THE DAM, EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 13G8.
SPIRIT OF TJIJ2 PRESS.
DITOBIAIi OPIS ION Of TBI UtDIR4 JOCEJAIS
CPOR CCRnSST Tori( F COHPILEU ?
U! FOB TH1 ?VNIN(1 TBLFOfcAPS.
TIic Irreversiljlc KocorJ.
from the JT. T. Independent.
We bare recently Lad some tf rMble fighting
In tbia ooumry. Hattle snoi-etdtd battle In
quick aaoceaaion fur four year; tiijrri'l of
lives were sacrificed; the land wm popll
With orphans and widows; and the loyal citi
zens bowed tbemPHlres willingly to rewire
the burden of a prodigions national debt. We
Lave compressed the bis tor of ages Into a
Span; heroes have risen ami diappeare4
almost with the rapidity of a stag perform
ance; great deeds, both of benevolenoe and
valor, thronged into beta?, thick and close,
like the stalks of a corn Held; war baa sown
the soil of the country with mon omenta and
biographies, all fresh from the baptism of
blood. And, now that we are emerging from
the smoke and din of oonlliot, and groping
about for the materials and implements of
"reconstruction," it is well to auk what we
bare bad all this fas 3 about. What meant
the great storm of fire and blood that shook
the world f
The plain story requires but a word to tell
it. The South had become impatient of con
tradiction; the free printing and free speech of
the free North had oome to indulge themselves
with greater and greater boldness, and slavery
Seemed to be in jeopardy. Wont to rule, and
to find cringing submission on the other side,
they resolved on secession. The only condi
tion on which they could have been persuaded
to forego their scheme was that slavery should
be permitted to intrench itself in the supreme
law in the form of an amendment, putting
Northern cattle and horses and Southern slaves
on a footing of equality. This was the Rebel alter
native: "Put slavery into the Constitution, or
vr,9 separate." With the loyal people of the
country neither of these was possible, or even
to be thought of. Neither could slavery go
up, nor the South go oil. Upon this issue the
war began. It was at onoe broadly national
and profoundly moral. It involved the whole
ness of the flag, and the integrity of the deca
logue. Men who cared nothing for religion,
or for the profoundquestions of ethics, rallied
with bonndless ardor to the resoue of the
Union. The impulses of patriotism were to
them in the plaoe of deeper considerations.
The Christian churches of the North felt with
the crowd the emotions of patriotism; but
below these the moral aud spiritual aspects of
the contest heaved and struggled for utter
ance in a moral earthquake.
We appeal to the loyal, virtuous millions all
over the country to testify whether they were
not impelled to enthusiasm and perseverance
in the Btruggle even more by the motives of
conscience than by those of simple patriot
ism ? We felt that we were watched by heaven
and earth, by God and man; that we were
fighting the battle of humanity: that we
were meeting a foe bent on setting up an
mpire which would have been a monstrosity
among Governments, an anachronism in the
history of the century in which every known
crime would safely repose in the arms of the
law; in whioh the law, naturally thesanotuar
of the weak against the strong and wicked,
should beoome a mere halter, one end in the
hand of the white man, the other about the
neok of the black man.
While we fonght, and spent our treasures,
and gave up our children, we looked up to
heaven and said: We are right. God de
maiids this at our hands; enlightened
humanity demands it. Not to go on is in
famy not the infamy of defeat merely, but
the deadlier infamy of a great publio crime
which shall plead against ns, trumpet
tongued, in the presence of the hissing nations
and the pitying but despising angels. We
went on. We demanded of Congress to be
taxed; we raised our flag on every church,
amid prayers and hymns; we taught our
children to lisp the names of our defenders;
we enoouraged the soldiers with our best ser
mons; we sent the ministers of religion aud of
good nursing after them into the field; we
kept commemorative lists of the "boys"
neatly framed and bung up on the walls of
onr Sunday Schools; we read their letters as a
part of the Sunday School and prayer meetiog
exercises; we remembered and named them
in our snpplioations. In a word, we threw
our whole heart and soul, our patriotism, our
conBolence, our religion, into the war for the
Union in this way making up the stupen-
dous record.
We may be told, indeed, that our foes were
equally persuaded that they were right. Sup
pose it to have been a ) yet we kno w they
were wrong theirs was a war against Christ's
law of love; it was rubbery aud kidnapping
defending their acquisitions with the pilfered
forms of honorable war. Bobbery finally fell
under the strokes of "Justice and Provideuoe.
