THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, OCTOBER 21, 1867. SrilUT OF THE PRESS. EDITORIAL PIHIOR8 OF THK tFADIKQ J0CBSAL8 PFOW CPBBFNT TOPICS COMTILKD BVKUT PAT FOB TBB BVKMNO TKl.KOBAPH. Polltlrnl Prospect. From (he A'. 1'. Xation. The looses which the. Republican party has Bustalued in every election that has oecuned during this year, amounting to positive defeats in Connecticut, California, and Pennsylvania, and a loss equivalent to defeat in Ohio make, it necessary to suivey the whole held, and consider dispassionate, what political course the country in likely to take what probability there is of the re.stoiation of the Democrat to power, and what ellect such an event may Lave upon the couutry. The actual lories ot the Republicans are a Governor in each of the states of Connecticut and California, seven members of the House Of Representatives, and two United States Senators. The diminution of the Republican majority in the .States which have thus far Toted as compared with last year, is in ro-ind numbers 107,(100, viz.: 1(5,('0 in Maine, 1500 in New Hampshire; 2700 in Vermont, 10OO in Rhode Island, ITiOO in Connecticut, 10,000 in Pennsylvania, 40,000 in Ohio, 10,000 in Iowa, and 15,000 in California. There is every reason to suppose, that the States which bold eleetioua in November will increase this figure to 200,000, or about one-halt of the entire Re publican majority in the Northern State?. The result of the electiou in New York may easily bo foreseen. The, Democratic majorities in New York and Brooklyn will bo reduced nearly 10,000 by the light vote, but the Re publican majoiities in the interior (amounting last year to 7V0) will be reduced by 30,000 or 40,000. In each of the counties of Albany, Rensselaer, and St. Lawrence there will bo a Republican loss of some 2000 votes, iu ea ih of a dozen strong Republican counties, such as .Alleghany, Cayuga, Chautauqua, Onondaga, etc, there will le a loss of 1000 votes or more, and a smaller loss in almost every other county. This leaves the Democratic ticket a majority in the State of from 7000 to 15,000, which, unless some unexpected change occurs before the election, it is tolerably certain to Lave. These unfavorable results, however, are by no means conclusive indications of the pros pect for 1808. The Democrats have made no actual gain in votes, except in Connecticut. Their victories have been won in consequence of the apathy or temporary disgust of Repub licans. Of course it is impossible for tU Re publican party to act so uuwisely a to drive into the opposite ranks those who have this year simply stayed at home. But, unless great follies are committed, New York and Indiana are the only large States which can be doubtful in 1SGS; and the Republican can didate is sure to carry 150 of the 247 electoral votes now recognized. If the South is recon structed on the Congressional plan (and its vote upon any other basis will not be counted), the Republican majority will be increased. Supposing, however, that by the defection of Pennsylvania and Illinois, as well as New York and Indiana, a Democratic) President should be elected, with a House of Represen tatives in sympathy with him, the Republi cans have 34 of the 54 Senators until 1871 beyond doubt, with a moral certainty of re taining 30 until 1873, and a certainty that may fairly be called absolute of retaining 27 Sena tors until that time. Sixteen Republican Senators bold over until 1873, thirteen until 1871, and of those who retire in ISliO six are from the States of Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Rhode Island, and Vermont, which no one cau pre tend to consider doubtful, and one from Ten nessee, who will be chosen by the present Legislature within a few days. Of the Sena tors retiring in 1871 seven are from Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Min nesota (a Johnson man), and Rhode Island, which are not doubtful States, besides two from New Hampshire and Tennessee. Oar figures are, therefore, inside the bounds of reasonable certainty. If the Southern States are restored, it will be with at least ten Re publican Senators (from Alabama, Florida, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina) out of the twenty to which they will be enti tled, and probably more. Thus it appears certain that the policy of Congress cannot be reversed for six years to come, except by a change of . views within the lines of the Republican party or by some act of revolutionary violence. Against the latter danger we are protected for at least another year by the fortunate circumstance that the governors of all the great central States, hav ing at their command all the available militia force of, the country, are thoroughly in sympathy with Congress, and would bring a powerful and well-organjzed body of troops . to its aid in case of any outbreak. This con sideration has made the result in Ohio, where alone a governor was elected this mouth, one of great importance. If the Democratic can didate had been elected there, Mr. Johnson might have felt much more