THE DAILY EYEKING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 25, 1867. SPIRIT OF THE TRESS. OTTOBJAi nSlOjrg OF TBI LBADIHO JOTMAIA PtO (tPSBlOT TOPICS OOMrn.KO XT 1ST DAT FOB TBI BTKHIHO TKLKORIFH. Railroads ! Telegraphs Shall Thif be Public Property 1 Vw t& If. Y. Independent. . A question which li becoming erery day of gre&tor moment relates to the management of our mean of communication and transpor tation. We have become habituated to turn pike roads, costlj bridges, and post offices Owned and supported at the pablio expense; bat It gives us no slight shock to think of oar tailroadi and telegraph lines taking the same course, and passing from private control and monopoly into the servioe of the community. . , In Europe the idea Is more familiar than here; for in several of the Continental countries the Government has either bnilt or runs the rail roads, or both. In Switzerland, as Dr. Howe hat lately stated, the telegraph lines are all in the hands of Government, with what result we shall see hereafter. At the late Social Bcienoe Congress in Ireland, a protracted dis cussion was had of the question whether the Imperial Government ought to buy out the Irish railways, and run them for a lower rate of fare and freight. One of the most enlight ened speakers (Mr. Gait) urged strongly this courie. lie said, among other things: "There was a line wliloh should be drawn between where the State mix hi and ought not to Interfere. Where one man could compete with another, there might not beany Govern ment Interference; where there wag a monopoly, then It was the duly or luntuate to Interfere on behalf of the public (Hear, hear, and ap plause.) If one man could strike ou a plan by wblch to make anlipenuy loaf at theeostofone naif-penny, It did not follow that the maker would seek to get sixpence, the price obtained by others who had not bis secret. He might . preier to sell at twopeuoe, threenenoe, or four, pence, so as to lnoreate consumption and make greater profits thereby. (Hear.) A book old at first at a guinea and a-balf had lately been aold at sixpence. The works of Sir Wal ter Soott, for example. These eases Illustrated now railways might make arealer profits with lower fares, Ue then referred te the difference In fares in the kingdom. Theaa London and Northwestern Railway Company charged for , , 100 mjlee as follows: -Flrnt class, 16. 8d.: second class, lis. Ud.; third clans, 7s. lid London and Yorkshire Company: Us., 8. 9d., and 4s Id The Caledonian; 1 Us. 2d , 9s. 0d., and 6s. 9d. The Great Northern and Western of Ireland: 18s. 4d., 18s. 9d.,and8s. 3d. These examples of fares showed what a high rate was paid In Ireland. In Belgium the rates were even much lower thun on IheCaledonlan.and this was accomplished by the Government there managing the railway system of the country. Ureal progress had been made on this question In Parliament. . tie then referred to all the movements taken lust session by the peers and members of Parlia ment for Ireland, and of their meeting with lord Derby on the subject; and be hoped for the best results from these proceedings. The railways of Ireland - might be bought for 19,500,000, and the profits would afford the Gov. ernment ample margin to greatly reduce the fares, without loss to the revenue and with great Advantage to the community." The rates here mentioned as charged on the English and Irish railways are, on the whole, higher than oars, and much higher than such rates as prevail by special legislation on the New York Central Road. ' There is no doubt they could be greatly reduced, and still bring It fair profit to the owners. The. principal advooate of this change in oar customs in the United States Is Mr. Josiah Quincy, of Boston. lie has addressed boards of trade, legislative committees, and other organizations, urging that some steps be taken in the direction of purchasing the rail roads for the good of the State. This very evening, the 21st of November, he is to pre sent his views to the Social Science Associa tion, now in session near us. In a pamphlet on this question Mr. Quincy has stated some of the system he favors. lie says: "What might be the advantage of government management of railways Ih shown not only in the canal system of New York, but even more strikingly in the Font Ollloe arrangements of England and this country. The I'ot Ollloe con veys our letters on one system by governmeot management; the railway companies our per sons and our properly on one totally dlllereat. The first Is conducted primarily for the puollo good, and incidentally for profit. The ses.ind exclusively for the benefit of the managers and stockholders In the corporations. By the one I can send a book