THE DAILY EVEK ING TELIiXaRAPII PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 21, 18G7. SPIRIT OF THE PRESS. gDITORIat CMinoHB OF THS LAI)IW ' JCUMAM UPOBf OOBRIBT TOPKJ8 COMPU.RD ZVIBY DAT FOB THB IVENINOT TaUtOBAXH. ncvenne Systems. JiVom Wt Chicago Republioan. Oar national debt was ino cured In a war to sustain our nationality, and to enable as to band down free institutions unimpaired to posterity. ' It i simple Justice that fatare generations should bear their share of the burden, the more so beoause augmented popu lation and wealth must render that burden lighter upon them than upon us. In this view, no enlightened statesman will entertain the idea of paying oil' our vast debt at onoe. TU9 most to be desired is revenue sufficient to meet current expenditures, to pay aocruing interest, and to extinguish say fifty millions of the principal annually. The important re duction of our debt during the past year has convinced our people and the world that we possess both the ability and the inclination to meet our liabilities, and are fully able to undergo any future demand which war, do mestic or foreign, may make upon our re source!. Then let the national debt be re duced gradually, so as to sustain public credit, yet so as to remit to postority its extinction. But to sustain this general policy we mast submit to taxation heavier than any imposed before the Rebellion. What plan of raising revenue, then, shall be adopted f Three sys tems have been tested in this and other coun tries: (1) The impost system; (2) direct taxation; (3) the excise system. Each has its distinctive characteristics and influences upon the people. The first is most common and least oppressive. It has this additional advan tage over the other systems, that it regulates trade, and so contributes to the supremacy of native commerce. It also enables us to impose countervailing duties,' thus defending us against any hostile legislation of any foreign power. The tax, too, is often in effeot par tially paid by the foreign producer, who, rather than lose valuable markets in this country, will frequently, in the case of high duties, reduce the prices of bis wines, silks, woollens, etc, so as to retain old customers, lie finds this course far more to his interest than a surplus on hand to diminish . home quotations of his manufactures. Besides, by the inorease of imposts upon imported articles whioh can be made here, a powerful stimulus is applied to the home production of those articles. The resulting competition between domestio ' and foreign produoers themselves generally , acts to reduce prices, in a short period. , , This position is fully sustained by the expe rience of this country. Let our tarilf be in creased ten per cent, on commodities which can he manufactured in the United States, and "rarely, if ever, do these articles advance in our market beyond half the augmentation or tax. un me otner nana, a reduotion of the duties, on such articles will seldom, if ever, lower the prices in the same ratio. Thus it Appears that the impost system is praotioally more favorable to the taxpayer than any other mode of raising revenue. A direct or land tax has no such redeeming features, and should be resorted to only in cases of necessity. An exoise tax, though less exceptionable, yet pos sesses some odious qualities. It must be more or less inquisitorial, and being laid upon busi ness, unavoidably discriminates against and disoourages enterprise. Moreover, it is a sys tem the whole burden of which must fall upon our own people. Congress, then, in providing for raising the neoessary revenue, should impose the tax Where it can be paid with the least injurious effeots. The necessities of the future should he studiously regarded. Sueh a system should be adopted as will stimulate the in crease of taxable property from year to year, which shall make the burden lighter and lighter upon the people, by developing the resources of the country, and adding to its ability to meet the demands of the Govern ment. Every wise statesman will seek to inorease rather than diminish the souroes of revenue. Now, which of the three systems proposed will best accomplish these desirable results? It is plain that direct taxation can never aot as a goad to productive industry. It is merely a dead-weight upon the contributor. Exoises are little better. Will the taxing of manufac tures increase the products f Will the taxing ' of business induce a larger number of capital ists to embark in various enterprises ? Are not the tendencies all repressive npon indus trial pursuits t Take our home producers, almost every one of whom comes in competi- : tion with the foreign manufacturer; do not xcise