The nation Is victor. She looks baok to read
her reoord, and what are the lines she traoes ?
To what principles do they ooinmit ns T What
party in politics does she look upon with plea
sure t Whom canshe trust to take care of the
Union just saved f Who will keep inviolate our
war record f Is it Wade Hampton, Howell
"Cobb, Robert Toombs, and their confederates in
rebellion, who are making the whole country,
North and South, to ring with the defiant
assertion that their revolt is not the "lost
cause f" Is it the Demooratio party of the
North, who, with honorable exceptions,
labored to prevent this suooess of car arms
during the war, and gave the Rbels publio
and private "aid and comfort f" Is it the
Demooratio Convention, lately sitting in New
York, in which Copperhead and llebel united
their inspiration and their patriotism for the
public good; and where Forrest, Val
landigham, and the spirit of Wilkes
Booth entered into a compact to
restore the Rebels to power f Is it Audrew
Johnson, the Tennessee Moses, the famous
plebeian of the 4ih of March, 18G5, who fur
nishes to the "poor whites" of the country
Such an example of getting up in the world
and of pulling down the representatives of the
people f Is it he, at once gymnast and geome
trician, "swinging" to admiration, and yet
always sober enough to keep the "circle ?" Is
It Merry Andrew, the hero of vetoes ? Or,
finally, is it Seymour and Blair, who, fighting
in opposite camps during the war, have re
cently effected a compromise by mutually
joining hands with the oddly reconstructed
Hampton, the whole three of them giving
their sacred pledge to rip up the work of Con
gress, if need be, with the broken sword of the
chivalry? Who is it?
Our war record is made. It is the pride aud
glory of the nation. It must aud will be kept.
It is not only a reoord of magnificent and suc
cessful war; it is also a reoord of moral princi
ple, of broken chains, of human enfranchise
ment, of falsa pride humiliated, of horrid Mo
lochs fallen, of millions of men and women
snatched from concubinage and converted into
husbands and wives, of foreign tyrants re
buked, and of remotest oppressed nations made
hopeful of a better day. This proud reoord
sot only stands or falls with the hvnor of our
country; Its security is pledged by the ad
vancement of humanity. If mankind has a
noble destiny, so has our reoord; aud the
party organized against it is destine 1 to a
fseooud and final defeat, The true men who
rcr quired Ve'or will n"t be fhteil. Thy
li) rot venture in vain. They will nee through
t rry derive, aud wi I rooqut-r again.
An 1 I'M If to Wood People.
r a th if. r. Tyibunn.
We bae b-n asking answers for a week
ftt, If not ovf.r, bow a good man can pa
iUy vote th Demooratio ticket at the ap
)roabinR 1'rrRMpntial elnoliou, aud tue ques
tion ie-nM preclr-ely a fitting one to put to the
pool peoplrt ttieiusflvei. We want it nnler
aloud that we are not denying that there are
hottst and even pious men among the Demo
crat?; cur question only touches the "how."
We are anxious to know the mental and moral
prct ecfes by which geuuiue gooduess reaches a
position on tbe I mnoratlo platform; and if
our honest friends will give ns a moment or
two in private, and allow n to nse a little
epistolary directness, we will state our trou
bles. If we have now come together, and you
are honest and goo-l, an 4 we are candid In
quirers, allow na to believe that yon hold in
abhorrence the system of slavery which the
late war swept away. We must take this
for granted, as we do your honesty.
In tLe light of tbene days, we are sure you
wonld not rtcnact the horrors of the pant, and
put back slavery into the heart of the law,
whose idea is minified of Justice aud purity,
and whose proudest cilice it is to maintain the
rights of all, especially of the weak. 1j not
tell ns we are reviving deal and buried Issues;
that this style of talk belongs to tbe pa.it.
We thought so, too, till quite lately; but we
were dearly mistaken. It seemi that even the
most flagrant wrongs, when once grown into
men's passions and prejudices ana Interests,
have even more lives tbau a cat are harder
to kill than the snake, which, however per
fectly slain early in the morning, will, it is
said, persist in moving its tail till sunset. The
giant blows of Grant, at the head of the Colon
hosts, have stretcbtd slavery on its back
throughout the length of its recent domain;
but the day is long the sunset delays to come.
