the newspapers keep
repeating it, and it is Buoh a clear evasion of
the real question that, hearing it so often, one
is almost driven to the conclusion that discus
sion with Southern men is useless, and that
wild abuse of them, such as the llunnicuts
and Underwoods Indulge in, is as good a way
Of dealing with them as any.
They are not enemies of the negro, it Is
true, provided the negro accepts their theory
of his rightful condition. 13 ut looking at
enmity in this way, it may be said with equal
truth that nobody has any enemies. All any
man has to do, in order to put an end to all
hostility to him, is to aceept the conclusions
of those who do not like him as to the plaoe
he ought to oocupy in sooiety. A proud man,
for instance, is disliked because he thinks
he is superior to his neighbors, and lets it
he known that he thinks it; but if he beoame
very humble in his manner, and acted every
day as if he was the inferior of everybody he
met, his former enemies would soon get to
love him, or at least cease to hate him. A
cloBe rich man is disliked, because people
think he has acquired his wealth in an im
proper manner, and that the generous and
kind-hearted would have his money if jnstioe
were done; so all he ha to do to make every
body his friend is to divide his possessions
amongst his neighbors, and leave himself
poor and mean, as people think he deserves
to be.
This same difficulty Is t the bottom of most
national antipathies. If Americans would
frankly accept the English view of the Ameri
can charaoter, and of the part which Ameri
cans ought to play in the world, the English
would like the Americans very much ; or if
the English could be got to see themselves as
the Americans see them, warmer friends than
the two nations could not be found on earth.
So, also, the long-standing hatred between
France and England has been due simply to
the resolute refusal of eaoh nation to adopt
the other's view of its oharaoter, capacity aud
rights. Cases of hatred, flowing from pure
devilishness of disposition, are almost un
known in civilized life. So that when the
Southerner tells ns that he is the friend of the
black man, he simply means that he is the
friend of the black man as long as the black
man remains in what he considers his proper
place that of the member of an inferior raoe,
Who is, for the benefit of his superiors, to be
restrained and prevented from exerting all his
faculties. In other words, the assertion is a
mere quibble, and does not forward the dis
cussion in the least.
The war arose out of the fact that the
North and South held two widely different
theories of sooiety and government, and the
existing strife and confusion is kept up by the
fact that the South refuses to accept and
apply the Northern theory as to the result of
its defeat in the field; and yet in nearly every
thing the Southern press and orators say
about their aims and intentions this fact is
kept out of sight. The North finding, at the
close of the war, that the South was unwil
ling to accept its social theory, applied the
screw in the shape of negro enfranchisement
and partial white disfranchisement. Now,
this might be called, as the Southerners do
call it, "reducing the Southern whites to 'vas
salage,' " if it were done deliberately for the
purpose of permanently degradiug the whites;
but it is done for precisely the same reason
that cannon was used against the Southern
armies in the war to make them submit to
the will of the stronger. To call it "vassal
age," under these ciroumstanoes, is simply
silly. '
What we want from Southern orators and
statesmen is a declaration ef their feelings
and intentions in language used in the same
sense as that in which we use it. For in
stance, we want to know, from General Lee
and others, not whether they are friends of the
negro seen from their point of view, but are
they his friends seen from our point of view ?
Are they willing to take him not as a blaok,
but as an ignorant man of merourial tempera
ment, and lay aside, for the purposes of legis
lation, all their old theories as to his origin and
destiny f To these questions no Southerner of
prominence has, to our knowledge, ever given
a definite answer. No Southern paper ever
touches them in disoussion. We are left to find
Nt which theory most Southerners entertain,
'entally, by watohing their oouduut
negro, and listening to their talk
4 themselves about him. Everything
n this way makes it all but certain
js of the Southern people have not
' will not, if they can help it,
Tiit the m&- ibefn theory of society; and
ttfopv v -.
0
lno.
to
among"
e lem
?MJvEN1NG TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 13G3.
I
that their fair talk to us la due simply to
their practioe of using words in a sense
of their own, differing from ours. Now if
they will say frankly, "Your social and poli
tical theory we will never adopt," they would
not only do a manly thing, but would do
mucn to clear mo publio mind on both si tes
of the line. Instead of this, they pretend to
adopt it by a kind of equivocation.