from here to San Francisco for four cents. By Ihe other I can not send the same from here to New York for lens than fifty. If I . am dissatisfied In the one case. I can annlv to a man whose interest it is to see every abuse at once corrected. In the other, at best, I atn sent Irm one employe to another, until trouble aud yexav.'h make me submit to Imposition. "The teii,raPu s stern lu, Switzerland Is full -Of suggestions on lrjl8 kiadred subject. That country is covered win a network or telegraph wires, and the whole is under thscontrol of the Federal Government. The charge is twenty cents for twenty words, forty for fifty, sixty for one hundred; and the Government has re - - solved, after the first of January, IstiS, to reduce the charges fifty per cent., when a despatch can be sent to any part of the country for half a eent a word. Let our merchants, who would . pay five dollars and five cents for sending a hundred words to WaHuingion, meditate on the ' difference between the Government manage ment in Switzerland and our private monopo lies." We can see nothing bat good resulting from this movement, in which Mr. Quincy has so prominent a place. Whatever may be the aecision of the pablio, after a full examination of the subject, there is no doubt that a disous sion of the uses and abuses of railroads will be a great publio benefit. At present they are practioally beyond oar control, and may be well managed or ill, with out the publio being able to protect itself from Injury, or to share in the good results. A few persons generally contrive to direct all the operations of a railroad, sometimes for their own personal benefit, sometimes for the good . of the community, and sometimes for both, as may be the case with the late extraordinary proceedings in Tegard to the New Tork and Brie and the Hartford and Erie Railroads. We Lear further rumors of a possible combination of the Erie aud Central Uoads to keep up or Increase the rates of freight. Very likely they have no foundation; but the possibility of suoh combinations, and the nature of the monopoly that would result from them, should put us " on our enard. It may not be best for the State - to own its railroads; but in some way it should have the means of regulating them and making them serve the general interests of the people. For this reason we welcome Mr. Quinoj's cru sade against the existing system, without knowing exactly what ongnt to take Its place. Sowtbern Elections and Conventions v ui nuijr vi uoagress I nm l4 N. y. Herald. The reports bo far received of the reconstruc tion elections In North Carolina, South Caro lina, Florida, Mississippi, and Arkansas, Indi cate that in each of those States the majority of the votes cast nas ueeu ior a convention. and that a majority of the delegates thereto will be radicals, whites aud blacks, as in Virginia. Georgia, Alabama, aud Louisiana. Texas still lags Whind. In North Carolina, it appears, as In Virginia and Georgia, where the regis tered whites held the majority, they have i permitted the elections to b carried by the fia, t. i.t Wmilt. Iii South Carolina, where ' Ika blauka Are four hundred thousand against three hundred thousand whites, and where the registration of voters, from Rebel disfranchise ment, shows a much heavier preponderance of the black power, the vote appears to be all one way, and, excepting a radical white strag gler here and there, all of one color. The Southern white policy of "masterly in activity" on this business of reconstruction, which was first developed in the Louisiana election, seems to have gained strength since the recent Northern electi ons. The idea seems to be that the next Congress from the North will be so far anti-radieal as to completely demolish the existing ndical programme, aud restore the outside (States on the platform of President Johnson. But while the present radical House of Representatives will doubt less be superseded by a conservative House on the 4th of March, 18C9, the present radical Senate can hardly be upset inside of four years to come. The Southern whites of the outside States, therefore, while looking to the future for better conditions than those now before them, should be prepared to avail themselves of any reasonable concessions whioh may be offered from the present Congress, so as to get reinstated in the Government as soon as popsible. The recent Northern electidha have quashed this extreme radical theory of universal negro suffrage. If it will not go down in the North it cannot be made to Stick in the South. In 18G6 a constitutional amendment declaring the equal civil rights of citizens of all colors; de claring the sacred obligations attaching to the national debt; repudiating