taxes upon their products weaken their . ability to meet on equal terms their rivals across the ocean f It does not help the oase to say that the consumer pays the tax, for the name oan be said of the imported article. Un less a tariff is imOOSed TJnon for1n nnmmivli. ties, the excise laid npon the manufacturers is likely to break them down, and thus render us more or less dependent upon other nations. It is plain that, to reach a high point of Prosperity, every branch of industry should be fostered. No single department oan be negleoted without serious injury to the others. Depress manufactures and the meohanio arts, and you turn adrift a swarm of laborers to re duce wages by competition in other employ ments. This cheapening of labor over-stimulates production in the new calling to which it is applied, and finally reacts upon the pro ducer with prostrating influences. The dif ferent branches of industry are so closely inter connected, that any policy whioh injures one injures all. . TuL enlightened statesman, therefore, in providing a system oi taxation, will anxiously inquire how he can best develop the active production of the whole community. " Though Hn&0t4 18 Teuuel h will be wisely Sn? ,1 utilizing and vitali zing the resources of the country. He will perceive at onoe that if he should raise his Impost to the point of prohibition, he will destroy importation, and his tariff will vield no income. Should he lay an exoi99 duty of too high a rate, he will break down manufac turers, and thereby defeat hU purpose. A proper medium must be adopted both for the advantage of the revenue aud of the pnople. Neither free trade nor a prohibitory tariff can Bupuly the Treasury, or promote the general welfare. As the present situation dwmands large annual receipt, each department of in dustry must bear its due share. There should fMront avutema of taxation, and also between the several articles which fall within each Uysteiu. . The Southern Conventions. From the N. Y. Tribune. The delegates from the genuine Demooracy of the South, who are (already engaged In or Will soon attempt the task of framing for their respective States constitntioas based, on. juaiv hood and loyalty, undertake that responsi bility under great disadvantages. Most of them are poor and hitherto obscure men, who utterly laok familiarity with legislative preceedings and constitutional history; some are of the despised, detested black race, aud have ' scarcely learned to read, Laving been field hands, to instruct whom was felony by statute not three years airo. They are watched with unconcealed contempt and ma lignity by a very large majority of the old planting aristocracy and its legal, mercantile, and clerical satellites, who expect to over throw, on the heels of the next Presidential election, the governments now to be erected, and replace them by substitutes of their own construction, based on the assumption that Macks nava no rights that whites are bound to respect. On the side of the aristocracy is nearly the entire press able, unscrupulous, and envenomed and nearly all who send tele grams to Northern journals. Of course, the so-called "negro governments" must expect to hare all they do misrepresented to their pre judice, and very much evil charged to them and believed in which they never thought or. Judging by what has been, they may expect to find themselves charged with all manner of evil deeds and purposes, even in the columns of journals which would treat them fairly if they could. We entreat the Southern Conventions, therefore, to eschew carefully even the appear ance of evil, and especially whatever might seem to .savor of revenge or proscription. Make equal rights for all citizens your corner stone, aud bury in oblivion whatever is hate ful in the past,, while taking the amplest secu rity against oppression in the future. Disap point those who prediot a new civil war as the result of black enfranchisement, and pile proof upon" proof that universal justice is enduring peace. Show the world that you comprehend the exigency, and can read the lesson involved in the fate of the late aristocracy, who, in seeeking to extend and strengthen slavery, destroyed it. The assured predominance of Republican principles, alike at the South and at the North, imperatively requires that the freedmen should prove safer, discreeter, more competent depositories of power than their late masters did. We believe the Conventions will be fully justified in exacting of every voter a promise or oath that he will not henceforth seek to disfranchise the blacks. ' Liberty and equal rights for all being the corner-stone of the new political edifice erected on the downfall of se cession and