What we know of the nature of the South
ern view of the neero'a nlace in sooietv we
leain not from the speeches of the Lees, and
Diepnenses, and Beauregards, but from the
practice of the mass of the community, and
the State pacers of the Governors and other
public men; from the black codes of manv of
the btates after the war; and from the actual
legislation of Kentucky, which, not having
been touched by the reconstruction prooess,
gives us an Idea of what would be done all over
the bouth were it not for radical intermeddling.
There the negro is literally an outlaw, is de
pendent for lile and limb on the humanity of
any ruiuan wnom tie chances to meet his evi
dence againBt white men not being received in
the courts, or at all events, counting for no
thing if it is received. Evidenoe of this kind.
not being prepared, is worth volumes of
addresses aud conversations with distin
guished Southern statesmen. There are
of course, the same things to be said
against negro suffrage that are to hi said
against all voting on the part of Iguorant
men; but when you have said this you have
not nnisnea tne argument. You have still to
show how it would fare with the ignorant
man if he were deprived of the right of voting.
In highly civilized and highly orgautz-jd com
munities liko New aud Old Euglau 1, or France
and Germany, where respect for life aud pro
perty has become a habit of the popular
mind, and where the law is executed
Tilth certainty and despatch, a nou
elector may, and does enjoy security aud
comtori. tie does not impress his opinions or
wishes on the policy of the State, but he
is sure of justice in the courts, aul
of the aid of the police agaiust his
enemies, lie is not asked to rely on the
pity, or even on the kindly feeling, of his
neighbors for protection. Now, no honest
Southern man will pretend that the negro at
the South will 'aid the same justice aud the
same protection if left entirely in the hands
of the Southern people that poor white men
do. There is a prejudice against him at the
South; there is contempt for him; aud there is
also a habit of showing prejudice aud con
tempt by acta of violence which the courts are
not ready to puuish. On these points we do
not need General Lee's opinion. We have
the facts before us every day iu th newspa
pers; and what we want to know of General
Lee is not whether he loves tun negro and
wants peace, but whether he in wiiliug to sub
mit to the conditions imposed by the conquer
ing party in tho lite war one of which is the
acceptance and embodiment iu the law aud
practice of the land of the Northern theory of
society and government.
The Meditated Fnuu.s in Our Comin-r
Flection.
rrom the 2V. T. Tribune.
The World thus deals with 0'ir exposure of
the conspiracy to corrupt, odY hallot-buxes aud
falsify the verdict of our State at the ap
proaching election:
'The Tribune boldly c)itr(e the Dduiocratiij
parlj in 1'ils city wl.u ut'ii-.';-i,.i-i luteuiliiix
10 coriupl the Lail'U.bo.'.". In Nuvemoer. n
chsrses Hie Democratic priy Willi lnt'-ndiuij
to eltci Its cauiiid uo 1' r iuo Uovei'uoi'tthip by
Jibuti. Tiictie cliai - jire iu..Je ug-Uusl a pir y
wbioti outnumber itie ru'Jiut.l puty iwo loone
In a city w her.', wltlu uilbe lutervenUm ot l.ue
ltglnlailou ot rudiuiils horn ilie 1 ami dlsiio's,
and without llio r.iJiCit! ciii:,ii3Hloiis 'Vhlou
suun 1 gisiittlon lias f'nw u: u upon itiaUx-pav-t-rfcol
tho oiiy, not radio! ou Mau utio
ifelnud coulu oe elect.-;! u s.i mu ni n oillca us
the toorkeeern!!p of a j oJIuh hi;-Hod. 1! ruoU
olticf.s were eli ciive. In tue face of nuoli fiois,
me tribune prcieiida tha1, mo Deinjorauo
paity, which uaiutily give in tr.e city ra.ij -rlty
nearly cquhI to the in'lrei rauloul vo'o.
Leeds to resort to irftud t. elct lis ouUi
dateti ! The Tribune kuous butler, ami itaows
llial lis readers are not deceived bvistici pal
pable gi'imuon. What-, toen, Is the Tribune's
object in hJuuderlrjg two-thirds of tho honest
voters of this city by charging them wnu tua
intent to deliberately defraud tbe remaining
one-third at the baiioibjxes iu Novotnoer? It
is tb: The Tribune hopes, by unking au lu
lemnuH chRtRe, to cover and excuse tue fact that
our police, wuo are employed as our hired ser
vantH li protect our live and property, aud
paid for such services by the tax-payers in this
overwhelmingly Democratic city, ure used by
tho radicals fur their own private purposes.