disposed to try issues with Congress than he will feel now. The moral ellect of defeat this fall is, upon the whole, likely to be healthy to the Repub lican party. Its leaders will surely see the necessity of greater discretion, of using wiser means to attain the desired end, of abandoning schemes of local and private advantage, and of concentrating all the power of the party upon the main issues. The last point has become plain to them, and it is clearthat some minor issues are to be abandoned. Whether l'enn eylvanians can reconcile themselves to the obvious determination of the West to resist any further increase of the tariff, and whether the West can refrain from tampering with the currency to the ruin of the East, are questions yet undetermined. A wise forbearance upon all questions unconnected with reconstruction, and a vigorous enforcement of the policy of reconstruction already inaugurated, will yet give the Republicans a victory in 18(18. If, as we hear is the general wish of the party in the West, and of a large portion of it in the East, Mr. Pendleton is to be the Democratic candidate in 18b'8, the national credit wdl be at stake in the contest, even more than the questions of reconstruction. Mr. rendleton'B financial theories are un doubtedly popular with'n his own party, and may p ease some thoughtless Republicans iu the West where comparatively little of the national debt is held. The managers of the late Lvmocratic Convention in this state had great difficulty in preventing it from eota. initting itself to the support of Mr. Peudle tou's views, which they were shrewd enough to know would be fatal to the party in thi State,. where so vast an amount is iavetil in national securities. Mr. lloll'mau de serves great credit for his emphatic assertion of the duty of good faith on the part of the nation; and we should be glad to hope that the counsels of such mmi would prevail in the party at large. But the nomination of Mr. Pendleton would be aa act of open war upon the national debt, and would, we think, secure a Republican victory on the Atlantic shore. The completion of reconstruction will re move one of the embarrassments of the Re publican party, though ft may also deprive it of a popular isRue. The work, when ac complished, caunot be easily undone, whereas the process keea the couutry in a disturbed state. The eilbrts of Mr. Johnson to hinder its completion do not help his party; but so long as its success remains doubtful, there will 1m a good deal of natural vacillation in the minds of well meaning men. Success is the final test of all such experiments in government; and until its success has been demonstrated, many supporters of the Congressional policy will hesitate at each new step that may be required. It stems probable that the recent elections will make Southern Republcuns nt once more prompt and moro moderate th in they might otherwise have been. They will see the necessity of maintaining harmony among themselvt s, and of finishing the work of restoration without delay. The cobn-e 1 voters w ill not reject the aid of white South erners when oll'ered in good faith; an 1 by ISiN the Republican party may be assured of a real "find lasting majority in several of the South ern States. Unlimited success in the Northern elections might easily mislead our Southern fillies into a ruinous intolerance, of which there have already been some indications. We believe that the late seemingly untoward events may thus be fruitful of good to the whole country. The Democratic Party nuit the South -V lie Heal Iiaue. from the K. Y. Times. Senator Yates, in the letter read at the Cooper Institute the other evening, tersely indicated the prospective result of the restora tion of the Democratic party to power. "No one can doubt," he wrote, "that the result would be the immediate recognition of the revolted States as lawful States in the I'uion, and the admission to seats in the Senate and House of Representatives of the leaders of the Rebellion, to resume their old influence and power in the politics of the nation." In other woids, "The triumph of the Democratic party would be the reopening of every question settled by the war." The motive of the Democratic party in mani fest. Its chance of restoration to power is dependent upon the readinission of the Southern States to Congress, free from the conditions now being enforced. On the attainment of this object the very existence of the party is contingent. For with all its numerical strength in the North notwithstanding its gains in Ohio and Pennsylvania, and the vigor with which it is fighting in New York and other States the fact is indisputable that the salvation or the destruction of the Democracy is involved in the future of the South. Let it come back as though no Rebellion had occurred with slavery overthrown, iudeed, but with all the appliances of the slave system in full operation as before the war and the recstab lishment of Democratic authority over the land would be simply a question of time. On the other hand, bring the South into the Union