all Rebel debts and all claims for staves; declaring the disfran chisement of certain leading Rebels, subject to a two-thirds vote of Congress, and providing that suffrage and representation shall go to gether as the several States may elect re stricted or universal suffrage, was a programme which swept the country from Maine to Cali fornia. , In 1867, wherever in the North this new test of universal negro suffrage has been tried, it has been signally rejected, and most signally in the most radical States, suoh as Ohio and Kansas. Now, If we are not mistaken, this constitu tional amendment of 18b'6 has been ratified by throe-fourths of the States represented in and constituting the Government of the United States. . All, therefore, that is needed to give it effeet as part of the supreme law of the land, is a resolution or bill from Congress declaring the ratification. The required num ber of the States having ratified the amend ment, It ia even now "valid to all Intents and purposes as part of the Constitution," requiring only a change of the law pro claiming the fact. As the law stands it is the duty of the Secretary of State to make the proclamation. Mr. Seward, how ever, stands committed to the Johnsonian theory, that three-fourths of all the States, inside and outside the general Government, are necessary to ratify. So, under Mr. Johnson's coercive Southern reconstruction policy, a suf ficient number of the RebehStates were foroed to ratify the amendment abolishing slvery to make up three-fourths of all the States. Then Mr. Seward proclaimed the ratification. But as Congress has since rejected as illegal and void all of Mr. Johnson's aots of reconstruc tion, all these Southern ratifications go for nothing, and if the amendment abolishing slavey, therefore, is not a part of the Consti tution by the -voice of three-fourths of the States adhering to the national Government, then slavery Is not legally abolished, and Maryland or New York may revive the Institution to-morrow, and Congress cannot touch it. Why can't we have the views of "Old Thad Stevens" upon this question? It will not do to shirk it; for, if not in this, in the next Con gress it will come up for settlement, and it will have to be settled. The Whisky Seizures A Recent Decision of the Department. From the N. Y. Time. In the course of the diseussions elioited by the recent seizures of whisky in this city and elsewhere for alleged violations of the Internal Revenue law, and by the prosecution of the parties arrested for complicity In those viola tions, two points -appear to hare been esta blished by common consent; first, that the great bulk of distilled spirits finds its way into the general market, and into the con sumption of the country, without paying the tax of $2 per gallon; and, seoond, that the system of fraud and deception by which the tax is evaded is far more elleotive and success ful than the administration of the law which imposes it. From these premises it has been assumed, to a great extent, that as every fresh effort to detect and punish the frauds of the distillers and their accomplices only serves to expose the inadequacy of the internal revenue system, the constant violation of the law and the flooding of the market with illicit spirits is a necessary evil for whieh Con gress is primarily responsible, and which no amount of vigilance or energy on the part of Individual revenue ouieers can successfully resist. It is under cover of iast suoh vagae and superficial views of the law and its violation. that tne rogues wno live ey irauaana evasion contrive to give justice the slip. Let it be once oonoeded that the law is powerless to punish them, and they will take all the other risks of criminality, it is doubtless very gratifying to the parties whose operations in spirits have been so summarily interrupted, to gain an ally in a publio sentiment whioh, while it brands them as cheats and impostors, opens a wide door for their esoape. But even if the notion that the defects in the existing revenue system would accomplish a general jail delivery of all the culprits involved in the pending arrests and proseoutions a notion which we will presently show to be without any just foundation were true, mo3t substan tial and beneficial results have already been attained by the efforts pat forth for the en forcement of the law. First of all, the complicated network and machinery of fraud by whioh the t radio in illicit spirits is maintained have been nu covered and plainly shown. There is no longer any doubt that fraud is the badge of a very large portion of the entire trade, and irrespec tive of any question of punishment or redress, there is an immense gain in the