Kvery policeman is now eUKaueJ as a centtus-
taker, not lor the city, not lor the tax-payers
wuum utrvHui lie in, out tor ine radical parly,
which Is en Insignificant minority in thecltv.
and lor radical purposes, which ara of no as
countexcepitolbisiusiKniiicaut miuority. This
isa thing to tala of as 'iraul.' It is a swindle
upon the people who employ these publio ser
vants lor k'Kitlumte purposes, aud pay them
good round wages therefor. It in lime that the
fiolice, lrom 1'oliceman Kennedy down to Po
iceinan Hmith or Jones, understood that they
are the hurvauts of the city, not the runuers
and lackeys of a party. Tney are hired to work:
for the people who pay their wages, not for the
party uhich swindles the employers by impro
perly using the servants. The place for a police
man is on his beat, la the street, not at area or
nHii-uoors, or as a bell-boy and waiter at a poli
tical club. And at whatever door these ln iulNi-
tlve policemen apply lor the sake of propound-
lug puny couuuurums, tuey snouiu ue plainly
loid to go about their buiuss the business
for which they are specially employed aud
paid."
Comments by the Tribune. j
I. The city of New York will give a consid
erable majority for Seymour and Blair; the
State, outside of the city, if none but legal
votes are polled, will give a still larger ma
jority for Grant and Colfax. The game of
certain magnates and wire-pullers of the
Demooratio party is to swell by fraud the city
majority for Seymour, so that it shall over
balance the country majority for Grant. In
lurtherance of this conspiracy, Brooklyn was
most unjustly deprived of her Polioe Commis
si oner by our late Democratic Legislature. In
farther lurtherance of it, our oity and oouuty
tax levies were swelled by millions of dollars,
which the managers of the Democratic party
are using to promote Illegal naturalizations,
and hire "repeaters" to swindle the electors
out of their rights by voting from poll to poll.
The World's language given above proves it in
guilty conspiracy with the swindlers.
II. What is charged upon the Polioe Super
intendent as a misdemeanor is simply an elibrt
to prevent illegal voting nothing less,
nothing more, lie is not even aocused of ask
ing or seeking to know how any man will
vote, but simply how many, iu a given
locality, have a right to vote at all. It ia mat
ter of reoord that over 100 voted last year
from a house where no ten men lived that
the vote of our city was swelled by monstrous,
wholesale frauds. The Democratic vote here
for President in '0"4 was 73,701); last fall, with
neither President, Governor, nor even Con
gress to choose, it was swelled to 85,704; and
there was not so mauy legal votes for Nelson
in '08 as there were for MoClellan in '64, when
there was quite cheating enough. We firmly
believe that the Fourth, Sixth, Eighth, and
Fourteenth Wards eaoh returned a Demooratio
majority exceeding the whole number of legal
voters therein of all parties who went to the
poll. We propose to put a stop to this whole
sale villainy. Let the wounded pigeons flut
ter if they must 1
III. The use of a polioe is to expose, resist,
and prevent crime. And whtit is orima if rob
bing the electors of their right of suU'rage is
not ? An illegal vote destroys the legal vot
er's right of eullrage m completely aa thoupu
it took his ballot from him by force, as In ap
proached the ballot-box, and prevented hU
poinng u. vvnat is the runotlon or a police,
if it Is to stand idly by and Bee the whole body
tf legal voters robbed of their rights, and tha
popular verdiot falsified in a orisls liki this t
IV. The polioe mean to deteot ani expose
the wholesale crime which is meditated a
crime which strikea at the very foaudation
stone of popular liberty. They have nothing
to do with party or politics; it is their duty to
prevent fraud and crime. Kvery illegal vote
polled is a crime committed a gigantic, atro
cious crime. The World virtually confesses
that to prevent illegal votiug is to reduca
the Demooratio majority, livery intelligent
politician knows that this la so; that if 20,000
illegal votes are polled In this city, the Demo
cratic majority will thereby be swelled at least
19,000. That is no business of the police, but
the prevention of crime is. Oa behalf of
all legal voters, who wish neither themselves
to cheat, nor to profit by others' cheating,
we entreat the Superintendent to do his
whole duty.
Can't Make a Jialanee Sheet.
From the N, Y. World.