subject to the terms and governed by the in- miences ot tlae reconstruction acts with the i'reedinen enfranchised, the prominent Rebels excluded from office, and the local organiza tions checked at the outset by the restraining hand of Congress and Southern representa tion will thenceforward throw its weight nd versely to the pretensions of Democracy. Thus reconstructed, the Oovernment of the Union will be beyond the reach of the present Democratic leaders. While, then, we are bound to confess that certain features of the Congressional plan were framed with a -view to partisan advan tage, it is equally clear that the course of the Democratic opposition is controlled by no higher considerations than those of party prolit. Here, however, the analogy ends, lieyond this point there is not the shadow ot resouiulauee. iue reconstruction mea sures are warped by a partisan bias, but at least their general scope harmonizes with the objects which animated the North iu the prosecution of the war. Granting that the experiment of universal negro suffrage is beset with difficulty, aud that the disabilities imposed are more sweeping and harsh than wisdom or magnanimity would desire them to be, it must not be fo.rgotten that the pro visions of the scheme, of . which these are parts, bear an obvious relationship to the one great object of securing and perpetuating divers essential results ot the union victory. The means employed may not be the most discreet imaginable, nor the spirit that em ploys them the most generous or amiable; but these defects will he forgiven if their effect bo to build up the Union anew ou a basis of justice and peace. With the Democracy the case is altogether different. What the war has done they seek to undo. The victories of the t mon armies they would counteract by a surrender of all that the Rebel leaders demand. With guarantees of peace or justice they are ready to dispense, that thereby they may reinvest with the balauce of governing power the states but recently in rebellion. To obtain for the Democratic party the help w hich alone can f ave it, they are prepared to clothe with authority as Senators and Repre sentatives the unpunished, untaught, uure pentant promoters of Rebellion, that the Fede ral Government may be transferred from Union to Democratio hands. Divested of surplus age and disguises, this is all that the Demo cratic policy on tliis subject amounts to. it is an .attempt by pretenses of constitutionality to ignore the lessone and upset the results of the war, and to secure for the Democracy a renewed alliance witn the Uisauecled elements of the South. Intoxicated with late occurrences, our oppo nents scarcely affect concealment. The last fortnight ha3 chaugea tne tone ot many ot them considerably. Twelve nioutha ago negro enfranchisement had no more doughty cham pion than the leading Democratio journal of the Northwest. More recently our neighbor, the World, while bitter in its denunciation of the measures of Congress, was earnest in its recommendation to the South to aaeept them, and to comply with their requirements, as the sole means of regaining the privileges of the Ui ion. The World then insisted that no available form of resistance could beuelit the South as against the power of Congress, and our impression is that it counselled a prompt compliance with the prescribed conditions as preferable to prolonged exclusion. Since the elections in Ohio and Pennsylvania our con temporary has preached widely different doo- .trine. Instead of advising compliance with the law, it vehemently urges the Southern whites to staud aloof from the work of reconstruction, that they may embarrass aud, if possible, de tect it.. The hope is held out that by de 'aying reconstruction, readinission unincum b r. d by guarantees may be obtained : brou gh the succcssea of the Northern De mocracy. One concession, and one only, is ri-conmifuded, and that relates exclusively to a constitutional trovision for insuring an equality of civil rights iu the South. With "a exception, the most rational and the most able of Democratio journals now scout the 'Y'011 01 rconstruction. It will listen to no talk of terms. It spurns very proposition for ecurmg to the loyalty of the South the di rection of Southern affairs. It will bo content wun uouung iss than the unconditional resto ration of the South its colored people disfran chised, its Rebel loaders oooupying the seats ot Senators and Represeuatives, its theory of State rights intact aud operative, and its m chinery of local government worked in the identical interest which precipitated the con flict with national authority. Plainly stated, the design of the Democracy is to destroy the safeguards which the war has given to the Union, and to use whatever advantages may be acquired in the interest of Rebellion. The saying of Senator Yates is, then, in iu repett exaggerated. "The triumph of the Di mocratic paity would be the repuing of every question settled by the war." An I, though we arc not apprehensive of such a re sult, though we do not believe