knowledge of the evil and of the methods of its operation. Honest meu are warned not to participate in the business; capitalists and money -ltfnders who were before ready to make advances on whisky and spirit in bond or in transit, are now very cautious how they part with their funds on the security of a suspicious com modity. Loans on whisky have been called in, and the capital of the country, to a large extent, ceases to aid the operators in an artl la which to so great a degree promised a profit only by illegal transactions. Dishonest men are driven out of a business which has beoome inconveniently liable to the inspection and scrutiny of public officers. Let the landlords of whisky dealers, whose rent is in arrear, and who were told last quarter-day, by their tenants, as a sufficient excuse for their default, that their business was ruined, give us some information on this subject, and disolese what percentage they will accept in full of all de uiandd and to cancel their outstanding leases. The truth is that light ennngh has bean let into the dark corners of -these dealings in distilled spirits, to make them dangnrous eveu for the most experienced and cunning adepts in the violation of revenue law. ' Another point gained is a more exaot know ledge of the relations between the law an I all parties ooncerned in operations in illicit spirits. If, as is so currently reported and reiterated, the law is inadequate aud defec tive, it will be easy to find a remedy by amending it without delay, so as to reaoh every case whioh it now fails to cover. Con gress can readily extend its operation so as to embrace every form, of violation and every species of wrong-doing whioh the reoeut sei zures and proceedings disclose, and it should be one of the first acts of the present seislou to make these sew penal and remedial pro visions. But we venture to affirm that the law as it Stands io-day is sweeping and comprehensive enough to bring within its provisions all the oases iu which proceedings have been com menced, and in whioh the facts may Justify its application. It is true that the frauds are in geniously Qoontiived, and no . doubt are arranged with special reference to what are supposed to be the Weak points in tho Inter nal Revenue system as now in force. But it is difficult to find on any statute-book a more thorough or complete array of prohibitory penalties and forfeitures than that whioh applies to the dealing in illicit spirits. It may be that Congress will do wisely if it sweeps away the whole framework of the legislation on this subject, abolishing the entire bonded system, and requiring the payment outright and in the earliest stage of whatever tax id levied upon spirits, in such a mauner as to dispense with all the cheoks and safeguards by which it is now attempted to keep the com modity in the oustody of the Government until the tax is actually paid or the goods are out of the country. Be this as it may, we ap prehend that so long as the existing law remains unrepealed, it is the plain duty of all officers charged with the responsibility of en forcing it to do their utmost to make it effec tual, and of all Courts and magistrates to aid in its enforcement. Just here we may be confronted by a recent and somewhat extraordinary decision of Mr. Commissioner Rollins, dated November 1, 1867, which has been given to the pablio with all despatch, and on which, probably, is based much of the apprehension as to the insuffi ciency of the law. He announces the absolute immnnity of all spirits "in bond" from any liability of forfeiture, and thus virtually shuts the door upon any attempt to proceed against, seize, or forfeit any spirits which have been placed by their owners in the bonded ware houses authorized by the law. This would exempt the greater part of the whisky and spirits which are already the subjeot of sei zure; and while the importance of the decision does not appear to have been fully recognized by the public, it Is doubtless duly appreci ated by all the private parties owning spirits in bond which had been placed in jeopardy by the vigilance of the seizing officers. They had good reason for anxiety; their whisky had been seized under provisions of the law which seemed to point plainly to its condemnation and forfeiture, provided the facts on whioh the proceeding was based were proved; applications for the release of whisky in bond made to the United States Cirouit Court in this District had been considered and denied; the prosecuting officers and the Dis trict Attorney announced their readiness to proceed to trial. At this critical juncture it seems like a very special interposition which brings the Commissioner to their relief in a