THE DAM, EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 13G8. SPIRIT OF TJIJ2 PRESS. DITOBIAIi OPIS ION Of TBI UtDIR4 JOCEJAIS CPOR CCRnSST Tori( F COHPILEU ? U! FOB TH1 ?VNIN(1 TBLFOfcAPS. TIic Irreversiljlc KocorJ. from the JT. T. Independent. We bare recently Lad some tf rMble fighting In tbia ooumry. Hattle snoi-etdtd battle In quick aaoceaaion fur four year; tiijrri'l of lives were sacrificed; the land wm popll With orphans and widows; and the loyal citi zens bowed tbemPHlres willingly to rewire the burden of a prodigions national debt. We Lave compressed the bis tor of ages Into a Span; heroes have risen ami diappeare4 almost with the rapidity of a stag perform ance; great deeds, both of benevolenoe and valor, thronged into beta?, thick and close, like the stalks of a corn Held; war baa sown the soil of the country with mon omenta and biographies, all fresh from the baptism of blood. And, now that we are emerging from the smoke and din of oonlliot, and groping about for the materials and implements of "reconstruction," it is well to auk what we bare bad all this fas 3 about. What meant the great storm of fire and blood that shook the world f The plain story requires but a word to tell it. The South had become impatient of con tradiction; the free printing and free speech of the free North had oome to indulge themselves with greater and greater boldness, and slavery Seemed to be in jeopardy. Wont to rule, and to find cringing submission on the other side, they resolved on secession. The only condi tion on which they could have been persuaded to forego their scheme was that slavery should be permitted to intrench itself in the supreme law in the form of an amendment, putting Northern cattle and horses and Southern slaves on a footing of equality. This was the Rebel alter native: "Put slavery into the Constitution, or vr,9 separate." With the loyal people of the country neither of these was possible, or even to be thought of. Neither could slavery go up, nor the South go oil. Upon this issue the war began. It was at onoe broadly national and profoundly moral. It involved the whole ness of the flag, and the integrity of the deca logue. Men who cared nothing for religion, or for the profoundquestions of ethics, rallied with bonndless ardor to the resoue of the Union. The impulses of patriotism were to them in the plaoe of deeper considerations. The Christian churches of the North felt with the crowd the emotions of patriotism; but below these the moral aud spiritual aspects of the contest heaved and struggled for utter ance in a moral earthquake. We appeal to the loyal, virtuous millions all over the country to testify whether they were not impelled to enthusiasm and perseverance in the Btruggle even more by the motives of conscience than by those of simple patriot ism ? We felt that we were watched by heaven and earth, by God and man; that we were fighting the battle of humanity: that we were meeting a foe bent on setting up an mpire which would have been a monstrosity among Governments, an anachronism in the history of the century in which every known crime would safely repose in the arms of the law; in whioh the law, naturally thesanotuar of the weak against the strong and wicked, should beoome a mere halter, one end in the hand of the white man, the other about the neok of the black man. While we fonght, and spent our treasures, and gave up our children, we looked up to heaven and said: We are right. God de maiids this at our hands; enlightened humanity demands it. Not to go on is in famy not the infamy of defeat merely, but the deadlier infamy of a great publio crime which shall plead against ns, trumpet tongued, in the presence of the hissing nations and the pitying but despising angels. We went on. We demanded of Congress to be taxed; we raised our flag on every church, amid prayers and hymns; we taught our children to lisp the names of our defenders; we enoouraged the soldiers with our best ser mons; we sent the ministers of religion aud of good nursing after them into the field; we kept commemorative lists of the "boys" neatly framed and bung up on the walls of onr Sunday Schools; we read their letters as a part of the Sunday School and prayer meetiog exercises; we remembered and named them in our snpplioations. In a word, we threw our whole heart and soul, our patriotism, our conBolence, our religion, into the war for the Union in this way making up the stupen- dous record. We may be told, indeed, that our foes were equally persuaded that they were right. Sup pose it to have been