slavery, it may be well to quiet apprehension, preclude danger, and "take a bond of fate," by such a requirement. And this, we are confident, will suffice. ' No confis cation, no spoliation, no vengeance I let the changes be so many as are requisite to secure and maintain equal rights; and there stop. Let the changes be few and perspicuous, though far-reaching; let the Constitutions be as brief and simple as may be; and as nearly like those they supersede as is oonsistent with the great end of making each one of them a Gibraltar of human liberty. Then let the work be con summated at the earliest practicable moment, and let every State be fully represented in Congress before the 1st of March. Our ene mies assert that we wish to keep the South out Of Congress: let us show them how utterly they are mistaken. And, as each resumes her proper position, reconstructed and regene rated, let the auspicious event be fitly honored in every State of the Union. The Meeting of Congrtu, Ft om the N. Y. Timet. Congress meets to-day to close its summer session; its next regular session begins on the 2d of next month. The business which awaits its action is of great importance, and de mands the most careful and considerate atten tion at its hands. - The interests of parti will very naturally press for consideration, and will probably receive it, first; but the interests of party depend just now so largely upon the measures which may be taken fat the interest of the country, that the two may well be deemed identical. Neither party can now strengthen itself in any other way than by promoting the publio welfare. Neither party can, by taking thought Bolely for its own in terest, add one cubit to its stature; and that party which shall show most zeal for the publio good, and do most for its promotion, will do the most to seoure favor with the people, and promote its own ascendancy. It will not do for any party, or for any men,' to give exclusive attention to imaginary evils, and neglect the real evils which press upon th eoountry. . . The first essential to proper action will be courage. Every extreme ultraist in either House will assert this, and assert it truly. But he will mean by it that every member must have the courage to discard all thought of results, and rush blindly into whatever is most violent and extreme. He must give no weight to indications of popular sentiment, and must not stop to weigh results, or con sider the etlect or his action upon communities or sections. Nothing but cowardice can prompt men thus to hesitate and deliberate. None but the timid, the vacillating, the weak-kneed, half-way men will hesitate a moment to im peach the President and remove him from office, confiscate Southern property, force universal sunrage upon an tne states, and generally follow the lead and adopt the policy of the most reckless ultraists. The country has had enough of this kind of "courage" already. The fear of being thought to lack it has induced Republicans in Con gress, more than once heretofore, to adopt measures which their judgments did not ap prove; and the country has just now pro nounced its judgment npon those measures, and the temper in which they had their ori gin. The courage wanted now is of another stamp men must have courage to aot upon their own convictions of what is wise and just against the brow-beating, domineering dic tation of those who have bo long assumed to speak for the Republican party. The men of calm temper, of sound wisdom, of ex perience and moderation, in the Republican ranks, must have the courage to assert meir innueuue, uu to take into their own hands the direction of publio affairs, which has rested so long, and with such disastrous results, in the hands of headlong and inconsiderate extremists. The country expeots it oi mem, ana wiu su.naiu them in doing so. One thing is very clear: a continuance of the policy and the temper pro claimed and exhibited by the last Congress will complete and make permanent the defeats which the Republicans have sustained In the late eleotiona. Mr. Stevens and those who act with him rely with confidence on the sup port of the ten Southern States in which negro supremacy is looked for, through the help of the negro vote; but the error in this calcula tion lies in the fact that the measures by which they seek to secure that vote will lose them the support of every considerable North ern State. The people demand greater mode rationless uUraimn a broader and more comprehensive regard to the welfare of the whole country, than these partisan manoeuvres imply. Congress this winter Is to mark out tlw policy npon which the Republican party . Is to enter on the 1'renidential canvass. A moot