deoision in which, with a few easy strokes of his official pen, he releases them from . the delays and uncertainties of litigation, dispenses with proofs of inno cence, forestalls the judgment of the court, and decides, off-hand, against the Govern ment, whose officer he is, by a construo tlou of the law as favorable to the whisky interest as if it had been condensed in one of their own stills I He has made the sud den discovery that the itatute, which, with a severity almost unexampled in our legislation, denounces the forfeiture of all spirits in any way involved in violations, actual or attempted,, of any of its provisions, is so tender-footed in respect to spirits in bond that H will not touch them ever so lightly. The Commissioner gays: "While it is too true that frauds in the manufacture and sale of distilled spirits have been vast and notorious, 'yet that to allow the forfeiture of spirits in bond,' even when owned by violators of the law, and when themselves the instruments of such, violation, 'would not only be contrary to the bast interests of the revenue, but contrary to the true intent of the statute," and he "prefers that the culprits be punished in other ways than by the forfeiture of the spirits." This is just what the whisky dealers prefer. So long as the grasp of the law is held off from their pro perty they will not complain of suits, prose cutions on other grounds, or of the other methods of punishment at which the Commis sioner rather obscurely hints. "Shy lock" was not so anxious about his life as about the means whereby he lived, and the vital part of the fraudulent whisky dealer is in his casks. It is just here that the Commissioner's order protects him, and to make assurance doubly sure,and certify the "oulprits" against any lingering doubt'as to the finality of the deoi sion, he anneunces that the Secretary of the Treasury fully ooncurs in the views he has expressed, so that whatever may happen to other spirits, the state of spirits in bond is one of complete exemption from any of the pains, penalties, and forfeitures of the law. But the plain provisions of the Internal Revenue law, fairly construed, seemed to stand directly in the way of the conclusions of Mr. Commissioner Rollins and the Secretary of the Treasury. The section under which the seizures of the whisky in bonded ware houses have been made is section forty-eight f the law. It is broad aud sweeping in its terms. It declares the forfeiture to the United States of "all goods, wares, merchan dise, articles, or objects subject to tax, which shall be found in the possession or custody, or within the control of any person or persons," for the purpose of sale or re moval, in fraud of the Internal Revenue laws, or with the design to avoid payment of tax. It authorizes the Seizure of all such goods, and their proseeution by proceeding in rem against the goods themselves, in the Circuit or District Court of the United States for the district where the seizure is made. There is no exception, qualification or proviso in respect to place or person or property. The existence of the property, the non-payment of. the tax, the intent to sell or remove it, so as to evade the payment of the tax by fraud these are the sole and sufficient grounds to warrant its seizure, prosecution and condemnation, what ever its description, wherever found aul by whomsoever held. The section specifies no particular goods or merchandise, beoaase it Includes all, and it applies equally to every article which is the subject of tax. Without purtuing this subject further 'at present, it is clearly an interesting and important field for Congressional scrutiny aud action. If the Commissioner has erred in his construction of the law, the law-makers are at baud to correct Lis blunder; if he ia right in Ms conclusion that the blunder Ilea at the door of Congress, they can accept his rebuke and amend the detective law. In either case the publio interest demands prompt and efficient action. Resssny la Congress. From the f. Y. Irittwi. The country is under an enormous burden of taxation, nearly all of which falls on the Northern States. The first duty of Congress is to retrench the expenses of the Government in all its departments, to seek out the various wounds of which the country is bleeding to death and staunch them up, and stop the fatal outflow as soon as possible. By the statement of the Secretary of the Treasury for the quar ter ending September 30, 18G6, when the army had been disbanded and little more than our present expenses were being inourred, our national outlay for three inontLs was given as follows: Civil, Foreign Intercourse, and Mis cellaneous 111,893.734 44 Interior (reunions and