a ) yet we kno w they were wrong theirs was a war against Christ's law of love; it was rubbery aud kidnapping defending their acquisitions with the pilfered forms of honorable war. Bobbery finally fell under the strokes of "Justice and Provideuoe. The nation Is victor. She looks baok to read her reoord, and what are the lines she traoes ? To what principles do they ooinmit ns T What party in politics does she look upon with plea sure t Whom canshe trust to take care of the Union just saved f Who will keep inviolate our war record f Is it Wade Hampton, Howell "Cobb, Robert Toombs, and their confederates in rebellion, who are making the whole country, North and South, to ring with the defiant assertion that their revolt is not the "lost cause f" Is it the Demooratio party of the North, who, with honorable exceptions, labored to prevent this suooess of car arms during the war, and gave the Rbels publio and private "aid and comfort f" Is it the Demooratio Convention, lately sitting in New York, in which Copperhead and llebel united their inspiration and their patriotism for the public good; and where Forrest, Val landigham, and the spirit of Wilkes Booth entered into a compact to restore the Rebels to power f Is it Audrew Johnson, the Tennessee Moses, the famous plebeian of the 4ih of March, 18G5, who fur nishes to the "poor whites" of the country Such an example of getting up in the world and of pulling down the representatives of the people f Is it he, at once gymnast and geome trician, "swinging" to admiration, and yet always sober enough to keep the "circle ?" Is It Merry Andrew, the hero of vetoes ? Or, finally, is it Seymour and Blair, who, fighting in opposite camps during the war, have re cently effected a compromise by mutually joining hands with the oddly reconstructed Hampton, the whole three of them giving their sacred pledge to rip up the work of Con gress, if need be, with the broken sword of the chivalry? Who is it? Our war record is made. It is the pride aud glory of the nation. It must aud will be kept. It is not only a reoord of magnificent and suc cessful war; it is also a reoord of moral princi ple, of broken chains, of human enfranchise ment, of falsa pride humiliated, of horrid Mo lochs fallen, of millions of men and women snatched from concubinage and converted into husbands and wives, of foreign tyrants re buked, and of remotest oppressed nations made hopeful of a better day. This proud reoord sot only stands or falls with the hvnor of our country; Its security is pledged by the ad vancement of humanity. If mankind has a noble destiny, so has our reoord; aud the party organized against it is destine 1 to a fseooud and final defeat, The true men who rcr quired Ve'or will n"t be fhteil. Thy li) rot venture in vain. They will nee through t rry derive, aud wi I rooqut-r again. An 1 I'M If to Wood People. r a th if. r. Tyibunn. We bae b-n asking answers for a week ftt, If not ovf.r, bow a good man can pa iUy vote th Demooratio ticket at the ap )roabinR 1'rrRMpntial elnoliou, aud tue ques tion ie-nM preclr-ely a fitting one to put to the pool peoplrt ttieiusflvei. We want it nnler aloud that we are not denying that there are hottst and even pious men among the Demo crat?; cur question only touches the "how." We are anxious to know the mental and moral prct ecfes by which geuuiue gooduess reaches a position on tbe I mnoratlo platform; and if our honest friends will give ns a moment or two in private, and allow n to nse a little epistolary directness, we will state our trou bles. If we have now come together, and you are honest and goo-l, an 4 we are candid In quirers, allow na to believe that yon hold in abhorrence the system of slavery which the late war swept away. We must take this for granted, as we do your honesty. In tLe light of tbene days, we are sure you wonld not rtcnact the horrors of the pant, and put back slavery into the heart of the law, whose idea is minified of Justice aud purity, and whose proudest cilice it is to maintain the rights of all, especially of the weak. 1j not tell ns we are reviving deal and buried Issues; that this style of talk belongs to tbe pa.it. We thought so, too, till quite lately; but we were dearly mistaken. It seemi that even the most flagrant wrongs, when once grown into men's passions and prejudices ana Interests, have even more lives tbau a cat are harder to kill than the snake, which, however per fectly slain early in the morning, will, it is said, persist in moving its tail till sunset. The giant blows of Grant, at the head of the Colon