strenuous and determined effort will be main to make radicalism the corner-stone of that policy, to base it npon the absolute political and soolal eqnality of the blaok and white races in every State throughout the Union, an equality to be asserted as a national prin ciple, and maintained by the national autho rity and power. The threat has already been thrown out, that unless this is adopted as the fundamental principle of thVi Republican party, and made the test of its character and aotiou, the party shall be broken in two; and that without regard to consequences Immediate or remote. The effort will be made during the coming session to establish this position; and those who do not admit its Justice or see its wisdom must have the courage to meet it as they may think the emergency requires. We think they cannot be mistaken in inferring from the elections of the last few months, that the people of the United States are not pre pared to acoept this as a national principle, and that a canvass conducted on that basis will result in its defeat. But this is not one of the questions and perhaps not the one of most importance which will demand Attention. The question of taxation comes more closely home to the people than any other. It touches directly and sharply every man, woman, and child in the country. It affects every interest, and makes itself felt npon every calling and upon every pursuit. Our taxes are heavier than those of any other nation, and the manner of their imposition makes them more oppressive still. Every man's industry is hampered and discouraged, while the unnatural state of the currency enhances prices and diminishes still more largely the fruits of labor in every de partment. These are practical evils, flowing directly from defective legislation: and the people demand that they shall be remedied. Party criminations and recriminations, sec tional denunciations, a frantio zeal for rights and liberties that are not in peril, will not answer this demand. If the Republioan party expects or seeks to retain its national sway, it must provide prompt and effective relief from those evils which weigh so heavily upon the great body of the people, and this task must be performed by Congress at its coming session. Congress and the Currency. From the N. Y. Serald. Merchants, wholesale and retail dealers, and men of all business pursuits, East, West, North, and South, are anxiously looking to Congress for some measures of relief. "Trade is depressed," "butiness is dull," "times are very hard with us," "nothing is doing in our line," are expressions which may now be heard in any store, iu any line of business, from one end of this city to the other. So it is, doubtless, to a greater extent, in every commercial city, town, and village of the United States. Rents and provisions are still high, our Federal taxes, State taxes, aud county and corporation taxes oppress the peo ple more heavily from month to month, while profits and incomes are rapidly diminishing and the fountains of labor are drying up; and so all eyes are turned to Congress in the hope of some measure of redress. Great reforms in our internal revenue laws are demanded and corresponding modifications of our external tax laws; great retrenchments are called for in the Government expenditures, but a deficiency of money in circulation is the general complaint of business people every where and of all classes. There is not 'money enough afloat to meet the legitimate demand of trade; hence the general depression. The Secretary of the Treasury has adopted and is vigorously pursuing a system of contractions which, unless seasonably arrested, may oulmi- nate in the same results as excessive inflation failures, bankruptcies, a panic, and a gene ral collapse. What, then, is congress called npon to do I We think an act should be passed repealing the act for the curtailment of the volume of legal-tender notes, and that simple legal-tenders, without interest, should be provided for and issued in the place of interest-bearing legal-tenders as fast as they mature, t urther- more, we want legal-tenders in the plaoe of the national bank notes as fast as possible; for why should twenty-five or thirty millions in terest on the national bonds as a basis of cir culation be paid to these national banks, when, by the simple substitution of green backs, all these bounties ttf the national banks may be saved to our national taxpayers and to the Treasury Mr. McCulloch, his admirers say, is moving steadily towards specie payments; but while cold continues on the margin of 140 the prospect of specie, pavement by his policy of contraction is not very promising, with the reduotion of imports and the