Is it not time that the Republican papers
made the amend honorable to Governor Sey
mour for the outcry they raised agaiust his
intimation, in his letter of acceptance, that it
is impossible to learn the real .state of the na
tional finances ? The correctness of that inti
mation is fully demonstrated by the very
papers that raised the outcry. What, for
example, is the amount of the publio debt f
On the 8th of August, the Tribune stated it at
$2,500,528,820. On the 18th of August, the
same Tribune stated it at $2,510,000,000. Be
fore the month of August ended the same
Tribune again stated it at $2,491,324,477. And
all three of these contradictory statements, be
it noted, professed to be the amount of the
publio debt, less the money in the Treasury
at the same identical date the first of August.
This is a pretty jumble of contradictions for a
paper that howled at Governor Seymour for
intimating that it is not easy to get at the
truth respecting the national finances.
Not only does the Tribune thus contradict
itself, but all the other authorities contradict
it aud each other. Commissioner Wells sUted
in his recent report that there W43 an excess
of income over expenditures within the last
year of $34,749,777; whioh, if true, would
have diminished the publio debt by just that
amount. But Seoreta-y MuCullooh states
that the debt has been increased within th
year $12,228,054, making au enormous dis
crepancy of $4(5,977,831. Tho Tribune, teased
and bewildered by irreconcilable contradic
tions, was driven to confess, yesterday, that
it knows not the truth 6u this subject and is
without the means to get at it. It ought,
then, to apologize to Governor. Seymour for
its unmerited abuse.
The Tritium has several times oontended
that $32,000,000 which appear in the debt
statement of Mr. MoCulloch doe3 not strictly
belong there. We are tlearl v of opinion that
it does, with the advantage . having the Sec
retary on our side. But we will not argue the
point now, because, even if we were to con
cede the claim of the Tribune, there would
still be a discrepanoy of $15,000,000 which
that journal cannot account for; whereas with
a system of honest and well-kept accounts,
the people Bhould know to a dollar what use
had been made of their moDey. The Evening
1'ost takes up the subject which the Ttibune
seems to abandon in despair, and thinks it
can account lor the discrepancy of $15,000,000.
We copy the tosl's fancied elucidation:
"There remains, In round numbers, a balance
of fifteen ml lion dollars paid lor some purpose
which the Tiibune and Its correspondent cau
no" discover. Wuera is it ?
"Tue answer U coutaiuod In the debt state
ment Itself; which show that the amount o'
three-years comuouud iutereit liotfw toIMi!
drawo by fumllusj or payment during ihe year
j ub.so uotttg appeared in ttm
slateineiitH or a year aao as capital at six per
cent, interest: but in fct thev him i.im no.
cuinulaud Interest of from two to throe ye irs
upou lueiu. xuis interest nag dogu paid or
lunded during tho year, and lias thus ap
peared la tue sLaternent of the debt. It was
as really due a year auo as it is now. ami it.a
uppeurauce Is but a nominal, not a real, lu
cre!! se.
"Had these notes all matured before pay
ment, tho Interest thus made principal would
have amounted to noarlv elsht
dollars; but ns some of them were received iu
payment for Uve-twentles before maturity, it is
but lair to suppose that they are about enough
to account for tho fifteen millions of dollars la
question."
This will not do. In the first nlaoe. it is
purely conjectural and supported by no fig
ures. Iu the next place, it is in fatal oollisiou
with the statement of Commissioner Wells,
who included, in his aocount of expenditures,
the interest on the compound notes. lie said
that there was a surplus of nearly thirtv-five
millions over and above all expenditure for in
terest as a means oi reconciling the contradic
tion. The part of the debt whioh draws in
terest is only about $2,100,000, which, if it
were all at six per cent. ( some of it ia oulv at
three) would make the annual interest aooount
only $120,000,000. But Mr. Wells makes the
interest paid last year $141,625,551 an exoe33
in the interest aooount of nearly $10,000,000.
This excess can be explained only by the pay
ment of the accrued interest on the compound
notes. The Post's explanation therefore falls
to the ground, and the confusing contradic
tions remain.
The Georgia Legislature aud Its Colored
Members.
From the N. 7. Times.
The action of the Georgia House of Repre
sentatives, in declaring colored members in
eligible, cannot fail to excite intense feeling
throughout the South, and to aggravate the
quarrel which the Southern Democracy appears
resolved to provoke. It is a step in the direc
tion of that war of races whioh Northern sup
porters of Seymour declare imminent; and the
negro, it will be remembered, is the eull'erer,
not the aggressor.