hosts, have stretcbtd slavery on its back throughout the length of its recent domain; but the day is long the sunset delays to come. To vote for Seymour and lilair is to vote for slavery not, indeed, as a thing actually ex isting in due form, but in spirit and in the abstract. This "sum of all villainies," alarmed for its life, kindled the fires of revolu tion, and gave its myriads of citizens to Mo loch. It supped on horrors, nod rose from every repast with a keener appetite; but the waiting victims proved too numerous, and it fell a sacrifice to its own crimes. While it had a formal existence, the Demooratio party loved it well, waited on it, sung its praises with ecBtacy, and knew no higher authority. At that time, however, it was able to pay for its honors, aud the worship rendered it found ita justification in self-interext. If it kicked its votaries about as it liked, ad suited its mood, it made compensation with golden corn from the official crib, or with some oliice provided with a separate crib of its own. Devotion to slavery uuder such circumtitauces was ouly a horrid form of selusbbe.ss. But to love it now, when it is little more than a shadow or a memory, when its bead has been mashed and it can only shake its de llant tail to indicate lingering life, is to give it the h-art to love its idea, and to honor it for its own dear sake. Is not this tbe precise position of the Sey mour and Blair party ? Is not that party made up of the disciples of peace, with every genuine War Democrat counted out, aud the actual Rebels, the men who, for the sole sake of slavery, ventured their all f Yes, the Con vention of the Fourth of July was a gathering of mourners for slavery. Its pUtfonn said "let ns restore 'the lost cause,' the cause whose chief beauties were the auction-block and the fierce red lash; let ns tear power from the clutch of the foes of slavery; let us undo the work of reconstruction, a product of malignant hostility to slavery; let us repudiate the debt made in crushing slavery; let ns re store to power the beateu friends of human bondage; let ns remand the wiokedly enfran chised blacks, who dared to sympathize with their deliverers, aud to bsar arms aginst their own sacred bondage, to the tender mer cies of their old masters." Dear brethren, honest and earnest, are not these words true f Are not the intent and quality of the Convention precisely the same as those of the Rebelliou f Have Waie Hampton, and Forrest, and Semmes repented of their crimes against liberty ? Do they not rather glory in their infamy, and insist on oouverting it into fame, by means of their Demooratio allies f Is not this pride and this purpose most cordially met by the Demooratio party of the North ? Was not the spirit of the slave holders' Rebellion the ruling and character izing spirit of the Convention f Did it not seem to be a Convention of ex-Rebels, with their Northern brethren simply present and aiding ? Is not such a movement an ellort to stop and even to reverse the progress of civil ization a reaction in favor of a political phi losophy whioh gave laboring men the name of "mudsills," which declared It essential to a good government that capital should own labor, whether white or black ? Honest men ! good men and true I ye who put morality and justice as much above the claims of party as heaven above earth; ye who pity the oppressed and glory in turning slaves into people, oan you bring yourselves to accept the spirit of this Convention, and, along with Hampten and Forrest and their Democratic followers, vote to honor and exalt, or even to palliate the crimes of the Rebellion ? Our question is not how an honest Southern man can vote the Seymour ticket. His whole life has been colored by slavery, and his pre judices hold him in thrall without his suspect ing it. We are not puzzled by the course of men who know nothing higher tbau political success, and are incapable of seeing that gov ernment has any relations to morality. We are not even surprised at the conduct of igno rant men who,nnder th impulses of a genuine but flallow TatriotUm, fought in the loyal ranks during the Rebellion, but are now found following in the train of their old ene mies. The moral element was not iu the stiugple with tbeui, aud its terious disonsnlon now olfeuds them. But a Seymour aud Blair ticket in the band of a good aud thoughtful perbon is past our compreiienuion. W hy the -Tribune" Trims. From the If. T. World. It is apparently impossible to get a straight forward answer from the Tribune to a straight forward question. But