that any tri umph is piobable which would enable the Democracy to (:rasj ujjain the reins of the National Government, the tendency of the party effort is sufficiently marked to reveil the real is. ue which underlies the contest uo.v in progress. The merits of the struggle in this respect are too well defined to admit of extended misconception. Shall the Stat-s which preserved the Union dictate and en force the conditions on which the excluded States are to be reconstructed ? Or shall the States which combined aud fought to destroy the Union be restored unconditionally, in order that their Rebel leaders may renew their alliance with Northern Democrats, aud so regain political influence? As between the Republican and the Democratio parties, all other issues sink into trivial proportions. This issue it is, above all others, which should determine the judgment of this State lor or against the Democratic party. To talk of peace or harmony as an end to be promoted by the success of Democratio candi dates anywhere, is simply absurd. There can be no real peace save that which recognizes as enduiing the realities achieved by the war; no lasting harmony save that which springs froei the reorganization of the South in coutortuity with the national sense of loyalty and right. To these conditions the principles and policy of the Democratic party are essentially antago nistic. Hence it is the disturbing party; the party whose return to power would unsettle the relations of the States, disturb the com merce and imperil the finances of the country, and revive the battle between the friends and enemies of the Union. Peace can be secured confidently only through the agencies which conquered the Rebellion and asserted the supremacy of the National Government. And these must be sought elsewhere than on the tickets or in the counsels of the party called Democratic. General Cutler' Flunucc. From the JSr. Y. Tribune. That Copperheads and Rebels should hate the national debt aud.seek to swindle the pub lic creditors, we can fully understand. That debt is a necessary and onerous result of the Slaveholders' Rebellion. It symbolizes the efforts and sacrifices whereby our national ex istence was preserved. Whenever a poor man buys food or clothing for his family, he is com pelled to pay some share of his hard earnings to defray the inevitable cost of raising the na tional llag over Jhe forts, arsenals, armories, etc., whence the Rebels had torn it down and trampled it in the mire. If the Governniint could not have borrowed enormous uun, the Rebebion must have succeeded, aud become a Revolution. Of course, whoever wishes it had succeeded, whether in dividing our country, or in "reconstructing" it ou the Basis of slavery everywhere and always, hates the debt, libtds its holders, aud will swindle them if lie can. lleueral Untler stands on a difl'erunt plat form. He holds that the war for the Union was necessary and righteous. He holds that the money wherewith it was prosecuted was rightfully lent by the loan takers aud borrowed by the Government. What else he holds, that seems to us strangely inconsistent with these positions, our patrons have read with pain in his two elaborate letters, whereof the tecond appeared in our last. e do not care to follow him through the various positions taken in his last. They seem to us utterly inconsequent aud immate rial. Oram that some, or even most, of the loans on which interest is expressly payable in specie do not specify that the principal shall be so paid, as in all our old loans nothing was said of specie. General Butler is quite aware that our (jrovernment borrowel mouey during our last war with Great Britain at 12 per cent., taking the amount no, a good deal less than the amount in the notes ot sus pended banks which were 10 to 30 per cent, below par; yet every cent of the faae of these loans was paid in coin or its full equivalent, no matter though this was not stipulated. But suppose this were not so. Suppose our Government, like other Governments, had otten defrauded its creditors what ot tt f Villainy is, unhappily, an every-day occur rence; does it therefore cease to be villainy r Here are the essential facts, which General Butler's assertions and arguments seem to us in no respect to shake : The Government of the United States, fight- mc for its life against a formidable Rebellion, must have money vast sums of it. One of its desperate expedients was the making of its own promises a legal tender within certain limitations. It said to its people, "You must take my demand notes as money in payments from me and from each other, save that I shall still collect my imposts in coin and pay out that coin as interest on my bonds. If you do not choose to hold my notes, you may at any time convert them into my bonds bearing six per cent, interest in coin." Thus the "legal tender" became a postponed debt, on which six per cent, interest in specie was to be paid at the holder's option. And, when nothing was said of paying the principal in coin, the reason was that nobody imagined or dreaded that, when the loan fell due, there would be any "legal tender," or paying otherwise than in coin or in its tull equivalent. But some timorous soul raised the queition "Will the Government pay the principal as well as the interest in coin?" and the Secre tary of the Treasury at once responded "Cer- !.,!.. . ... . 