ourtailment of manufactures there are corresponding reduc tions in the revenue returns of the Treasury, while the costs of oolleotion are still increas ing, from increasing frauds and sohemes of evasion, embezzlement, ana roouery. au these thines cover a wide field for legislation. and the very existence of the party in power depends upon its action on this paramount and all-absorbing money question. llenoe the attention of the whole country is now turned for relief to Congress, where the power and the responsibility belong. We would there fore remind the party in power of the publio wants and expectations in season for action at the coming session, and especially would we warn the two nouses or the folly and the dangers of Mr. McCullooh's depressing policy or contraction to hurry up specie payments. Mr. Pendleton'a Financial Vagary. From the N. Y. Tribune. The World calls our attention to Mr. Pendle ton s so-called "Plan for paying the National debt" in fifteen years. It is as follows: "Three hundred and thirty-eight millions of ineKO oonusare, Dy uie report or tne weoremry of ttie Treasury, deposited to-day as suiuiltr In the vauitu of the Treasurv. Three huuured millions of bank paper U lauued on the f tltti of lutbe ooDua. . xnow, Kttniioinen, 1 maintain mat thin circulation ouuht lo be called In; that these bonds oukIh to be redeemed with lcgul-leudera, which will take the place of that baulc circula tion. "What would be the effeot of this? The seventeen hundred millions of interest-bearing bo i) lis would be reduced to fourteen hun lred millions; and twenty millions or dollar would be saved to the Government from the interest which Is paid lo the bankers for the bonds which they have deposited. 'Mow, then, anppnxe you take these twenty millions of luterest which la saved, and add It to the forty-eight millions of dollars wnlou these gentlemen say they oan pay from the our rent revenue, and you have sIxty-elKul mil Hons of dollars, year by year, and It you con vert that sum Into Kreeubacks. at 140 von have a hundred millions of dollars a year, and If tins ib apprupnmou an sinning mna, you can mv oil' Hie whole debt In less than fl fLti.-n years. without adding one dollar to your taxation, or one dollar to your circulating medium, "Hpiir In mludthatl am arinilntrn nronosttlon that these lion us can be jmld lu arooubaoks wl'tioul Inflating the currency. The only portion of this plan which is Mr. 1'endieton s is that relating to the tweuty.mil- lions of dollars which he thinks can be saved by abolishing the National Hanking system, and making the Treasury Department issue all the currency sow btsued by the National Panks. This would convert the Treasury De partment at Washington into a United States llank, without other capital than the general rrwuuiurs , vuj country, mil commissioned to furnish the country with all its paper money. Now, we maintain that there are practioal rea sons, growing out of the nature of a banking end paper-money system, why the Treasury Department cannot thns supply the currenoy of the country. The ordinary mode in whioh a paper currency is kept afloat is that the notes and drafts arising in course of trade and business, and having from thirty days to four months to rnn, are received bv the banks, and held till they mature, the banks giving in exchange therefor their own notes, payable on demand, and the latter pass into circulation as currency. Apart from this system of discounting private paper, a. currency cannot le kept in circulation. This business the Treasury Department could not transact, either directly or indirectly. The attempt to do so through the old United States Hank broke down the party that committed the error. Banking, though necessary to our publio and business life, must be kept distinot from the Treasury Department and all Gov ernment influences. Let us suppose Mr. Pendleton's plan carried out the present na tional banks recall their currency, and sell the bonds now deposited with the Government for about $300,000,000 in greenbacks. This transaction has swept the national banks out of existence. There is the same amount of currency held by the people, but there are no banks, no places of redemption, no agencies for keeping it in circulation, no security has been given for it by anybody, and nobody knows how muoh of it there is in circnlation exoept at hearsay. The profit on circulation, which is the only consideration whioh can induce a bank to give its circulating notes, payable on demand, in exchange for notes of private parties, at four months, ia gone, and hence the banking business is stopped. All this would involve an immediate depreciation in the value of the greenbacks themselves. hither