we shall keep on try ing. We ask the Tribun whether it does or does not support Governor Brownlow, of Ten nessee, in his attempt to inaugurate civil war in that State by raising a "State army" for use at the polls in November. Of course the Tribune knows perfectly well that Brownlow is a virulent political ruffian, whose name already stinks in the nostrils of decent Republicans, and whose career in Ten nessee is an open scandal to Amerioan citizen ship and the Amerioan charaoter. But the Tribune has more than onoe before this ap plauded, under stress of politioal weather, the acts and words of creatures no more respecta ble than Brownlow. If it really dares to "faoe the music" of its own party it ought to do so, no matter by whom that music may be blown and beaten forth upon the aching ears of men. Why, then, does it "dodge" our question about Brownlow ? Why does it wander off into half a column of cheap historical reminis cences about the "seoesslon of Tennessee," the "fall of Fort Donelson," the "advanoe of Grant," and all the rest of it f I Brown!ow proposes to raise "a standing army." The more rational part even of the radical preea in Tennessee are shooked by the pi opoBuion, ana protest vehemently against It. tt by does, the Tribune aeek to oarry water on Iwth shoulders, to run with the hare aud hunt with the hounds f Why will it not tell us plainly wbether it supports Brownlow against tbe Constitution, or the Constitution against Biownlow f Brit-fly for these reasons: Because it knows tbat to applaud this disgraceful incen diary at this particular time would irritate and alienate the few thinking men who still linger alout the frontiers of the radical camp in the North; while honestly and plainly to denounce his atrocious course might turn out to have been injudicious, should he get his "army" together, begin his "civil war," and set about perpetrating horrors which, so soon as they were perpetrated, it would become the parti ran duty of the Tribune to thank God for as a Just judgment upon "Rebels and traitors 1" No plain answer oan be got from the Tribune for such reasons as these. It is in a strait betwixt two. It trembles for the present and for the future. It feels that the tide is running against its party to-day; but, like a sort of Micawber-Marat, clings to the hideous hope that something in the way of bloodshed and ruin may "tuns up" to give it a lift again by recnkindling the popular passions which alone are its life. Iiogns Equality. from the N. T. World. If there be one thing on whioh the radioals have particularly insis ed it is that all men are equal except "rebels." That all States are equal Is, however, a matter that these radicals have Just as particularly opposed, and this inequality of equalities suggests a reflection or two that is thrown out for the consideration of whom it may concern. States are, after all, but aggregations of men, and as these aggregations are more or less numerous, it follows that in a oertain sense there is rea son in the radical view of State inequality. They do not say, to be sure, that the States are unequal, but they do that way, and this action of theirs, taken in conjunction with the dogma.of the equality of all men, will someday grind radicalism into powder in its own strongholds. Some days a strong man will rise, and if, looking at the field, he sees that this dogma of equality can only be gotten out of the ieopl by a reductio ad absurd urn, he will proceed to that reduction, and in the process utterly triturate the saints into nothingness. This is about the process. If all men are equal, a man iu New York should count as much in the Government as a man in Rhode Island; but it so happens that one Rhode Islander is, governmentally speaking, equal to four New Yorkers. Ou the figures ot the last Presidential election it takes 22,143 voters in this State to each vote the State has in the Cougrei-s. wherras for New England the rate is 12,088. Njw, if we are to have equality; if one man really is as good as any other man; if the States are not equal, but uuequal; U the Constitution is to be dis pensed with and the Higher Law used instead, down with this New England inequality. Away with it. Let us commend the poisoned chalice prepared for others' lips to the taste of its own fabricators.' The voter in Maine, Massachusetts, Connec ticut, and New Hampshire is one hundred and fifty per cent, belter than th voter in New York or Ohio; in Vermont he is two hundred per cent, better; in RboJe lalaud four hundred and fitly per cent., or four and a half times