The pretence ou which the House has pro
ceeded, is that the State Constitution does not
specifically alhrni the title of colored citizens
to seats in the Legislature. The Atlanta Von
utitutiun appeals to the proceedings of the late
Convention to show that it refused to affirm
the title in question; in proof of which it cites
the expunging, by a vote of 12G to 12, of a
section which, as originally reported, pro
vided that "all qualified electors, and none
others, shall be eligible to any office iu this
State, unless disqualified by the Constitution
of this State or by the Constitution of the
United States." The rejeotion of this clause,
tho Macon TtUyraph contends, considered in
connection with the re-enaotment of the pre
vious Code of Georgia, "re-establishes all the
old legislation of the State not inconsistent
with the Constitution of the United States aud
of Georgia, and concluded the business, so far
as negro olllue-holding in Georgia under that
Constitution was concerned." Aside from
this, the advocates of exclusion in the Legis
lature insisted that notwithstanding emanci
pation, this is still a white man's government,
and that the negro has no political rights in
common with white citizens, unless conferred
by the State, whioh, they allege, has not been
done in Georgia.
This ground, however, cannot be sustained.
So much of the old legislation of the State as
affirmed the nuperior status of white men, and
confirmed upon them exclusive privileges, is
clearly abrogated by the new Constitution as
well as by the Fourteenth Amendment, to tin
ratification of whioh Georgia was a prty. The
decUration of fundamental principles compil
ing the first article of the new Constitution
provides (section 2) that "all persons bora or
naturalized in the United States, ani resi leut
in this State, are hereby declared citizeni of
this State, and no law shall be made or en
forced which shall abridge the privileges or
immunities of citizens of the United States or
of this State." The first seotiou of the Four
teenth Amendment lays down the same prin
ciple in the same words.
"Ad persons born or nalura'lzoil In the United
nirn, nuu buujcci 1U tut) J U T 1 BU 1U I lOU tUBieOI,
are citizens ol the United H'ales, and of I lie
Btate wherein they reside. No fcUaie shall make
or enforce any law which snail abridge tue
Privileges or immunities of citizens of the
I Mil tt Utntn It
The citizenship of the colored man is thus
made as Valid an that nf Mm nrlifta man and
the two stand on an equality, in the light
uuvii ui me reaerai ana otate uonstltutions, lu
respect of political privileges. Exclusion
from the Legislature, or from oflioe, because
oi coior, is uevona aouoi an abridgment or tue
privileges or immunities of the colored people,
and is therefore in conflict with the organio
law. So much of the old legislation as denied
the citizennhin or tha olioitiilitv tn nm.m
r - - - V J V
colored persons, is as effeotually abrogated by
m now vonsuiuiion ana ine f ourteenth
Amenament as though it were in terms indi
cated.
The omission of all reference to color in the
Constitution proves nothing. The distinction
is throughout ignored. The franchise, like
the citizenship, is oonferced without mention
oi coior, Biinpiy nscause color lias ceased to
be a basis of difference in tha
States. If the old law may act as a barrier to
the acquisition of office by oolored men, it
may also operate for their disfranchisement.
The plea would be as valid in the one case as
in the other.
Beside, the new Constitution of the State
J3il T 1. ,. tt . . .
ueuues wuo are ineligible to seats in tue
Ajrieiiuure, auu coior is not inciuaea in the
enumeration. If tlir wra nn nthar
- - v vmmuA tVMtlVU,
therefore, we should conclude, on the general
pnucipie ui strict construction, mat negroes,
not being, as a race, ruled out of seats, are as
eligible as others, subjeot to qualifications ap
plicable to all. But their right is not a matter
of inference, still less of hair-splitting. It
rests on the fundamental law, and all speoial
pleading derived from the old Slave Code is
inapplicable and worthless. The adoption of
it vy ine ueorgia iiouse oi itepresentatives as
giounu oi expulsion, is as unconstitutional
as it is irritating and unjust. It is especially
outrageous because shared by members elected
by colored votes, in a State where the freed
men have used their newly-acquired power
wuu luirness ana moaeration.
But the end is not yet. The colored Repre
eematives have been expelled, but the real
difficulties inoident to expulsion remain to be
encountered. The question raised by Tamer,
one of tho colored members, demands an
answer. "Am -I a man ?" is the inquiry
which, though for a time stilled in the Legis
lature, will be raised throughout the State,
wherever colored voters are found. And they
will have sympathizers and supporters wher
ever the policy of Congress is honestly upheld.