Iudlaus) 11 77,075 08 W ar i , lS.Wtt 214 4 Navy 7.878.B09-I7 Inlet est ou the public Debt 83.865,309 09 Total expenditures .... $79,258,93529 One of the first duties of Congress is to lessen taxation by every means in its power consistent with the maintenance of the publio credit. To this end it Should close up the business of reconstruction as rapidly as possi ble. Exaggerated statements have been made of the expense of maintaining our present military governments in the Southern States, but it is, no doubt, considerable, and in volves the continuance of a portion of our army, which might otherwise be discharged. Univeisal suffrage has proved to be worth more to maintain peace at the South than thirty thousand bayonets would be.' Now that the first elections in which freedmen have ever voted have passed off without an act of violence, Congress may safely confine itself to preserving inviolate the right of suffrage as the cheap, sufficient, and only standing army needed in the South. As soon as possible let them repeal all laws against Rebel suffrage, and leave that great peace-maker, the ballot, to exercise its universal influence. And when the Southern Conventions have framed their constitutions, and elected loyal State offioers and representatives in Congress, let the work of reconstruction be promptly consummated. If it be possible, let every Southern State be reorganized and readmitted in time to vote at the next Presidential, election, without any attempt to control the question whether it will vote Republican . or Democratic Whatever States, if any, we might lose at the South by removing all restrictions from the right df suf frage, will be more than balanced by our gain at the North. &Not the least important measures of re trenchment should be those whioh affect Con gress itself. There is a vast amount of sta tionery supplied to Congress, whioh the mem bers would be much more stationary if they did not drink. There are too many investi gating committees, got up to postpose ques tions like the impeachment question, on which members "fain would wound, but fear to stiike the blow." If there were grounds for the President's impeachment, they were grounds "known and read of all men," and needed not a six months' session of a smelling committee in order to disoern them. We have had investigating committees, calling together witnesses from all parts of the country to tes tify to facts which they have gathered from the newspapers, and which, being sworn to, have been embalmed in ponderous volumes by the Publio Printer, and distributed over the country to be burned. We have had Indian wars got up by contractors, costing millions of dollars for their prosecution, in which no gun was fired on either side, and which were finally settled by long speeches, and fresh gifts of powder and ball to the savages. We have a mass of rotten Assessors and Collectors of Internal Revenue, District Attorneys, and Postmasters, whose daily in iquities are a stench in the nostrils of the nation, and who are appointed and retained in office by the President, with the well-aimed intent to sicken the country of the Republican party; and it las that effect, though the party is no longer responsible for their appointment or their conduct. Severe examples of punish ment and disgraoe need to be made among our publio thieves, and unless the Republican majority in Congress does something to relieve the party of the odium they are bringing upon us, Republicanism, as a political power, is drawing to the close of its reign. Reputations can no longer be won by fighting on the dead battle-fields where slavery and disunion now lie buried. ; What we now need are wise, vigorous, and economical measures to raise publio credit, restore our finances, revive busi ness, and develop our national industry. The Uses of Adversity Bjr Horace Orislift From the N. Y. Independent. The Republicans have suffered heavy re verses in the elections of 1867. Let us frankly admit and oalmly consider the fact. We carried all the former free States In 1800; we have lost a considerable part of thenl in 1807. True, the majorities in either case were, inconside rable in many if not most of the States; but the changes, large or small, have been uniformly against us. We were last year morally certain to elect the next President; we have now a hard contest before us, and the hopes of our adversaries are high. They talk openly of carrying the next House of Representatives, as well as the President, organizing governments in the Southern States based on their old, familiar principle that blacks have no rights that whites are bound to respect; and then, by the aid of twenty new United States Senators chosen from