11 - i. . i .l.l.. luiiujf , yiiuuitti us wen as uiiereah is yaauio in specie." On the strength of this assurance, men sold houses and farms for less than half their present value, and loaned the proceeds to the Government. More was thus loaned iu the two years preceding Lee's surrender than auy people on earth had ever before loaned to their (jovernment. Trust funds, the deposits of the poor in savings banks, the President's salary. and almost every loyal man's savings, were poured into the national coffers. Foreigners Germans especially invested lareely iu our hough, as uiey cieany would not have done had they not trusted to the assurances given by Secretary Chase, aud reiterated by every Treasury agent and by the journals intent on selling the bonds conspicuously by the Tri bune. From day to day, week to week, month to month, we urged every one to invest all he could spare in the bonds from time to time on the market, assuring ihem that they would be paid, principal and interest, in coin. General Butler's ray and allowances could not have been handed over to hita even 80 promptly as they were, and would have been worth far less when he get them, if our countrymen aud foreigners had not been assured and convinced that the Government bonds would surely be ! 1 ! I .. . . . . pam, principal ana interest, in coin. What is the meaning of vniimentt A man owes General Butler a debt, drawing interest. The debtor offers to give him therefor his note, payable nowhere, in nothing, and drawine no luineoi, ivuuw iie consiuer mat a tender of payment ? J he resort to "lecal-tender" at all wn.a mil v Justifiable by dire necessity. If the Govern ment was atile to pay in coin, then it was ras cally to make its notes a legal tender. War and its fearful biudens absolutely compelled the resort. But nobody thru talked of per petuating the makeshift after peace should be restored; hence, little was said about the medium in w hich loans should be paid off. We all expected to escape from the slouch nf "legal-tender" lone ere this as we ou-'ht to have done. Again, the Government borrowed in a short time large sums in cuironcy, stipulating that these 7 "30s should be convertible at maturity into Sixes, the interest payable in coiu. What a kw -hulling mockery was this, if the Sixes might be pail off in "lecal-teuder," 41 per cent, below coin 1 General Butler threatens the Republican party with defeat if it holds with us on this subject. A e can only answer Better defeat than dishonor 1 No party can be always in power; and if the Republican must go down, let this be inscribed on its tombstone "It sacrificed power by daring to be sternly just." Now, as to high interest, exemption from taxation, etc., seven eighths of the national debt is within the immediate control of the Government. The Seven-thirties maybe paid off in cash or Five-twenties .very soon; the Five-twenties may be redeemed at par, as they shall respectively have been five years issued; and any or all of our public debt can mean time be purchased with coin for tar less than its face. If, then, the rate of interest is high, it can be lowered as fast as people can be found to take new bonds; and, if it be wrong to ex empt bonds from taxation, we may subject the new bonds to taxation of every kind. We be lieve our whole debt might be funded in a taxable six or non-taxable five per cent, but for the fear of some Bntleriau dodge which looks to us like repudiation, whatever the General may call it. We hold, therefore, that every suth letter or other manifesto as Gene ral Butler's is costing the country millions on millions by keeping our Sixes down to 71 or thereabout in London when British ihrees sea at i4 twenty-three per cent, higher than our Government's promise to pay twice as much per annum. Let all unite in supposing: "Our debt shall be paid, principal and in interest, to the last farthing !" and we can sell Fives as high as Great Britain could sell Fours that it, above par. And then we may have all but a fraction of our debts funded at live per cent, within live years; and the saving of interest would soon pay off the principal. We object to General Butler's scheme first, that it is rascally; next, that, like most knavery, it is ruinously expensive. We think General Butler wise in declining to discuss "moral considerations," but less happy in his decrial of a "publio consci ence." The "public conscience" is an ag gregation of private consciences, and only to be understood and appreciated by those who make some contribution thereto. Let each confine himself to such topics as he com prehends. 