the Government must employ the banks as agents to resume their discounting, using its greenbacks instead of their own notes, or else the system of fotate ban&s must be revived. Assuming that the revival of the State banks is not what Mr. Pendleton is driving at, we are brought to the question, On what terms would the banks, resume discounting aqd ciroulate greenbacks instead of their own notes ? It is essential to the safety of the banks that the discounting shall be done at the risk of the banker. This cannot be, unless the banker is responsible for the redemption of the notes. It is essential to the safety of the banker that when he gives demand notes for notes payable at a future time, he shall have the full interest on the currency. This he cannot do if the Government charges him anything for the use of the currency. It is essential to the safety of the community that if the banker furnishes the currency at his own risk, and has the in terest on it while it is outstanding, he shall give security for its redemption; and no se curity could be se good as that of uovernment bonds. Thus, unless we 'reestablish State banks, which nobody desires, or abolish bank ing altogether, which is impossible, or convert the United States Treasury into a gigantio bank of issue and of discount, with agencies in every city, like the Bank of England, whioh we don't like, the very necessities inoident to the maintenance of a paper currency drive us right back to the three fundamental features of the national banking system, viz : that the currency shall be furnished without interest by the Government; that it shall be issued at the risk of the banker; and that it shall be seoured by Government bonds. Our objection to Mr. Pendleton's crude theory ia thatdt is utterly absurd, unsophisticated, and impracticable; that it ignores the fact that paper money can only be maintained at par by making It re deemable; that it can only be kept in circula tion and ' made ' redeemable through some banking system; that Mr. Pendleton proposes to destroy our present national banking sys tem, and to substitute nothing in its plaoe; that his policy would depreciate the green backs to a third of their present value, and would immediately precipitate a disastrous collapse in our financial and business inter ests, without accomplishing a single benefi cial result. v We must have a banking system of some kind. We could do better without railroads than , without banks. The only question is whether the Gov ernment has driven a , good bargain with the bankers nnder the present system. If they have not, they have the power to amend the bargain at any time. They can drive it closer and closer, until they drive the banks out of the business. It has been shown that the banks now pay in taxes about all the interest the Government pays them on their, bonds. The profits of the banks have been about proportionate to those in other kinds of business. But we do not object to any amend ments to the National Banking law, whereby the Government will drive a closer bargain, give less and get more; but Mr. Pendleton's so called plan simply destroys the banking sys tem and substitutes nothing for it. The theory that the Government oan save any sum what ever by destroying all the banks is prepos terous. It is one of those crude destructive vagaries which men out of power, and divested of all responsibility, may advocate, but which, if they were themselves in power, they would have too much sense to carry out. L O OKIHG-CLAGBEQ OF TUB BEST FKENCH PLATE, lr ' Every Stylo of Frames, ON II AND OR MADE TO ORDER. NEW ART GALLERY, F. DOLAND & CO., 11 1 2ui2p No. 014 A.IIC1I Btreet. COAL. BMIPPrfTCN A CO., DEALKRS IN , HAKU1UH I.KUIGH and JtAOLK VKIN (UAl, Kj Ury under cover. PrtM'urwl pnir.iiy . ft.r foiully use. ard, No. ms VVAaiUiSU 1X)JS A venua. OKlot). No. M WALNUT Btraw. Ti WILLIAM STILL'S COAL DEPOT ICos. 1210 1218, ml lfflu VAH11IN(JTUN Avenue. The betil qualities or Coal, for doiutxtllo or dUshui use, riuuiAiiea w any iU vi n, oity. u t w OLD R Y E W H I S E I E S. THE LARGEST AND BEST STOCK OF FINE OLD ft Y E WHISKIES In the Land is now Possessed by HENRY S. H ANN IS & CO. Nos. 218 and 220 South FRONT. Street, ' who orrEK thi: same i tub tradx. in lot, ox very advantageous TERM. Their Stock of Rye Whiskies, in Bond, comprises all the favorite brands extaut, and run through the various months of 18C5, '6G, and of this year, up to present date. Liberal contracts made for lota to arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad Depot, Ericsson Lia Wharf, or at Bonded Warehouse, as parties may elect. ENGLISH OABPETINGS. NEW eOODS OF Ol'B OWN IMPORTATION J VST ARRIVED. ALSO, A CHOICE BELKCTION OF AMERICAN CARPETINGS, OIL CLOTHS, ETC. KBglleh Prnggttlng, from half yard to four yard wide. Hotting, Ilogi, Slats. Our entire stock, including nevr goods daily opening, will be offered at LOW PRICES FOR CASH, prior to Removal, In January next, to New Store, now ' building, No. 1222 CheBnut street. REEVE It. llJ 14 tbstu2m CARPETINGS. 