the States thus revolutionized, organize, with their Senators from the other States, a Senate which shall iguore and exclude the Senators elected from the Southern States under the Reconstruction acts of Congress; and thus restore, so nearly as may be, the rule of the late cotton lords, not only in the South, but over the entire Union. Suoh are the pros pects opened up by the late Demooratio suc cesses; such are the sanguine calculations based thereon by the Northern and Southern enemies of Republicanism, now one in faith and hope, and one in their efforts to obliterate the memories and the consequences of the last seven eventful years of our country's history. Let us oomfort them by the admission that what they oall the negro question lies at the bottom of our reverses. Several influences have conspired with that; but thousands j have turned against us -because we purpose to enfranchise the blacks. Just as, I in 1802, Mr. Lincolu's- first proclamation of ' freedom was quickly followed by Demooratio j victories in every State from the Connecticut to the Mississippi, so now the reconstruction policy of Congress, based on manhood aud loyalty, has caused a popular revulsion in favor of caste, rebellion, and slavery. Every step forward causes some to lag behind, others to turn back. The pathway of human pro gress is thickly dotted with the skeletons of OLD R YE W H I S I I E S. T.IIE LARGFST AND BEST STOCK OF FINC OLD R Y E 7 I I I O K I G S In the Land is now Possessed by HENRY S. II ANN IS & CO., Nos. 218 atd 220 Seutk FBONT Street, wno orrra thk name 10 mi tridb, ij lots, j w vf.rt advantageous TERMS. Their Stock of Rye Whiskies, in Bond, comprises all the favorite brands extant, and runs through the various months Of 1865, 'CO, and of this year, up to present date. Liberal contracts made for lots to arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad Depot, Eriosaon Line Wharf, or at Bonded Warehouse, as parties may eleot. those who have faltered and fallen by the way. We could not have stood still if we would; we had no choice but to advance; for the Southern States must be somehow restored to self-government, and to restore them on a white basis is to con sign them evermore to the keeping of our implacable adversaries. We have lost votes in the free States by daring to be just to the negro; but we have saved thereby eleven States (including Tennessee) to the side of liberty and loyalty, which we must else have surrendered to Rebellion, easte, and the impu dent fraud which miscalls itself Democracy. And now, if we recede a hair's-breadth from our most advanced pasttion, we surrender these eleven States, with their electoral votes (nearly or quite one hundred) and seats in Congress, to our enemies we betray the loyal blacks and we do not regain what we have lost. Those who went against us this year will,' with few exceptions, go against us next year, no matter whether we reoede or stand firm. We oan throw away Virginia, the Carolinas, Georgia, etc, by abandoning the blacks to their foes ; we cannot thus reolaim Maryland, Kentucky, and the negro-haters of the North. They are against Us anyhow; but they only hate and fear us now they will also despise and scorn us if we throw them the rights of the blacks, in the vain, base hope of thereby propitiating their favor. We oan thus alienate and throw away ten States by recre ancy to the principle of impartial suffrage ; but can gain ne'er a one. We may possibly be beaten next fall, upon the platform dictated by our history, our principles, and our con victions ; we certainly shall be beaten if we lower our frag and seek shelter behind the ramparts of our adversaries. And our defeat will be embittered by the consciousness that we have deserved it. ! I press these considerations upon the trim ming, self-seeking politicians who pride them selves upon the distinction that they are prac tical men, looking contemptuously on abstrac tions, and uninfected by isms. Men who are governed by principle will only need them as weapons wherewith to confute and confound the other sort. Bat timid, inoonsiderate, weak principled men will often be moved to ask, "Are we not doing too much for the negro f Are we not saorinoing to his exigencies our power to do any good at all?" And I wish even thece made to see that we cannot afford to surrender the rights of the blacks that the attempt would only furnish another instance of the folly of whosoever vainly essays to gain the whole world, and thereby loses his own soul. Edwin D. Morgan was the first chosen Gov ernor of our State in 1858, when he succeeded over Judge Amasa J. Parker by 17,440 ma jority, lie urged in his first message the abo lition of the constitutional