To vote for Seymour and lilair is to vote for
slavery not, indeed, as a thing actually ex
isting in due form, but in spirit and in the
abstract. This "sum of all villainies,"
alarmed for its life, kindled the fires of revolu
tion, and gave its myriads of citizens to Mo
loch. It supped on horrors, nod rose from
every repast with a keener appetite; but the
waiting victims proved too numerous, and it
fell a sacrifice to its own crimes. While it had
a formal existence, the Demooratio party loved
it well, waited on it, sung its praises with
ecBtacy, and knew no higher authority. At
that time, however, it was able to pay for its
honors, aud the worship rendered it found ita
justification in self-interext. If it kicked its
votaries about as it liked, ad suited its mood,
it made compensation with golden corn from
the official crib, or with some oliice provided
with a separate crib of its own. Devotion to
slavery uuder such circumtitauces was ouly a
horrid form of selusbbe.ss. But to love it now,
when it is little more than a shadow or a
memory, when its bead has been mashed and
it can only shake its de llant tail to indicate
lingering life, is to give it the h-art to love
its idea, and to honor it for its own dear sake.
Is not this tbe precise position of the Sey
mour and Blair party ? Is not that party
made up of the disciples of peace, with every
genuine War Democrat counted out, aud the
actual Rebels, the men who, for the sole sake
of slavery, ventured their all f Yes, the Con
vention of the Fourth of July was a gathering
of mourners for slavery. Its pUtfonn said
"let ns restore 'the lost cause,' the cause
whose chief beauties were the auction-block
and the fierce red lash; let ns tear power from
the clutch of the foes of slavery; let us undo
the work of reconstruction, a product of
malignant hostility to slavery; let us repudiate
the debt made in crushing slavery; let ns re
store to power the beateu friends of human
bondage; let ns remand the wiokedly enfran
chised blacks, who dared to sympathize with
their deliverers, aud to bsar arms aginst
their own sacred bondage, to the tender mer
cies of their old masters."
Dear brethren, honest and earnest, are not
these words true f Are not the intent and
quality of the Convention precisely the same as
those of the Rebelliou f Have Waie Hampton,
and Forrest, and Semmes repented of their
crimes against liberty ? Do they not rather
glory in their infamy, and insist on oouverting
it into fame, by means of their Demooratio
allies f Is not this pride and this purpose
most cordially met by the Demooratio party of
the North ? Was not the spirit of the slave
holders' Rebellion the ruling and character
izing spirit of the Convention f Did it not
seem to be a Convention of ex-Rebels, with
their Northern brethren simply present and
aiding ? Is not such a movement an ellort to
stop and even to reverse the progress of civil
ization a reaction in favor of a political phi
losophy whioh gave laboring men the name of
"mudsills," which declared It essential to a
good government that capital should own
labor, whether white or black ? Honest men !
good men and true I ye who put morality and
justice as much above the claims of party as
heaven above earth; ye who pity the oppressed
and glory in turning slaves into people, oan
you bring yourselves to accept the spirit of
this Convention, and, along with Hampten
and Forrest and their Democratic followers,
vote to honor and exalt, or even to palliate
the crimes of the Rebellion ?
Our question is not how an honest Southern
man can vote the Seymour ticket. His whole
life has been colored by slavery, and his pre
judices hold him in thrall without his suspect
ing it. We are not puzzled by the course of
men who know nothing higher tbau political
success, and are incapable of seeing that gov
ernment has any relations to morality. We
are not even surprised at the conduct of igno
rant men who,nnder th impulses of a genuine
but flallow TatriotUm, fought in the loyal
ranks during the Rebellion, but are now
found following in the train of their old ene
mies. The moral element was not iu the
stiugple with tbeui, aud its terious disonsnlon
now olfeuds them. But a Seymour aud Blair
ticket in the band of a good aud thoughtful
perbon is past our compreiienuion.
W hy the -Tribune" Trims.
From the If. T. World.
It is apparently impossible to get a straight
forward answer from the Tribune to a straight
forward question. But we shall keep on try
ing. We ask the Tribun whether it does or
does not support Governor Brownlow, of Ten
nessee, in his attempt to inaugurate civil war
in that State by raising a "State army" for
use at the polls in November.
Of course the Tribune knows perfectly well
that Brownlow is a virulent political ruffian,
whose name already stinks in the nostrils of
decent Republicans, and whose career in Ten
nessee is an open scandal to Amerioan citizen
ship and the Amerioan charaoter. But the
Tribune has more than onoe before this ap
plauded, under stress of politioal weather, the
acts and words of creatures no more respecta
ble than Brownlow. If it really dares to "faoe
the music" of its own party it ought to do so,
no matter by whom that music may be blown
and beaten forth upon the aching ears of men.