The fitness of colored iwonln for nfK na la nn a
thing; their exclusion from office, because of
,.i .i t . -, . . i
uviiu, m utuauce oi constitutional guarantees,
is another and much more serious thing, and
one that caDuot be endured without a sur
render whioh to Itepnblioans would be dis
graceful. It is possible that a consideration suggested
by the Augusta (Ga.) Hepublican may bring
the majority of the Legislature to their eeuses.
Here it is:
"If these colored men had not been admitted
to seats guaranteed to them by the Govern
ment, the CouMiliitlonHl Amendment could
not have been adopted; nnd if that amendment
hud not been adopied, our repre seutatlves
would not have been admitted nor the troopi
withdrawn, It follows, too, if these members
are not now entitled to neats, they were not
then: If they were not then, the fourteenth
article has not been legally ratified.''
And if Georgia has not legally ratified the
Constitutional amendment, Georgia is not
legally entitled to representation in Congress,
and will net be entitled to participation iu
the Presidential election. On this supposi
tion the session of the Legislature amounts to
nothing, and the State may be required to
resume its place under military government.
These are matters, however, which Congress
will probably decide. In conjunction with
the proceeding which gives them prominenoe,
they may turn the balance in the Congres
sional mind in favor of an early rev3sembling
at Washington.
The Radical Reproach of Democracy, Its
Crowning Honor.
From the Wastiington National Intelligencer.
There is no meaner subterfuge to whioh a
gentleman can Btoop than the effort to make
party capital against the Democracy out of the
lact that "llebels" took part in the proceed
ings of the Convention of New York. The
object, of course, is plain. It is to make out
that the Demouraoy are hand in glove with
those who sought to overthrow the Govern
ment, and that, therefore, they are un
worthy of the publio confidence. A few may
be deluded by the shallow devioe, but sensible
people are aware that the true method of
pacifioating a country whioh has been rent by
the strifes of war is to bring the belligerents
into harmonious co-operation. If the Demo
cracy sacrifice nothing of principle or patriot
ism by bringing the opponents of the Govern
ment into fellowship with them, it hi to their
everlasting honor that they have wrought the
magic change which converts quondam enemies
into lasting friends. It could only be a oause of
reproach that Wade Hampton and General
Forrest Bat side by side in the New York Con
vention with the Northern leaders, if tha lat
ter had abandoned their life-long devotion to
the Constitution and the laws, and given
countenance to the spirit of hostility which
arrayed the former against the Federal Gov
ernmnt. But what is the faot? It is not
the Democracy which has ohanged front, but
the Confederate leaders, who have laid down
their arms, accepted the results of the war,
and gladly now clasp hands with those who
are willing to accord them all their -rights
under the Constitution. It is not, therefore,
cause of reproach, but of boasting, that the
great Demooratio party of the country is wil
ling, when arms are laid one Bide, to forget
the bitterness and hostility of war, and ex
tend the hand of fraternal kindness to the
men with whom they have been engaged In a
deadly struggle.
Republican orators reproach us for not
evincing the spirit of barbarous hate in the
midst ef Christian institutions. They arraign
the Democratic party for not practising the
vengeance familiar to the dark ages, amid the
blaze of the nineteenth century. They clamor
for the "fruits of viotory," while seeking to
kindle passions above which even an Athenian
populace and a Roman Senate so often rose.
They proclaim the baseness of their natures
by professing their unwillingness to trust
their own oountrymen. They soil the glory
of the American name by their slanderous im
putations upon the honor of our Southern
brethren; for they are our brethren brethren
by the ties of blood and by a community of
Interests; brethren by the rich association of
a common language and the glorious memo-
218 S 220
S. FRONT ST.
4
218 220 i
c rrmiiT ot f
o. rnuu IOI.
Sr CO
OFFES TO TUB TRADE, m LOTS,
FIKE RYE AKD BOlIiBON WHISKIES, IX ROAD,
Or 18GS, I800, 18C7, mi (1 1808.
AISN TME FIKE ME AXD EGIRBGS W1IISKIES,
Of GREAT AGE, ranging from 18G4 to 1845.