'The Recontriictf on Question In Con- grcii-What Ought to lie Done. From the N. Y. Herald. What effect will the late elections have upon Congress f Will tho two houses still adhere to their radical leaders and their extreme mea sures, or be guided by the instructions of the late elections? The voice of Ohio, for exam ple, warns the party in power of the rocks aud shoals which lie before them as distinctly as the elections of last autumn point out the way of safety and success. If the Republicans would settle this business of Southern recon struction on a fair and enduring basis, if they would retain the power which they hold to the finishing of this great work of restoration, the way is so plainly marked before them that he who runs may read it. On the other baud, the road to swift destruction is not less plainly indicated. Which roat will the two houses take ? What will Congress do ? The experimental measures of the last three sessions on negro suffrage for the reclamation of the Rebel States, as far as submitted to the bar of public opinion, have been condemned by the loyal States. The developments of Doutnern universal negro suilrage under the live Southern military commanders, pointing, as they clearly do, to Southern negro political supremacy and to a negro balance of power in our national affairs, have startled the publio ndud of the North, and its first warnings have been heard in these recent elections. If this radical programme is adhered to by Congress, these warnings will assume a bolder form of expression, and in the elections of next year the party deeming itself too powerful to bo dislodged will be shattered into fragments and dismissed in disgrace. There will be a political revolution in the settlement of tho Presiden tial succession as remarkable and decisive as that which broke up the old pro-slavery Democracy at the Charleston Convention. Mr. Stevens, the impracticable radical leader of the House of Representatives, thanks God for these late elections, as involving the pro per rebuke to the Republican party for playing the coward's part. He is mistaken, for in Pennsylvania, where this universal negro suf frage issue was avoided, the party substan tially holds its own; while iu Ohio, where the friends of Mr. Chase distinctly presented this issue in the form of an amendment to the State Constitution, they are terribly defeated, and by Republican votes. We may expect a similar result on the same question iu New Yoik iu November, though here the Republi cans, snuffing danger in the air, have post poned the issue as an amendment of the State Constitution. " Old Thad" and Wendell Phillips, and all their disciples of the radical school, are all wrong. They would charge bayonets against an impassable stone wall; but in a council of war, if common sense is to prevail, their foolish instructions wi'l be re jected, and they, too, will be set aside. The Constitutional amendment submitted from the Thirty-ninth Congress, first session, and ratified by a sufficient number of States to make it part of the supreme law of the laud, is the true policy of the Fortieth Congress. All these subsequent measures pushing to the hazardous ultimatum of universal negro suf frage in the work of Southern reconstruction ought to be repealed, and the conservative Republicans and Democrats of the two Houses have the power to do this thing aud to reestab lish the conditions of this aforesaid Constitu tional amendment. What are they? They are First, that in all their civil rights citi zens of the United States, of all colors, shall stand in all the States upon a footing of equality. Second, that suffrage and repre sentation in Congress shall go together, as each State lor itself may elxct; that where there is any abridgment of what is known as universal suffrage, there shall be a correspond ing reduction iu counting the people for repre sentation. Third, that certain leading Rebels THE LARGEST AND 13EMT STOCK OF Fine OLD RYE W I! I G K 8 E C IN THE LJND IS NOW rOfcfcESSLD 13Y II E N 11 Y S. HANK IS & CO.. Hoe. 218 and 220 SOUTH I'KOKT BIBXKT, Vl'HO OFIFli TIIK NAJni: TO THK TKAPE IS IOTN V;V M)VANTAl:)Pt,ai TFUM4. Their tek of !) WhltklililK BUKL, oi-frim nil th fair or It tra Ktant, ltd tun thioufch th arluu month of ltbl'OO, cud of thU r. nu j Ittint date. I.ll.ril rontrart mad ffr lot to arrlv at l'K If i-ratjla Rallrovd, Daps. Krrlciom I.iiaa Vhtil,or at tlondid AVrboattl, a artl maytlot, shall be disfranchised and excluded from office ! until absolved by a two-third vote of each House of Congress. Fourth, that the national debt aud soldiers' bounties shall be held as sacred obligations; but that all Rebel debts and all claims for slaves shall be void. Fifth, that Congresss shall have the power to enforce these provisions of the supreme law. Is not this plan of reconstruction enough ? All the Northern States have emphatically approved it; Tennessee has been restored under it, and why not the others of the Rebel States ? Recause they rejected it ? Try them again, then, and they will be wiser. They will be glad to take it on the sober second thought. Th us, within six months from the meeting of Congress this whole business may be settled, and permanently, too