Why, then, does it "dodge" our question
about Brownlow ? Why does it wander off
into half a column of cheap historical reminis
cences about the "seoesslon of Tennessee," the
"fall of Fort Donelson," the "advanoe of
Grant," and all the rest of it f
I Brown!ow proposes to raise "a standing
army." The more rational part even of the
radical preea in Tennessee are shooked by the
pi opoBuion, ana protest vehemently against It.
tt by does, the Tribune aeek to oarry water on
Iwth shoulders, to run with the hare aud hunt
with the hounds f Why will it not tell us
plainly wbether it supports Brownlow against
tbe Constitution, or the Constitution against
Biownlow f
Brit-fly for these reasons: Because it
knows tbat to applaud this disgraceful incen
diary at this particular time would irritate and
alienate the few thinking men who still linger
alout the frontiers of the radical camp in the
North; while honestly and plainly to denounce
his atrocious course might turn out to have
been injudicious, should he get his "army"
together, begin his "civil war," and set about
perpetrating horrors which, so soon as they
were perpetrated, it would become the parti
ran duty of the Tribune to thank God for as a
Just judgment upon "Rebels and traitors 1"
No plain answer oan be got from the Tribune
for such reasons as these. It is in a strait
betwixt two. It trembles for the present and
for the future. It feels that the tide is running
against its party to-day; but, like a sort of
Micawber-Marat, clings to the hideous hope
that something in the way of bloodshed and
ruin may "tuns up" to give it a lift again by
recnkindling the popular passions which alone
are its life.
Iiogns Equality.
from the N. T. World.
If there be one thing on whioh the radioals
have particularly insis ed it is that all men
are equal except "rebels." That all States
are equal Is, however, a matter that these
radicals have Just as particularly opposed,
and this inequality of equalities suggests a
reflection or two that is thrown out for the
consideration of whom it may concern. States
are, after all, but aggregations of men, and as
these aggregations are more or less numerous,
it follows that in a oertain sense there is rea
son in the radical view of State inequality.
They do not say, to be sure, that the States
are unequal, but they do that way, and this
action of theirs, taken in conjunction with the
dogma.of the equality of all men, will someday
grind radicalism into powder in its own
strongholds. Some days a strong man will
rise, and if, looking at the field, he sees that
this dogma of equality can only be gotten out
of the ieopl by a reductio ad absurd urn, he
will proceed to that reduction, and in the
process utterly triturate the saints into
nothingness. This is about the process. If
all men are equal, a man iu New York should
count as much in the Government as a man
in Rhode Island; but it so happens that one
Rhode Islander is, governmentally speaking,
equal to four New Yorkers. Ou the figures
ot the last Presidential election it takes 22,143
voters in this State to each vote the State has
in the Cougrei-s. wherras for New England
the rate is 12,088. Njw, if we are to have
equality; if one man really is as good as
any other man; if the States are not equal,
but uuequal; U the Constitution is to be dis
pensed with and the Higher Law used instead,
down with this New England inequality.
Away with it. Let us commend the poisoned
chalice prepared for others' lips to the taste of
its own fabricators.'
The voter in Maine, Massachusetts, Connec
ticut, and New Hampshire is one hundred and
fifty per cent, belter than th voter in New
York or Ohio; in Vermont he is two hundred
per cent, better; in RboJe lalaud four hundred
and fitly per cent., or four and a half times as
good- Thi, it is evident, is worse than the
three-fifths rule, for that was ouly sixty per
cent., less than half of the minimum New
England per cent., wjieu all is said aud done.
Down will the bogus equality of the Saints.
Personal Abuse Grant aud Jackson.
from the It. Y. HtraUL
Tbtre is a curious similarity between the
present Presidential canvass and that of Gene
ral Jackson in 1828. In Jackson's time there
was no limit to the volume of abuse poured
upon Lim by his politioal opponents; yet he
not only survived the attacks, but rose upon
the very waves of personal hostility, until he
was lifted into the highest plaoe in the Govern
ment. Every effort to defame his charaoter
proved only a stepping-stone to his suooess,
and the inteniperauoe with which his private
life was assailed served as but a fanning gale
to waft him into the Presidential chair. Twice
this game of his purblind enemies was tried.