disabilities of blacks in our State; and two suooesslve Whig legis latures having passed the requisite amendment it came before the people for ratification at the election of 1860, and was rejeoted by the heavy majority of 140,481. Yet at that same eleotion Governor Morgan, the avowed, well known author of the amendment, was re elected receiving 110,314 votes more than he did ia 1858, and 43,519 more than the aggregate vote of his two opponents. This is no solitary case. Ohio has just elected every man on the Republican State ticket all known to be openly for impartial suffrage though she at the same eleotion gave some 50,000 majority against the Suffrage Amendment. And Minnesota, in 1865, and again this year, elected the Republican State ticket, which was pledged to impartial suf frage; and at the same time gave a small popular majority against suoh suffrage. Con necticut in 1865, and again in 1864, elected the Republican State ticket, openly for Im partial suffrage; and at a special eleotion half way between' the two State eleotions, voted down impartial suffrage by a heavy majority. So we shall triumph in 1868, not by aiapt ing oar principles to tho prejudices of our weaker brethren, but by constraining even these to respect oar courageous fidelity to principle. We shall triumph beoause we stood unshaken In adversity and undauntedly defied the peril of defeat. No party can ever be good for much until it deliberately prefers being right to being victorious. -We shall triumph because we shall win the respeot alike of timid friends and manly foes; and our triumph will usher in a reign of justice and of peaoe in our long-distracted country. L COKING- GLAQ8E0 OF THI BEST FRENCH PLATE, In Every Stylo of Frames, ON HAND OR MADE TO ORDER. NEW- ART GALLERY, F. DOLAHD & CO., 11 1 Sm2p No. 614 ARCH Htreet. WHOLESALE BUCKCLOVC WANVrACTUBEBS, MoNliELY A O O.. UlOwsmlm MO.HN. rOLBTU TKEET. INSTRUCTION. gTEVENSDALE INSTITUTE. BOARDING SCHOOL fOR VOTJNd LADIES. Terms Board, Tuition, etc-per scholastic yenr.lwo. NO EXTRAS. Circulars at Messrs. Fairbanks A Kvylng's, No. Til CHESNUT Street; also at Messrs. T. B. terson Brothers', No. 8U6 CIIESNUT Street. Address, pernonslly or by note, N FOSTER BROWNE, Principal, 10 I thmtf South Amboy, N. J. CARPETINGS. OTICE. LEE DOM & SIIAW, HO. 910 ABCII STBEET, BETWEEN NINTH AND TENTH 8TRSBTS, Will continue to sell their stock or CARPET IN Q S AT PRICES TO CORRESPOND WITH LOW RENT AND EXPENSES, AND WILL OPEN DAILY NEW GOODS, As they do not expect to move. S S7 mrp JpALL STOCK OF CARPETINGS. Just Opened, Full Assortment TAPJtSTBT BBl'ftAELM, pe.t iirBAijrsi AND EX1 HA SCPEBFINB IMUttA CM CAB. PETINGS. OIL CLOTH, 12, IS, and M feet sheets. ' COIR MATTINUS, BTJOB, Etc . T. DELACBOIX. SO. 87 SOUTH SECOND ST BEET, II 1 fmw3m Above Ohesnnt. ' SOAP. IMPOTANT TO THE LADIES !L Ko More Dread of Wash-Day!! MOORE'S ELEOT R 0-31 A GNETIO SOAP. i "WASHING MADE EAST." Accomplished without boiling or rubbing. The finest and most dellcste fabrics, as well a the coarsest, made beautifully clean without boiling or rubbing, savlug In the process half the time, labor, soap, AND ALL THE rVELl I This Is the best Soap ever Invented for washing purposes. We offer this Soap to the ladles, confident that they will find, after the fim trial, that they cannot do with out It. SOLD BY ALL GROCERS. 10 IA thml2t BLANK BOOKS. JJIGHEST PREMIUM AWARDED FOB BLANK BOOKS. BT THE PA BIS EXPOSITION. WM. P. MURPIIY'S SONS, No. 339 CHESNUT Street, Blamk Book Manufacturers, Steam Power PrUatere, aud Btatlouer. A full assortment of BLAN K BOO KB AND COUNTING-HOUSE STATIONERY constantly on l and. ; 11 rawfim FERTILIZERS. MO MATED PHOSPHATE; AM TJNMVBPASKED FERTILIZES for Wheat, Corn, Oats Potatoes, Grass, the VegetabU Garden, Fruit Trees, Grape Vines, Etc Etc. This Fertlllter contains Ground Bone and the bee Fertilising balls. Price H per ton of Z008 pounds. For sale by Vai re an lecturers. WILLIAM ELLIS CO., Chemlsta, tSBmwfJ No. TM MARKET Street, DYEING, SCOURING, ETC. p R E N C II ST C A U SCOURING. ALDCDYLL. MARX & CO. MO. IBS. SOH11 ElEYENTM SJTHEET HO.tllBtfBSTHECT. aiOmwl rUrra WILJIINGTOJI STEAMBOAT JLiinS LTN K.-OHANUK OF HOUR. KTU ou Miiil u.-r 'i'lKHDAY. October 1st. the Mteamr a M. FKI.TON aud Akih!l will rut as f foltows'2 Leave ( H r.KN UT street wharf at A. M?arid II H M leave WlLMlrWl'ON at 7 A M and li P vr u rplng at OH KHTKR and HOOK SacVw.r Fire toM llu.liiKlon Wcenu. i.curHlou tickets. p,.?S L.M. boat, kfi ceula. kVr. L.. v. ' . ceuui. w W ',' T.STEWART BROWN, 8.E. Corner at FOURTH and CHESTNUT ETf MANUfACTLBKE Of XaWXa, VALISES. B&QS, RKTICDI,K8, ana evel TttvdUi ea SAUj HlnCi S3
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