as good- Thi, it is evident, is worse than the three-fifths rule, for that was ouly sixty per cent., less than half of the minimum New England per cent., wjieu all is said aud done. Down will the bogus equality of the Saints. Personal Abuse Grant aud Jackson. from the It. Y. HtraUL Tbtre is a curious similarity between the present Presidential canvass and that of Gene ral Jackson in 1828. In Jackson's time there was no limit to the volume of abuse poured upon Lim by his politioal opponents; yet he not only survived the attacks, but rose upon the very waves of personal hostility, until he was lifted into the highest plaoe in the Govern ment. Every effort to defame his charaoter proved only a stepping-stone to his suooess, and the inteniperauoe with which his private life was assailed served as but a fanning gale to waft him into the Presidential chair. Twice this game of his purblind enemies was tried. Tbe phials of wrath were opened again in 1832. We will not repeat the language which was applied to General Jackson or the oppro brious names which were heaped npon him. We will not recall the violence with which the sacred veil that should have sheltered the sanctity of his home was torn asunder. Suffice it to say that this method of politioal antago nism defeated itself, as it is very likely to do now in tbe case of General Grant; for the same plan is being pursued by the publio prints en gaged la the object of defeating his election. During the past two or three years the Demooratio party has been governed by two distinguished newspaper men one in the East and one in the West Sam barlow represent ing the Orient, and Brick Porneroy represent ing the Occident. Tbe wit of the one, ooarse though it was, and the dullness of the other, which long since reached tbe limit of tolera tion, might have been a little orlgiual in the lginning, when they opened fire npon the character of General Grant, because there Is always a piquancy about anything novel, even though it runs In a ooarse or stupid velu. To assail a man who is admittedly one of the leading characters of the age, whose reputa tion la without spot or stain, whose fame stands high not only in his own country, but in all Europe, is, to say the least of it, a very petty piece of business, and only shows the snort bightedness of these partisan journals whioh by defaming him, would make him greater than Jackson in the days whu personal abuse of the candidate resulted in Lis triumph. The abusive tone of the Demooratio organs may have won a little popularity at first, but we see that it has ended in almost universal dis gust. The wit and humor with whioh the organ of Brick Porneroy garnishes its violent attacks or on the character of publio men were somewhat of a relief to the dullness, the empty pomposity and horrible brutality of Sam Barlow and bis men. If General Grant is elected he may safely claim that he Is largely indebu d te these journals for his suooess. FURNISHING GOODS, SHIRTS, &0 H. 8. K. G. Harris' Seamless Kid Gloves. KTEBT PA IK YFABBANTED. EXCLUSIVE AGENTS FOB GENTS' GLOVES. J. W. SCOTT & CO., XO, 1 IIKMBDT asTHKBT. p ATENT SUODLDEB-auAM iiiibt HiMirriiTOBr, AND GENTLEMEN'S FURNISHING 8TOBK. PKliFJCCT FITTING Mil I UTS AND DK.twKUd nihrie iroui Hit-inurement i vrr ilmri mum. All oiber knlclfca ol UkU rUtWiOi n UHK M OcOi b iu lull vaxlwjr. WINCHESTER & CO., Ill BO, TMCUiLtlJIUT COMMERCIAL LIST. TREPARE FOIl TUE FALL TRADE. ADVERTISE IN THE COMMERCIAL LIST AND PRICE CURRENT, TWEXTY-FIYE REASONS WHY EVERY MERCHANT, FINANCIER, STOREKEEPER, MANUFACTURER, AND CLERK SHOULD READ AND ADVERTISE in rni COMMERCIAL LIST AND PRICE CURREIN T. ; 1. It Is strictly a Commercial Taper. 2. It contains reliable Market Reports. 8. It contains the Arrivals and Clear ances. 4. It contains tho Imports and Exports. 5. It contains more Financial News than all the other daily or weekly papers. G. It contains the best Ship News. 7. It contains a list of all yesscls In Tort. 8. It contains a list of all Teasels on the nay to this Tort. . It contains a list of all Tessels loading for this Tort. 10. It makes a specialty of all Commer cial Kens. 11. It makes a specialty of all Oil News. 12. It makes a specialty or all Gold and Silver Mining News. 13. It has special Marino Reporters. 14. It has racy Local and Biographical Sketches. 15. It has spicy Editorials on Commer cial Topics. 1C It has two columns of reliable Quo tations. - 17. It has a faithful report of the Fotro leum Trade. 1 8. It contains OFFICIAL STATEMENTS of tho condition of the Ranks. IV. It contains the Annual Reports of all tho Railroad Companies. 