Liberal contraot will be entered Into for lots, in bond at Distillery, of thla years' manufacture
ries of a common renown; brethren by years
of dangers shared, and of a prosperity without
a parallel in human history; and though the
storm of battle has rent us asunder, aud
thousands have fallen in a fratricidal strife,
yet we share alike the glories of a common
valor, and forgetting the sad tragedies of a war
which never should have been, will cleave to
gether as children of the same mother in the
enjoyment of a common Constitution, whioh
guaranties to all alike the precious heritage of
free institutions. Palsied be the tongue and
blistered the throat of the recreant Amerioan
who would make it a matter of reproach to a
compatriot that he seeks to bring his estranged
countrymen together in the bonds of a heart
felt Union; that he seeks to reconcile dill'er
ences, soothe exasperated feelings, harmonize
clashing interests, aud awaken the inspirations
of a common patriotism. "Blessed are the
peace-makers," says the Divine Word. On
the other hand, he who would protraot strife,
who would for any cause keep alive the ani
mosities and the bitterness engendered by war,
when the roar of battle is no longer heard, is
accursed of God, and should be despised by
men.
The Republican party has fulfilled Its mis
sion. It carried on the war for the Union
blunderingly and with enormous expense; but
it has spent four years in trying iu vain to
restore peace. Its legislation reeks of the
spirit of war. It deals in military domination
and drum-head court martials. It substitutes
the order of the camp for the decree of the
court. It deals in vindictive disfranchisements
and senseless disabilities. After years of war
like struggle, followed by domination over
one-half the republic, its leaders seem so far
incapable of a peaceful solution of the national
troubles that tliey reproached the Democracy
for affiliating with the men whom it Bhould be
the object of wise legislation to make contented
citizens. Such leaders may make good fron
tiersmen or Apache chiers, but they are utterly
unfit to control the councils of a Christian
people
WATCHES, JEWELRY, ETC.
-tvns LAD0MUS & co;
'DIAMOND DEALERS & JEWELERS.Y
WATCHES, JKWBLUY BILVElt WAKK.
,WAT0HES and JEWELSY REPAIRED,.
J02 Chestnut St., Phila.
Wonld Invite particular attention to their laree and
elegant Mnorlmeut ot '
LADLE AND GENTS' WATCHES
of A me'ican and Foreign Makers of thel3nt quality
ii viuiu huu silver
A variety rjf Indennnrfnnt H fifuvmri. fnr hnmm
tlDilng.
i,riiev ana uents' chains oi latest atvlm. la 14
ana 18 kU
BTTTON AND EYELET STUDS
In great variety newest patterns.
SOLID SILVER WARE
for Bridal presents; Fiated-ware. eta
Kenalrlue dona in ihe best manner, and war.
ranted. l jJip
; wedding'rings.
We have for a long time made a specialty of
Solid lS.Karat FIuo Gold Wedding aud
Engagement Rings,
Ard In order to supply Immediate wants, we keep A
FELL Ag&OBTMEHT OF SIZES always on band.
FARR & BROTHER,
MAKERS,
11 UsmthjrpI No. 82 OHK3NUT8t below Fourth.
SPECIAL NOTICE.
UNTIL SEPTEMBER 1, 1868,
I WILL CLOSE DAILY AT 5 T. M.
fcJ. W. RUSSELL,
Importer and Dealer In French Clocks, Watches
ine Jewelry, ana silver Ware,
Ko. 22 Korlh SIXTH Street,
261 PHILADELPHIA.
GROCERIES, ETC.
EXTRA FINE
NEW MESS MACKEREL
IN KITTS.
HTJrp
ALBEBI C. BOBEBTS,
Dealer In Fine Groceries,
ELEVENTH and VINE Streets,
DRUGS, PAINTS, ETC.
ROBERT SHOEMAKER & CO.,
K.E. Corner of FOURTH and RACE Sts.,
PHILADELPHIA,
WHOLESALE DRUGGISTS.
IMPORTERS AND MANUFACTURER!) Off
White Lead and Colored faints, rutty,
Varnishes, L,tc
AGENTS FOR THE CELEBRATED
FRENCH ZLNC FAINTS ,
VK.' LEftU AMD CONSUMERS BUPPMirn at
LOW AST PRICES FOR CASH. t!6t
GAS FIXTURES.
AB FIXTURES.
f MISKKY, MERRILL A TUACKARA
t);ut' irfaiitii rte nf Llnnriu r . .......
: . oii thl! ibe atwn.tli.n or the publio Id their larise hoi
fiifc-snt RMburtiuent ol Uaa Chandeliers. Pmidauis,
Brm-ktita, etc, Tney alno Introituue v&s-plpM luir,
dwelliDKS aud publio bmidluics, and atwud lotlin
lujf, aterlu(. and repairing cus-tilDea.
Allwo. warranted, tw
WINES, ETC.
SO NOMA WOE COMPANY.