519 CHESMT STREET. 519 FINE CARPETINGS AT REDUCED PRIOK3. WE WILL SELL OUB - ' AXHINSIEBS, BOTAL WILTONS. VELVETS, ENGLISH BRUSSELS,! TAPESTRX BRUSSELS, . THREE PL YS, SUPER INGRAINS. VENETIANS, BRUSSELS AND D AH ASK i HALL AN 0 STAIR CARPETS, WITH EXTRA BORDERS, ENGLISH OIL CLOTHS, - ' ' ' IN BHORT, I . ." . ... . . EVERT DESCRIPTION OF DESIRABLE . . ' i CARPETINGS, At Greatly Reduced Prices, - '.! With a view to BELLING 0F7 OTJB ENTIRE 8T0CK, AT OX7R RETAIL WARERO0M3. No. 519 CHESNUT Street, Prior to Removal on first ot January next. . UCCALLUM, CREASE & SLOAN, 10 1 tuth2mrp NO. BIO CHESNUT ST. TCTOTICE. " LEE DOM & SHAW, NO. 910 ARCH STREET, BETWEEN NINTH AND TENTH STREETS, Will continue to tell their stock of CARPETINGS AT PRICES TO CORRESPOND WITH LOW RENT AND EXPENSES, ' AND WILL OFEN DAILY NEW GOODS, Aatuey do not expect to move, 8 27 8mrp FIRE AND BURGLAR PROOFSAFES Pj C. L. MAISER. KAsruraoruBK or riBE AND BURULAB-PBOO SAFES, LOCKSMITH, BKLJLrMANER, AND DEALER IN BUILDINU HARDWARE, 6 Ot NO. RACK STREET. A LARCH ASSORTMENT OF FIRS ' and Burglar-proof SAFES on band, with Inside doors, DweUUitf-huuiie Hit'ee, frt-e from dHmpuea. Prices low. C I1AWS EN FO Hit K 11, I No. ia V1NM bireet BLANK BOOKS. J-JIGIIEST PREMIUM AWARDED FOR BLANIt. BOOKS, BT THE PARIS EXPOSITION. ' .' ' . ". i WM, F. MURPnY'3 SONS!, No. 339 OIIESNUr Street, HUM It Boek BBfstur, 8tm Power Printers, sail Stationers. A full assortment of BLANK BOO bIS AND COUNT-IRQ-HOUSE STATIONERY constantly on band, 11 ntwflu KNIGIIT & SON, . NO, 807 CHI.KXUT STREET, WATCHES, JEWELRY, ETC. AMERICAN WATCH E S. W. W. CABSIDY, ' No. 12 Bonth SECOND Street, Philadelphia, axka attention to bis varied and eiton Blve buck of GOLD AND biLVJKK WATCHEd ANtt BILVER-WARK. Cn.tomera may be aunred that none bat the best article., at reasonable prices, will be sold at hla store. A fine assortment of PLATKD-WAlWj constantly on band. Watches and Jewelry carefully repaired. All orders by mall promptly attended to, Uiastuth FINE WATCHES. We keep always on hand an assortment ot t LADIES' AND GENTS' "FIXE WATCHES Of the best American and Foreign Makers, all Wat ranted to give complete saUslactiun, and at GREATLY REDUCED PRICKS.' , FARR 6 I3IiOTHKit, Importers of Watches, Jewelry, Musical Boxes, eto. 11 Usmthtrp No. 824 CHESNUT St., below Fourth. Especial attention given to repairing; Watches and Musical Boim by F1KBT-OLAfeH workmen. LEWIS LADOMUS & CO., DIAMORD DEALERS AND JEWELLERS, No. 80S CHKSNUT BTRKKT, Wonld Invite the attention of purchasers to their large nock of CEBITS' A WD LADIES' WATCHES, Jnst received, ef the finest European makers. Independent qnarter, econd, and seli-wlndlng, la gold and silver cases. Also, AMKK1CAN WATCHES Of all sizes. Diamond beis. Pins, Studs, Kidrs, elc Coral, Malachite, Garnet, and Etruscan Bets, ia great variety. rg i4d . SOLID SILVERWARE of all kinds, IncWng a large assortment suitable lor Bridal Presents.; G. RUSSELL & CO., Ko. 32 K0BIB SIXTH 8TEEXT, OFFER OX E or TI1E LARGEST STOCKS FINE FRENCH CLOCKS, OF THEIR OWM IMPORT ATIOX, IU TUB CITY. 28f AMERICAN WATCHES, j;Tbe best In the world, sold at Factory Frloes, BY C. & A. PEQUICNOT, MANUFACTURERS OF WATCH CASES, No. IS South SIXTH Street. S Manutactoiy, ifa. 22. & TU TS Street. gTERLINQ SILVERWARE MANUFACTORY KO. 414 LOCCST STREET. GEORGE 8 II AJZ r, Patentee of the Ball and Cube patterns, manufactures every description of line STERLING) SILVER WARE, and offer, for sale, wholesale and retail, a choice assortment of rich and beautiful goods of new styles at low prices. , 28 8m. J. M. SHARP. A. ROBERTS. SOAP. MP0TANT TO THE LADIES ! ! Ko 31 ore Dread or Wash-DayM - MOORE'S ELECTll 0-MA QNETIQ SOAP. WAniNU HADE EASY." Accomplished without boiling or rubbing. The finest and most delicate fabrics, as well as the co.rsfst, maJe beautllully clean without boiling or rubbing, saving In tne process half the time, labor, soap, AND ALL THE FUEL 1 1 f This Is the beat Soap ever iuvented lor washing purposes. We offer th's Soap to the ladle, confident that tbey will find, after the lint trial, that they cauuoldo with, out It. . , BOLD BY A I,L OROCRRa. 10 U tbml2t T.STEWART BROWN, B.K. Corner of FOURTH and CHECTNUT STS . MANunci'uiua or ,' XROItS. VAUSfcs, BAoa. hi ricrjLEs, andevet Oeeorivuon of Trmulmg OooUa. 5h
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers