THE DAILY EVEK ING TELIiXaRAPII PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 21, 18G7.
SPIRIT OF THE PRESS.
gDITORIat CMinoHB OF THS LAI)IW ' JCUMAM
UPOBf OOBRIBT TOPKJ8 COMPU.RD ZVIBY
DAT FOB THB IVENINOT TaUtOBAXH.
ncvenne Systems.
JiVom Wt Chicago Republioan.
Oar national debt was ino cured In a war to
sustain our nationality, and to enable as to
band down free institutions unimpaired to
posterity. ' It i simple Justice that fatare
generations should bear their share of the
burden, the more so beoause augmented popu
lation and wealth must render that burden
lighter upon them than upon us. In this
view, no enlightened statesman will entertain
the idea of paying oil' our vast debt at onoe.
TU9 most to be desired is revenue sufficient to
meet current expenditures, to pay aocruing
interest, and to extinguish say fifty millions
of the principal annually. The important re
duction of our debt during the past year has
convinced our people and the world that we
possess both the ability and the inclination to
meet our liabilities, and are fully able to
undergo any future demand which war, do
mestic or foreign, may make upon our re
source!. Then let the national debt be re
duced gradually, so as to sustain public
credit, yet so as to remit to postority its
extinction.
But to sustain this general policy we mast
submit to taxation heavier than any imposed
before the Rebellion. What plan of raising
revenue, then, shall be adopted f Three sys
tems have been tested in this and other coun
tries: (1) The impost system; (2) direct
taxation; (3) the excise system. Each has its
distinctive characteristics and influences upon
the people. The first is most common and
least oppressive. It has this additional advan
tage over the other systems, that it regulates
trade, and so contributes to the supremacy of
native commerce. It also enables us to impose
countervailing duties,' thus defending us
against any hostile legislation of any foreign
power. The tax, too, is often in effeot par
tially paid by the foreign producer, who,
rather than lose valuable markets in this
country, will frequently, in the case of high
duties, reduce the prices of bis wines, silks,
woollens, etc, so as to retain old customers,
lie finds this course far more to his interest
than a surplus on hand to diminish . home
quotations of his manufactures. Besides, by
the inorease of imposts upon imported articles
whioh can be made here, a powerful stimulus
is applied to the home production of those
articles. The resulting competition between
domestio ' and foreign produoers themselves
generally , acts to reduce prices, in a short
period. , ,
This position is fully sustained by the expe
rience of this country. Let our tarilf be in
creased ten per cent, on commodities which
can he manufactured in the United States,
and "rarely, if ever, do these articles advance
in our market beyond half the augmentation
or tax. un me otner nana, a reduotion of the
duties, on such articles will seldom, if ever,
lower the prices in the same ratio. Thus it
Appears that the impost system is praotioally
more favorable to the taxpayer than any other
mode of raising revenue. A direct or land tax
has no such redeeming features, and should
be resorted to only in cases of necessity. An
exoise tax, though less exceptionable, yet pos
sesses some odious qualities. It must be more
or less inquisitorial, and being laid upon busi
ness, unavoidably discriminates against and
disoourages enterprise. Moreover, it is a sys
tem the whole burden of which must fall
upon our own people.
Congress, then, in providing for raising the
neoessary revenue, should impose the tax
Where it can be paid with the least injurious
effeots. The necessities of the future should
he studiously regarded. Sueh a system
should be adopted as will stimulate the in
crease of taxable property from year to year,
which shall make the burden lighter and
lighter upon the people, by developing the
resources of the country, and adding to its
ability to meet the demands of the Govern
ment. Every wise statesman will seek to
inorease rather than diminish the souroes of
revenue.
Now, which of the three systems proposed
will best accomplish these desirable results?
It is plain that direct taxation can never aot
as a goad to productive industry. It is merely
a dead-weight upon the contributor. Exoises
are little better. Will the taxing of manufac
tures increase the products f Will the taxing
' of business induce a larger number of capital
ists to embark in various enterprises ? Are
not the tendencies all repressive npon indus
trial pursuits t Take our home producers,
almost every one of whom comes in competi-
: tion with the foreign manufacturer; do not
xcise taxes upon their products weaken their
. ability to meet on equal terms their rivals
across the ocean f It does not help the oase
to say that the consumer pays the tax, for the
name oan be said of the imported article. Un
less a tariff is imOOSed TJnon for1n nnmmivli.
ties, the excise laid npon the manufacturers
is likely to break them down, and thus
render us more or less dependent upon other
nations.
It is plain that, to reach a high point of
Prosperity, every branch of industry should
be fostered. No single department oan be
negleoted without serious injury to the others.
Depress manufactures and the meohanio arts,
and you turn adrift a swarm of laborers to re
duce wages by competition in other employ
ments. This cheapening of labor over-stimulates
production in the new calling to which it
is applied, and finally reacts upon the pro
ducer with prostrating influences. The dif
ferent branches of industry are so closely inter
connected, that any policy whioh injures one
injures all. .
TuL enlightened statesman, therefore, in
providing a system oi taxation, will anxiously
inquire how he can best develop the active
production of the whole community. " Though
Hn&0t4 18 Teuuel h will be wisely
Sn? ,1 utilizing and vitali
zing the resources of the country. He will
perceive at onoe that if he should raise his
Impost to the point of prohibition, he will
destroy importation, and his tariff will vield
no income. Should he lay an exoi99 duty of
too high a rate, he will break down manufac
turers, and thereby defeat hU purpose. A
proper medium must be adopted both for the
advantage of the revenue aud of the pnople.
Neither free trade nor a prohibitory tariff can
Bupuly the Treasury, or promote the general
welfare. As the present situation dwmands
large annual receipt, each department of in
dustry must bear its due share. There should
fMront avutema of taxation, and also between
the several articles which fall within each
Uysteiu. .
The Southern Conventions.
From the N. Y. Tribune.
The delegates from the genuine Demooracy
of the South, who are (already engaged In or
Will soon attempt the task of framing for their
respective States constitntioas based, on. juaiv
hood and loyalty, undertake that responsi
bility under great disadvantages. Most of
them are poor and hitherto obscure men,
who utterly laok familiarity with legislative
preceedings and constitutional history; some
are of the despised, detested black race, aud
have ' scarcely learned to read, Laving been
field hands, to instruct whom was felony by
statute not three years airo. They are
watched with unconcealed contempt and ma
lignity by a very large majority of the old
planting aristocracy and its legal, mercantile,
and clerical satellites, who expect to over
throw, on the heels of the next Presidential
election, the governments now to be erected,
and replace them by substitutes of their own
construction, based on the assumption that
Macks nava no rights that whites are bound
to respect. On the side of the aristocracy is
nearly the entire press able, unscrupulous,
and envenomed and nearly all who send tele
grams to Northern journals. Of course, the
so-called "negro governments" must expect to
hare all they do misrepresented to their pre
judice, and very much evil charged to them
and believed in which they never thought or.
Judging by what has been, they may expect to
find themselves charged with all manner of
evil deeds and purposes, even in the columns
of journals which would treat them fairly if
they could.
We entreat the Southern Conventions,
therefore, to eschew carefully even the appear
ance of evil, and especially whatever might
seem to .savor of revenge or proscription.
Make equal rights for all citizens your corner
stone, aud bury in oblivion whatever is hate
ful in the past,, while taking the amplest secu
rity against oppression in the future. Disap
point those who prediot a new civil war as the
result of black enfranchisement, and pile proof
upon" proof that universal justice is enduring
peace. Show the world that you comprehend
the exigency, and can read the lesson involved
in the fate of the late aristocracy, who, in
seeeking to extend and strengthen slavery,
destroyed it. The assured predominance of
Republican principles, alike at the South and
at the North, imperatively requires that the
freedmen should prove safer, discreeter, more
competent depositories of power than their
late masters did.
We believe the Conventions will be fully
justified in exacting of every voter a promise
or oath that he will not henceforth seek to
disfranchise the blacks. ' Liberty and equal
rights for all being the corner-stone of the new
political edifice erected on the downfall of se
cession and slavery, it may be well to quiet
apprehension, preclude danger, and "take a
bond of fate," by such a requirement. And
this, we are confident, will suffice. ' No confis
cation, no spoliation, no vengeance I let the
changes be so many as are requisite to secure
and maintain equal rights; and there stop. Let
the changes be few and perspicuous, though
far-reaching; let the Constitutions be as brief
and simple as may be; and as nearly like those
they supersede as is oonsistent with the great
end of making each one of them a Gibraltar of
human liberty. Then let the work be con
summated at the earliest practicable moment,
and let every State be fully represented in
Congress before the 1st of March. Our ene
mies assert that we wish to keep the South
out Of Congress: let us show them how utterly
they are mistaken. And, as each resumes her
proper position, reconstructed and regene
rated, let the auspicious event be fitly honored
in every State of the Union.
The Meeting of Congrtu,
Ft om the N. Y. Timet.
Congress meets to-day to close its summer
session; its next regular session begins on the
2d of next month. The business which awaits
its action is of great importance, and de
mands the most careful and considerate atten
tion at its hands. - The interests of parti will
very naturally press for consideration, and
will probably receive it, first; but the interests
of party depend just now so largely upon the
measures which may be taken fat the interest
of the country, that the two may well be
deemed identical. Neither party can now
strengthen itself in any other way than by
promoting the publio welfare. Neither party
can, by taking thought Bolely for its own in
terest, add one cubit to its stature; and that
party which shall show most zeal for the
publio good, and do most for its promotion,
will do the most to seoure favor with the
people, and promote its own ascendancy. It
will not do for any party, or for any men,' to
give exclusive attention to imaginary evils,
and neglect the real evils which press upon
th eoountry. . .
The first essential to proper action will be
courage. Every extreme ultraist in either
House will assert this, and assert it truly. But
he will mean by it that every member must
have the courage to discard all thought of
results, and rush blindly into whatever is
most violent and extreme. He must give no
weight to indications of popular sentiment,
and must not stop to weigh results, or con
sider the etlect or his action upon communities
or sections. Nothing but cowardice can prompt
men thus to hesitate and deliberate. None
but the timid, the vacillating, the weak-kneed,
half-way men will hesitate a moment to im
peach the President and remove him from
office, confiscate Southern property, force
universal sunrage upon an tne states, and
generally follow the lead and adopt the policy
of the most reckless ultraists.
The country has had enough of this kind of
"courage" already. The fear of being thought
to lack it has induced Republicans in Con
gress, more than once heretofore, to adopt
measures which their judgments did not ap
prove; and the country has just now pro
nounced its judgment npon those measures,
and the temper in which they had their ori
gin. The courage wanted now is of another
stamp men must have courage to aot upon
their own convictions of what is wise and just
against the brow-beating, domineering dic
tation of those who have bo long assumed to
speak for the Republican party. The men of
calm temper, of sound wisdom, of ex
perience and moderation, in the
Republican ranks, must have the
courage to assert meir innueuue, uu
to take into their own hands the direction
of publio affairs, which has rested so long, and
with such disastrous results, in the hands of
headlong and inconsiderate extremists. The
country expeots it oi mem, ana wiu su.naiu
them in doing so. One thing is very clear: a
continuance of the policy and the temper pro
claimed and exhibited by the last Congress
will complete and make permanent the defeats
which the Republicans have sustained In the
late eleotiona. Mr. Stevens and those who
act with him rely with confidence on the sup
port of the ten Southern States in which negro
supremacy is looked for, through the help of
the negro vote; but the error in this calcula
tion lies in the fact that the measures by
which they seek to secure that vote will lose
them the support of every considerable North
ern State. The people demand greater mode
rationless uUraimn a broader and more
comprehensive regard to the welfare of the
whole country, than these partisan manoeuvres
imply.
Congress this winter Is to mark out tlw
policy npon which the Republican party . Is to
enter on the 1'renidential canvass. A moot
strenuous and determined effort will be main
to make radicalism the corner-stone of that
policy, to base it npon the absolute political
and soolal eqnality of the blaok and white
races in every State throughout the Union,
an equality to be asserted as a national prin
ciple, and maintained by the national autho
rity and power. The threat has already been
thrown out, that unless this is adopted as the
fundamental principle of thVi Republican party,
and made the test of its character and aotiou,
the party shall be broken in two; and that
without regard to consequences Immediate or
remote. The effort will be made during the
coming session to establish this position; and
those who do not admit its Justice or see its
wisdom must have the courage to meet it as
they may think the emergency requires. We
think they cannot be mistaken in inferring
from the elections of the last few months, that
the people of the United States are not pre
pared to acoept this as a national principle,
and that a canvass conducted on that basis
will result in its defeat.
But this is not one of the questions and
perhaps not the one of most importance
which will demand Attention. The question
of taxation comes more closely home to the
people than any other. It touches directly
and sharply every man, woman, and child in
the country. It affects every interest, and
makes itself felt npon every calling and upon
every pursuit. Our taxes are heavier than
those of any other nation, and the manner of
their imposition makes them more oppressive
still. Every man's industry is hampered and
discouraged, while the unnatural state of the
currency enhances prices and diminishes still
more largely the fruits of labor in every de
partment. These are practical evils, flowing
directly from defective legislation: and the
people demand that they shall be remedied.
Party criminations and recriminations, sec
tional denunciations, a frantio zeal for rights
and liberties that are not in peril, will not
answer this demand. If the Republioan party
expects or seeks to retain its national sway, it
must provide prompt and effective relief from
those evils which weigh so heavily upon the
great body of the people, and this task must
be performed by Congress at its coming session.
Congress and the Currency.
From the N. Y. Serald.
Merchants, wholesale and retail dealers, and
men of all business pursuits, East, West,
North, and South, are anxiously looking to
Congress for some measures of relief. "Trade
is depressed," "butiness is dull," "times are
very hard with us," "nothing is doing in our
line," are expressions which may now be
heard in any store, iu any line of business,
from one end of this city to the other. So it
is, doubtless, to a greater extent, in every
commercial city, town, and village of the
United States. Rents and provisions are still
high, our Federal taxes, State taxes, aud
county and corporation taxes oppress the peo
ple more heavily from month to month, while
profits and incomes are rapidly diminishing
and the fountains of labor are drying up;
and so all eyes are turned to Congress
in the hope of some measure of redress.
Great reforms in our internal revenue laws
are demanded and corresponding modifications
of our external tax laws; great retrenchments
are called for in the Government expenditures,
but a deficiency of money in circulation is the
general complaint of business people every
where and of all classes. There is not 'money
enough afloat to meet the legitimate demand
of trade; hence the general depression. The
Secretary of the Treasury has adopted and is
vigorously pursuing a system of contractions
which, unless seasonably arrested, may oulmi-
nate in the same results as excessive inflation
failures, bankruptcies, a panic, and a gene
ral collapse.
What, then, is congress called npon to do I
We think an act should be passed repealing
the act for the curtailment of the volume of
legal-tender notes, and that simple legal-tenders,
without interest, should be provided for
and issued in the place of interest-bearing
legal-tenders as fast as they mature, t urther-
more, we want legal-tenders in the plaoe of the
national bank notes as fast as possible; for
why should twenty-five or thirty millions in
terest on the national bonds as a basis of cir
culation be paid to these national banks,
when, by the simple substitution of green
backs, all these bounties ttf the national banks
may be saved to our national taxpayers and to
the Treasury
Mr. McCulloch, his admirers say, is moving
steadily towards specie payments; but while
cold continues on the margin of 140 the
prospect of specie, pavement by his policy of
contraction is not very promising, with the
reduotion of imports and the ourtailment of
manufactures there are corresponding reduc
tions in the revenue returns of the Treasury,
while the costs of oolleotion are still increas
ing, from increasing frauds and sohemes of
evasion, embezzlement, ana roouery. au
these thines cover a wide field for legislation.
and the very existence of the party in power
depends upon its action on this paramount and
all-absorbing money question. llenoe the
attention of the whole country is now turned
for relief to Congress, where the power and
the responsibility belong. We would there
fore remind the party in power of the publio
wants and expectations in season for action at
the coming session, and especially would we
warn the two nouses or the folly and the
dangers of Mr. McCullooh's depressing policy
or contraction to hurry up specie payments.
Mr. Pendleton'a Financial Vagary.
From the N. Y. Tribune.
The World calls our attention to Mr. Pendle
ton s so-called "Plan for paying the National
debt" in fifteen years. It is as follows:
"Three hundred and thirty-eight millions of
ineKO oonusare, Dy uie report or tne weoremry
of ttie Treasury, deposited to-day as suiuiltr
In the vauitu of the Treasurv. Three huuured
millions of bank paper U lauued on the f tltti of
lutbe ooDua. . xnow, Kttniioinen, 1 maintain mat
thin circulation ouuht lo be called In; that these
bonds oukIh to be redeemed with lcgul-leudera,
which will take the place of that baulc circula
tion. "What would be the effeot of this? The
seventeen hundred millions of interest-bearing
bo i) lis would be reduced to fourteen hun lred
millions; and twenty millions or dollar would
be saved to the Government from the interest
which Is paid lo the bankers for the bonds
which they have deposited.
'Mow, then, anppnxe you take these twenty
millions of luterest which la saved, and add It
to the forty-eight millions of dollars wnlou
these gentlemen say they oan pay from the our
rent revenue, and you have sIxty-elKul mil
Hons of dollars, year by year, and It you con
vert that sum Into Kreeubacks. at 140 von have
a hundred millions of dollars a year, and If
tins ib apprupnmou an sinning mna, you can
mv oil' Hie whole debt In less than fl fLti.-n years.
without adding one dollar to your taxation, or
one dollar to your circulating medium,
"Hpiir In mludthatl am arinilntrn nronosttlon
that these lion us can be jmld lu arooubaoks
wl'tioul Inflating the currency.
The only portion of this plan which is Mr.
1'endieton s is that relating to the tweuty.mil-
lions of dollars which he thinks can be saved
by abolishing the National Hanking system,
and making the Treasury Department issue all
the currency sow btsued by the National
Panks. This would convert the Treasury De
partment at Washington into a United States
llank, without other capital than the general
rrwuuiurs , vuj country, mil commissioned to
furnish the country with all its paper money.
Now, we maintain that there are practioal rea
sons, growing out of the nature of a banking
end paper-money system, why the Treasury
Department cannot thns supply the currenoy
of the country. The ordinary mode in whioh
a paper currency is kept afloat is that the
notes and drafts arising in course of trade and
business, and having from thirty days to four
months to rnn, are received bv the banks, and
held till they mature, the banks giving in
exchange therefor their own notes, payable on
demand, and the latter pass into circulation
as currency. Apart from this system
of discounting private paper, a. currency
cannot le kept in circulation. This business
the Treasury Department could not transact,
either directly or indirectly. The attempt to
do so through the old United States Hank
broke down the party that committed
the error. Banking, though necessary to our
publio and business life, must be kept distinot
from the Treasury Department and all Gov
ernment influences. Let us suppose Mr.
Pendleton's plan carried out the present na
tional banks recall their currency, and sell the
bonds now deposited with the Government for
about $300,000,000 in greenbacks. This
transaction has swept the national banks out
of existence. There is the same amount of
currency held by the people, but there are no
banks, no places of redemption, no agencies
for keeping it in circulation, no security has
been given for it by anybody, and nobody
knows how muoh of it there is in circnlation
exoept at hearsay. The profit on circulation,
which is the only consideration whioh can
induce a bank to give its circulating notes,
payable on demand, in exchange for notes of
private parties, at four months, ia gone, and
hence the banking business is stopped. All
this would involve an immediate depreciation
in the value of the greenbacks themselves.
hither the Government must employ the banks
as agents to resume their discounting, using
its greenbacks instead of their own notes, or
else the system of fotate ban&s must be revived.
Assuming that the revival of the State banks
is not what Mr. Pendleton is driving at, we are
brought to the question, On what terms would
the banks, resume discounting aqd ciroulate
greenbacks instead of their own notes ? It is
essential to the safety of the banks that the
discounting shall be done at the risk of the
banker. This cannot be, unless the banker is
responsible for the redemption of the notes.
It is essential to the safety of the banker that
when he gives demand notes for notes payable
at a future time, he shall have the full interest
on the currency. This he cannot do if the
Government charges him anything for the use
of the currency. It is essential to the safety
of the community that if the banker furnishes
the currency at his own risk, and has the in
terest on it while it is outstanding, he shall
give security for its redemption; and no se
curity could be se good as that of uovernment
bonds. Thus, unless we 'reestablish State
banks, which nobody desires, or abolish bank
ing altogether, which is impossible, or convert
the United States Treasury into a gigantio
bank of issue and of discount, with agencies in
every city, like the Bank of England, whioh
we don't like, the very necessities inoident to
the maintenance of a paper currency drive us
right back to the three fundamental features
of the national banking system, viz : that the
currency shall be furnished without interest by
the Government; that it shall be issued at the
risk of the banker; and that it shall be seoured
by Government bonds. Our objection to Mr.
Pendleton's crude theory ia thatdt is utterly
absurd, unsophisticated, and impracticable;
that it ignores the fact that paper money can
only be maintained at par by making It re
deemable; that it can only be kept in circula
tion and ' made ' redeemable through some
banking system; that Mr. Pendleton proposes
to destroy our present national banking sys
tem, and to substitute nothing in its plaoe;
that his policy would depreciate the green
backs to a third of their present value, and
would immediately precipitate a disastrous
collapse in our financial and business inter
ests, without accomplishing a single benefi
cial result. v We must have a banking system
of some kind. We could do better without
railroads than , without banks. The only
question is whether the Gov
ernment has driven a , good bargain
with the bankers nnder the present system.
If they have not, they have the power to
amend the bargain at any time. They can
drive it closer and closer, until they drive the
banks out of the business. It has been shown
that the banks now pay in taxes about all the
interest the Government pays them on their,
bonds. The profits of the banks have been
about proportionate to those in other kinds of
business. But we do not object to any amend
ments to the National Banking law, whereby
the Government will drive a closer bargain,
give less and get more; but Mr. Pendleton's so
called plan simply destroys the banking sys
tem and substitutes nothing for it. The theory
that the Government oan save any sum what
ever by destroying all the banks is prepos
terous. It is one of those crude destructive
vagaries which men out of power, and divested
of all responsibility, may advocate, but which,
if they were themselves in power, they would
have too much sense to carry out.
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i
HALL AN 0 STAIR CARPETS,
WITH EXTRA BORDERS,
ENGLISH OIL CLOTHS,
- ' ' ' IN BHORT, I
. ." . ... . .
EVERT DESCRIPTION OF DESIRABLE
. . ' i
CARPETINGS,
At Greatly Reduced Prices,
- '.!
With a view to BELLING 0F7 OTJB ENTIRE
8T0CK, AT OX7R RETAIL WARERO0M3.
No. 519 CHESNUT Street,
Prior to Removal on first ot January next. .
UCCALLUM, CREASE & SLOAN,
10 1 tuth2mrp NO. BIO CHESNUT ST.
TCTOTICE. "
LEE DOM & SHAW,
NO. 910 ARCH STREET,
BETWEEN NINTH AND TENTH STREETS,
Will continue to tell their stock of
CARPETINGS
AT PRICES TO CORRESPOND WITH LOW RENT
AND EXPENSES, '
AND WILL OFEN DAILY NEW GOODS,
Aatuey do not expect to move, 8 27 8mrp
FIRE AND BURGLAR PROOFSAFES
Pj C. L. MAISER.
KAsruraoruBK or
riBE AND BURULAB-PBOO
SAFES,
LOCKSMITH, BKLJLrMANER, AND
DEALER IN BUILDINU HARDWARE,
6 Ot NO. RACK STREET.
A LARCH ASSORTMENT OF FIRS
' and Burglar-proof SAFES on band, with Inside
doors, DweUUitf-huuiie Hit'ee, frt-e from dHmpuea.
Prices low. C I1AWS EN FO Hit K 11,
I No. ia V1NM bireet
BLANK BOOKS.
J-JIGIIEST PREMIUM AWARDED FOR
BLANIt. BOOKS,
BT THE PARIS EXPOSITION.
' .' ' . ". i
WM, F. MURPnY'3 SONS!,
No. 339 OIIESNUr Street,
HUM It Boek BBfstur, 8tm Power
Printers, sail Stationers.
A full assortment of BLANK BOO bIS AND COUNT-IRQ-HOUSE
STATIONERY constantly on
band, 11 ntwflu
KNIGIIT & SON,
. NO, 807 CHI.KXUT STREET,
WATCHES, JEWELRY, ETC.
AMERICAN WATCH E S.
W. W. CABSIDY, ' No. 12 Bonth SECOND Street,
Philadelphia, axka attention to bis varied and eiton
Blve buck of GOLD AND biLVJKK WATCHEd ANtt
BILVER-WARK.
Cn.tomera may be aunred that none bat the best
article., at reasonable prices, will be sold at hla store.
A fine assortment of PLATKD-WAlWj constantly on
band.
Watches and Jewelry carefully repaired. All orders
by mall promptly attended to, Uiastuth
FINE WATCHES.
We keep always on hand an assortment ot t
LADIES' AND GENTS' "FIXE WATCHES
Of the best American and Foreign Makers, all Wat
ranted to give complete saUslactiun, and at
GREATLY REDUCED PRICKS.' ,
FARR 6 I3IiOTHKit,
Importers of Watches, Jewelry, Musical Boxes, eto.
11 Usmthtrp No. 824 CHESNUT St., below Fourth.
Especial attention given to repairing; Watches and
Musical Boim by F1KBT-OLAfeH workmen.
LEWIS LADOMUS & CO.,
DIAMORD DEALERS AND JEWELLERS,
No. 80S CHKSNUT BTRKKT,
Wonld Invite the attention of purchasers to their
large nock of
CEBITS' A WD LADIES' WATCHES,
Jnst received, ef the finest European makers.
Independent qnarter, econd, and seli-wlndlng, la
gold and silver cases.
Also, AMKK1CAN WATCHES Of all sizes.
Diamond beis. Pins, Studs, Kidrs, elc
Coral, Malachite, Garnet, and Etruscan Bets, ia
great variety. rg i4d
. SOLID SILVERWARE of all kinds, IncWng a
large assortment suitable lor Bridal Presents.;
G. RUSSELL & CO.,
Ko. 32 K0BIB SIXTH 8TEEXT,
OFFER OX E or TI1E LARGEST STOCKS
FINE FRENCH CLOCKS,
OF THEIR OWM IMPORT ATIOX, IU TUB
CITY. 28f
AMERICAN WATCHES,
j;Tbe best In the world, sold at Factory Frloes,
BY
C. & A. PEQUICNOT,
MANUFACTURERS OF WATCH CASES,
No. IS South SIXTH Street.
S Manutactoiy, ifa. 22. & TU TS Street.
gTERLINQ SILVERWARE MANUFACTORY
KO. 414 LOCCST STREET.
GEORGE 8 II AJZ r,
Patentee of the Ball and Cube patterns, manufactures
every description of line STERLING) SILVER
WARE, and offer, for sale, wholesale and retail, a
choice assortment of rich and beautiful goods of new
styles at low prices. , 28 8m.
J. M. SHARP. A. ROBERTS.
SOAP.
MP0TANT TO THE LADIES ! !
Ko 31 ore Dread or Wash-DayM
- MOORE'S
ELECTll 0-MA QNETIQ SOAP.
WAniNU HADE EASY."
Accomplished without boiling or rubbing.
The finest and most delicate fabrics, as well as the
co.rsfst, maJe beautllully clean without boiling or
rubbing, saving In tne process half the time, labor,
soap,
AND ALL THE FUEL 1 1
f
This Is the beat Soap ever iuvented lor washing
purposes.
We offer th's Soap to the ladle, confident that tbey
will find, after the lint trial, that they cauuoldo with,
out It. . ,
BOLD BY A I,L OROCRRa. 10 U tbml2t
T.STEWART BROWN,
B.K. Corner of
FOURTH and CHECTNUT STS
. MANunci'uiua or ,'
XROItS. VAUSfcs, BAoa. hi ricrjLEs, andevet
Oeeorivuon of Trmulmg OooUa.
5h