20. It contains the Annual Reports of the Insurance Compauios. 21. It contains several columns of Com mercial Items condensed from original sources. 22. It contains a list of the BANKRUPTS, the names and the amount duo each credi tor. ,23. It contains Sketches which Instruct aud amuse the clerks. 24. It Is not a partisan paper. 25. IT IS ONE OF THE BEST ADVER TISING MEDIUMS IN THE WORLD 1 Published Every Saturday BT WIHSLOW & SON, No. 241 DOCK 8TREET, ' IUM19U rilXLAtKLPaiA. 218 S 220 S. FRONT ST. 4 218 X 220 S. FRONT ST. & WATCHES, JEWELRY, ETC. WINES, ETC. fiSLADOfflUsI i 0 ISO MA WBE CUHPASY. DIAMOND DEALERS Si JEWELERS., WATfHKSf JEWELRY m BILTKB WAKK. vWATOHES tad JEWELRY EEPAIEED, .02 Chestnut St., PWlai Would JnTlta particular mention to their Urge and elegant asaortmeut of LADIES' AND GENTS' WATCHES of Ame'Iran and Foreign Makers of thejflntat quality Id Gold and Silver Caera. A variety of Independent X Second, for hone Ladle' and OenU' CHAINS of latent styles, la 14 and u kt, BTTTON AND EYELET BTX7DS In great variety newest patterns. SOLID SILVERWARE for Bridal presents; Plated-war. eta. Impairing dons In tue best manner, and war ranted. 1 llip WEDDING RINGS. v.. 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(4 Co.'s YeUow Metal blteaUilng,' Bolte and CiaUc. iioi LUMBER. i86a BPBUCE JOIST. BPKUOE JOWf UKMLOCK, HJUHLOCJC. 186S. 1868. SKlSKffiSlSSgS' 1868 CHOICE FATTiiKN PlSS' ACO,3 SPANISH tMB( 186a J8t iS6Q DELAWARE FLOORLno, ASH FLOORING, WALNUT FLOORING. FLORIDA STK ROAJRDH, BAIL PLANKT ; WALNUT rLAJvkV 1868. S jSSSSt 186a KRD CEDAR. AUUkA WALNUT AND PINE. lft Aft SEASONED POPLAB. TOrtr, 1O0O. SEASONED CHJtRBT, 1868 WHITE OAKLANK AND BOARDS, PAINTED PHOTOS. NEW THING IN ART BEBLIN PAINTED PHOTO, A. 8. ROBINSON, No 9.0 CHESNUT Street, Has Just received a superb collection of BEBLIN PAINTED PHOTOQBAPHd OB FLOWERS. They are exquisite gems of art. rivalling la beauty, naturalness of tint, and perfection o' form a great Variety of tbe choicest exotic flowering plauta. They are mounted on boards of three sizes, and sold from 26 cents to 13 and 4 each. For framing and the album they are Incomparably beautiful. a ie DRUGS, PAINTS, ETC. ROBERT SHOEMAKER & CO., N.E. Corner or F0UET1I and BACH Sis., PHILADELPHIA. WHOLESALE DRUGGISTS. IMPORTERS AND MANUFACTURERS OF White Lead and Colored Taints, Putty, Varnishes, Etc. AGENTS FOR THE CELEBRATED EREM1I ZLC PALMS DELEfW AND CONSUMERS SUPPLIED AT LOWEST PRICES FOR CASH. eitii COTTON AND FlAX. SAIL DUCK AND CANVAH, , . , . Of all numbers and brands. Tent. Awn ng, Trunk, and Wuon Cover Duck AHoPapfr Manufacturers' Drlor fVIt from one te saveritl lettwlue; I'aulli g. Belting. Bull Twlna, eta, ... JOHN W. KVKKMAM A 0)., 1 Ko, it J 03i EM1 Alley OFFER TO THE TRADE, IN LOTS, FINE RYE AND BOURBON WHISKIES, LV BOW, or isoe, isoo, 1807, and ioi. ALSO, FlilE ME ME AND LOIREON WHISKIES, Of GREAT AGE, ranging from 1SG4 to 184(5. Liberal oontraou will be entered Into for lota, in bond at Distillery, of tnta yaart mauufaotat ' , Established for tho sa'e cf PC HE I'Al.iroHNIA HI.HEW. This Company offer lor sale pure OaUfornia Wines, WHITE. CLARKT, CATAWRA, PORi B1J WtX: rr, . M 0"CATEL. AXxUELICA, champagne, PUPE OBAPK BRANDY, wholesale and retail, all of their own Bmvr' .mi grVyt 10 ounl1BI'olilln bu' tbe pure Juice dune HAHN A QPA1N, Agents 8dlmrp JAMES CARSTAIRS. JR., Kos. 12G WALJiUT and 21 UKAMTE Sts., IMPOBTEU OF Brandies, Wues, In, Olive Oil, Etc. Etc., AND COMMISSION MERCHANT I OR THE BALE OF PUEE OLD RYE, WHEAT, AA'D L'OUR. KOS WHISKIES. 1868. gSiSSSSSlSBS! is&qF BPANto. CSDAK BOX BOAKnf. W3' FOK BALE LOW, 18U8. SlJMigAga 1868 NORWAY BCANTLINOT XOUO IRfiQ CEDAR BH INGLES, 1 rtnn. MAULE. BROTHER & JSjf if No. to(X BOUm HtliU. "JJNITKD BTATiS BUILDERS' MILL' 'os. 24, 20, and 28 S. FIFTEE.MII St., PHILADELPHIA. CSLLR & BROTHER, iraNUrACIUKEBS 0 WOCD MOULDINGS, BBACKETS, STAIR BALUS TERS, NEWELL POBTd, GENERAL TURN- INQ AND SCROLL WORK. Ere. The largest assortment of WOOD MOULDINGS In this city constantly on hand 9 2 2iu T. P. GALVIN & CO., UMBER COMMISSION MERCHANTS, SHACKAALAXOX STREET WUAIiF, BELOW SL OAT'S MILLS, (se-OAIXXD), PHILADELPHIA, AGENTS FOR SOUTHERN AND EA8TEHN Mann. "L,"!0' yJW PINE and HiMtUCE TIMBER BOARDS, etc., shall be hai py to lurnlh ordereai wholesale rates, deliverable at any accessible port; Constantly rfcelylug and ou baud at our wharf SOUTHERN FLUOiliNU. WsMUNG SHIN. All. OF WHICH WILL BE DEUTEBEO AT AWT PABTUriBE CITY PBOJBIMXT,
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