Established tor the sale of
PUKE CtLIFORMl WIN KM,
This Company oner for sale pnre California Win
WJJITK. CLARK T,
Catawba, jok t
BHERHy, MUPCATEL,
ANGELICA, CHAU.PAQNB,
ANT)
PUBE GRAPE BRANDT,
wholesale ana retail, all of their own crowint an
HAH n n?t Ka Btrt Pielphla.
xlAHN fc QUAI&, Agents 8 8 lairp
JAMES CARSTAIR8. JR.,
Jfos. 120 WALM'T aud 21 GRANITE Sts.,
IMPORTER OF
llraudleg, Wines, Gin, Olive Oil, Etc. Etc,
AND
COMMISSION MERCHANT
IOR THE SALE OF
FIRE OLD RYE, WHEAT, AND DOUR.
BOJi WHISKIES.
4 11
LUMBER.
i86a
SPRUCE JOIST
BPRUOEJOW
HEMLOCK.
HEMLOCK.
1868. SSiSSgSgRSSgg. Iraq
CHOICE PATTERN PINir OO,
IV I M U HU MA 1 tuvr. .
DELAWARE FLOOKU&J
ASH FLOORIN a,'
WALNUT FLOORING.
PIX)RIDA STEP BOAKD8.
KAIL PLANKT
WALNUT PLAMk;
18C8. Sffi l86a
WALNUT AND PINK.
lftfft SEASONED POPLAR. inn
lOOO. BEAftONEDCHERR. 186a
WHITE OAKhPLANK AND BOARDS,
SPANISH Cm BOX BOARDS1000,
FUR SALE LOW.
I Riii CAROLINA SCANTLING TTTTTT
lOOO. CAROLINA 11. T. blLlii 1868
NORWAY SCANTLINGL XUUO
IRfift CEDAR SH1NGLE6L ToTTT
lOOO. CYPRES fclllNGUra. 1868
, MACLE,. BROTHER & VO?,'
-ii! . fto. 2oQ0 SOUTH Street.
os. 21, 2G, aud 28 s. FIFTEENTH St.,
PHILADELPHIA.
EGLER & BROTHER
KAKur acx UKBBe or
WOOD MOULDINGS. BRACKETS, STAIR BALUS
TER8, NEWELL POBTa, GENERAL TURN-
INQ AND St ROLL WORK. ETC.
The largest assortment of WOOD MOULDINGS In
this city coPB'.antly on band 9 2 2m
T. P. GALVIN & CO.,
LUfoBER CCKMIS8I0N MERCHANTS.
SHACKAMAXON STREET WHARF,
BELOW SLOATS MILLS,
(SO-CALLKD), PHILADRLPTTT A
AGENTS FOR SOUTHERN AND EASTERN Mann.
SOUTHER -KOOK-INU: AVnVSV'JS?
ums, jiABUtltN LATHS. PICK juts BKli-Br i
(SPRUCE, HEMLOCK, SELECT MTCH IH A w a
CANADA PLANK AND BOARDS. A JNn w?,?
" 1 Hi BLUL11J
ALL OF Wnlf'II Wllf. u
AT AN T PART OF TUB CITY PBOiHJPTIiY,
Tainted photos.
NEW THING I N A R T.
BERLIN PAINTED PHOTOS,
A. S. EOBINSON,
No 910 CHE8NUT Street.
Has Just received a superb collection of
BERLIN PAINTED PHOTOGRAPHd Off
FLOWERS.
They are exquisite gems of art, rivalling ta beauty,
naturalness of lint, and perfection o form a great
variety of the choicest exoilo flowering plant. They
are mounted on boards of three alios, and sold from
86 cents to 13 and l eaoh.
For framing and the album they are Incomparably
eautlluU g 1
1868:
4
i
F. WILLIAMS,
SEVENTEENTH ANU SPKIKG GARDEN 1
OFFERS FOB HALE
PATTERN LUMBER OF ALL KINDS.
EXTRA BEASONED PANEL PLANK,
BUILDING LUMBER Off EVERT DE3CRIP.
TION.
CAROLINA 4-4 and S i FLOORING.
HEMLOCK JOISTS, ALL SIZES.
CEDAB SHINGLES, CYPREfeS BUNCH SHIN.
GLES, PLABTEBING LATH, POSTS,
ALSO,
A FULL LINE Off
WALKUT AD OTHER HARD WOODS.
LUMBER WORKED TO ORDER AT SHORT
NOTICE. . UA
727mwl2m