Tbe phials of wrath were opened again in
1832. We will not repeat the language which
was applied to General Jackson or the oppro
brious names which were heaped npon him.
We will not recall the violence with which the
sacred veil that should have sheltered the
sanctity of his home was torn asunder. Suffice
it to say that this method of politioal antago
nism defeated itself, as it is very likely to do
now in tbe case of General Grant; for the same
plan is being pursued by the publio prints en
gaged la the object of defeating his election.
During the past two or three years the
Demooratio party has been governed by two
distinguished newspaper men one in the East
and one in the West Sam barlow represent
ing the Orient, and Brick Porneroy represent
ing the Occident. Tbe wit of the one, ooarse
though it was, and the dullness of the other,
which long since reached tbe limit of tolera
tion, might have been a little orlgiual in the
lginning, when they opened fire npon the
character of General Grant, because there Is
always a piquancy about anything novel, even
though it runs In a ooarse or stupid velu.
To assail a man who is admittedly one of the
leading characters of the age, whose reputa
tion la without spot or stain, whose fame stands
high not only in his own country, but in all
Europe, is, to say the least of it, a very petty
piece of business, and only shows the snort
bightedness of these partisan journals whioh
by defaming him, would make him greater
than Jackson in the days whu personal abuse
of the candidate resulted in Lis triumph. The
abusive tone of the Demooratio organs may
have won a little popularity at first, but we
see that it has ended in almost universal dis
gust. The wit and humor with whioh the
organ of Brick Porneroy garnishes its violent
attacks or on the character of publio men
were somewhat of a relief to the dullness, the
empty pomposity and horrible brutality of
Sam Barlow and bis men. If General Grant is
elected he may safely claim that he Is largely
indebu d te these journals for his suooess.
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BT
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No. 241 DOCK 8TREET, '
IUM19U rilXLAtKLPaiA.
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OKAN4JK PEHOK ANU KNULIS1I BBKAK
Arn:i at WiLaoM'M Tea Warehouoe.
No. U6 CHEtolS O f Street '
'IFTINttM FROM THE Ilt'.fST TRAM IN TUN
J IT Y, lor sale to-day at WI LMON 'M.I S lSUisluStit
GAS FIXTURES.
j. A 8 F I X T U R K a
VJT MIBKET, MERRILL A THAOJCAHA,
No. 718 JHSMUT Street,
aiamifactnrers of Uas fixtures. Lamps, etc., etc.,
would call the attention of the publio to their large and
elegant assortment ol tias Ohaudellera, Peuuania,
Hrwkets, etc. They also lutroduoe gaa-plpea Into
dwellings ana paono ouuaings, aua atMna to extends
lug, altering, and repairing gae-plpes.
AU
1 work warranted.
8.UI
COAL.
BM1DPLETON A CO., DIALERS IN
. HAKLKIUH LEHIGH and EAGLH VEIN
UOAL. Kept diy under cover, i'repared expreosly
tr famUy nse. Yard, No. 1215 WABHJNUToai
Agwuna. Offloe No. Ht WALNUT Street. H
TXT I L L I A M a GRANT,
V V UOM MISSION MKEOH ANT,
Ne. SB. DELAWARE Avenue, Philadelphia,
AUKNT VOB
Pnpont's Gunpowder, Refined Nitre, Charooal, Etoj
W. linker A Co.'s Chocolate Coco., and Brouia.
rocker, Bros. (4 Co.'s YeUow Metal blteaUilng,'
Bolte and CiaUc. iioi
LUMBER.
i86a
BPBUCE JOIST.
BPKUOE JOWf
UKMLOCK,
HJUHLOCJC.
186S.
1868. SKlSKffiSlSSgS' 1868
CHOICE FATTiiKN PlSS' ACO,3
SPANISH tMB(
186a J8t iS6Q
DELAWARE FLOORLno,
ASH FLOORING,
WALNUT FLOORING.
FLORIDA STK ROAJRDH,
BAIL PLANKT
; WALNUT rLAJvkV
1868. S jSSSSt 186a
KRD CEDAR. AUUkA
WALNUT AND PINE.
lft Aft SEASONED POPLAB. TOrtr,
1O0O. SEASONED CHJtRBT, 1868
WHITE OAKLANK AND BOARDS,
PAINTED PHOTOS.
NEW THING IN ART
BEBLIN PAINTED PHOTO,
A. 8. ROBINSON,
No 9.0 CHESNUT Street,
Has Just received a superb collection of
BEBLIN PAINTED PHOTOQBAPHd OB
FLOWERS.
They are exquisite gems of art. rivalling la beauty,
naturalness of tint, and perfection o' form a great
Variety of tbe choicest exotic flowering plauta. They
are mounted on boards of three sizes, and sold from
26 cents to 13 and 4 each.
For framing and the album they are Incomparably
beautiful. a ie
DRUGS,
PAINTS, ETC.
ROBERT SHOEMAKER & CO.,
N.E. Corner or F0UET1I and BACH Sis.,
PHILADELPHIA.
WHOLESALE DRUGGISTS.
IMPORTERS AND MANUFACTURERS OF
White Lead and Colored Taints, Putty,
Varnishes, Etc.
AGENTS FOR THE CELEBRATED
EREM1I ZLC PALMS
DELEfW AND CONSUMERS SUPPLIED AT
LOWEST PRICES FOR CASH. eitii
COTTON AND FlAX.
SAIL DUCK AND CANVAH,
, . , . Of all numbers and brands.
Tent. Awn ng, Trunk, and Wuon Cover Duck
AHoPapfr Manufacturers' Drlor fVIt from one te
saveritl lettwlue; I'aulli g. Belting. Bull Twlna, eta,
... JOHN W. KVKKMAM A 0).,
1 Ko, it J 03i EM1 Alley
OFFER TO THE TRADE, IN LOTS,
FINE RYE AND BOURBON WHISKIES, LV BOW,
or isoe, isoo, 1807, and ioi.
ALSO, FlilE ME ME AND LOIREON WHISKIES,
Of GREAT AGE, ranging from 1SG4 to 184(5.
Liberal oontraou will be entered Into for lota, in bond at Distillery, of tnta yaart mauufaotat ' ,
Established for tho sa'e cf
PC HE I'Al.iroHNIA HI.HEW.
This Company offer lor sale pure OaUfornia Wines,
WHITE. CLARKT,
CATAWRA, PORi
B1J WtX: rr, . M 0"CATEL.
AXxUELICA, champagne,
PUPE OBAPK BRANDY,
wholesale and retail, all of their own Bmvr' .mi
grVyt 10 ounl1BI'olilln bu' tbe pure Juice dune
HAHN A QPA1N, Agents 8dlmrp
JAMES CARSTAIRS. JR.,
Kos. 12G WALJiUT and 21 UKAMTE Sts.,
IMPOBTEU OF
Brandies, Wues, In, Olive Oil, Etc. Etc.,
AND
COMMISSION MERCHANT
I OR THE BALE OF
PUEE OLD RYE, WHEAT, AA'D L'OUR.
KOS WHISKIES.
1868. gSiSSSSSlSBS! is&qF
BPANto. CSDAK BOX BOAKnf. W3'
FOK BALE LOW,
18U8. SlJMigAga 1868
NORWAY BCANTLINOT XOUO
IRfiQ CEDAR BH INGLES, 1 rtnn.
MAULE. BROTHER & JSjf
if No. to(X BOUm HtliU.
"JJNITKD BTATiS BUILDERS' MILL'
'os. 24, 20, and 28 S. FIFTEE.MII St.,
PHILADELPHIA.
CSLLR & BROTHER,
iraNUrACIUKEBS 0
WOCD MOULDINGS, BBACKETS, STAIR BALUS
TERS, NEWELL POBTd, GENERAL TURN-
INQ AND SCROLL WORK. Ere.
The largest assortment of WOOD MOULDINGS In
this city constantly on hand 9 2 2iu
T. P. GALVIN & CO.,
UMBER COMMISSION MERCHANTS,
SHACKAALAXOX STREET WUAIiF,
BELOW SL OAT'S MILLS,
(se-OAIXXD), PHILADELPHIA,
AGENTS FOR SOUTHERN AND EA8TEHN Mann.
"L,"!0' yJW PINE and HiMtUCE TIMBER
BOARDS, etc., shall be hai py to lurnlh ordereai
wholesale rates, deliverable at any accessible port;
Constantly rfcelylug and ou baud at our wharf
SOUTHERN FLUOiliNU. WsMUNG SHIN.
All. OF WHICH WILL BE DEUTEBEO
AT AWT PABTUriBE CITY PBOJBIMXT,