civil rights, suffrage and representation, Rebel disabilities, Rebel debts and claims for slaves, and the uatioual debt and soldiers' bounties and all iu beiug fixed in the Federal Constitution. We must have some of these things in the Constitution, or we shall have no security for the future. This great amendment, then (already ratified, if we are not mistaken), is the policy for Con gress and the party in power, while the road of Stevens, Wade, Sumner, Phillips, Butler, Chandler, and their followers, is the road to dissolution, revolution, anarchy, bankruptcy, and destruction. Garibaldi Pope Plu. From theN. Y. World. Until the present exciting aspect changes, and still more during the new emergencies likely to arise, the contest in Italy will occupy the attention and absorb the interest of Christendom. The decision of Napoleon ele vates it from a local insurrection to the rank and dignity of a European question, possibly of the first magnitude. As the germ of the oak is to be found in the bursting acorn, its life being the identical life of tho developed tree, so the spirit of Gari baldi on the one side, and that of Pope Pius IX on the other, contain the seminal princi ples of the rising contest, however colossal may be its consequenoes. Oaribaldi repre sents what is most aggressive in innovating modern tendencies; the Pope what is most ancient in existing civilization. The Papacy is the oldest and most time-honored of all ex tant institutions. As a spiritual power it is very far .from being ellete; indeed there are symptoms that it is extending its hold upon the conscience and religious sympathies of the world. Protestantism has made no relative rains since the era of the Reformation. Kvery country of the Old World which re mained Catholic after the great struggle in the sixteenth century is Catholic still, while in the New World every country south of our own acknowledges spiritual allegiance to the Holy See. Iu our own country, originally settled by Puritans and Episcopalians, the Catholics rank among our largest aud most growing sects; while in Canada, besides the adherence of the old French inhabitants to the Catholic faith, that Church has considerable strength among those who speak the English tongue. Moreover, there is in England and the United States a perceptible Romanizing tendency in the bosom of Protestantism. It is exhibited in the activity and inlluence of what is called high-churchism, aud latterly in the outbreak of ritualism. As compared with Protestantism, Catholicity is not on the de cline, and has not been for two centuries. There is indeed a general decay of faith by which all forms of Christianity suffer, but the Catholio the least of any. In this country, where we have opportuni ties of observation, there is, out of the Episoo- pal Church and its Romanizing tendencies, a growing spiritual torpor and a constant ebb of religious interest. The majority of our Pro testant clergy retain their hold on the publio mind by their activity in various humanita rian, reformatory, and political schemes, and by trying to outbid each other in matters which interest the publio more deeply than re ligion. The Catholio clergy, on the other hand, here, and we suppose the world over, devote themselves to the spiritual wants of their flocks. In our larger towns they keep open almost the only places where the poorer classes may worship without feeling them selves overborne by the spirit of caste or ex cluded by fxpense. We conclude, therefore, that the spiritual influence of the Papacy suffers no decay, except from the skepticism and secular preoccupation which are under mining all religion, and that it loses less from these causes than the rival lorms of Christianity. In speaking of the decadence and crumbling influence of the Papacy we refer only to its temporal authority, which is in the last stages of decline, and perhaps ou the point of disso lution. No enlightened historian, no philo sophic reasoner worthy of the name, whether Protestant or Catholic, disputes the beneficent influences of the Papacy during the Middle Ages. It was the only barrier against the supremacy of brute force, the only oouserver of learning, the only bond of communion and intercourse among thenationsof Christendom. Commerce and civilization, a constant inter change of intelligence, and the new agencies for the promotion and diffusion of publio opinion, have gradually superseded this necessity for the kind of influence once ex cited by the Papacy. The new social forces have taken that part of its work, and by doing it better have rendered obsolete a venerable institution without whose fostering id these new forces would have been stilled in their birth. The temporal authority of the Pope has long ceased to be self-subsisteut. There has not been a day since the return of Pius IX to Rome in 18-11 wheu his power would not have toppled, if unsupported by secular monarchs. If the Pope; as a temporal sovereign, repre sents the most ancient, venerable, aud longest lived of all existing institutions, (Jaribaldi, on the other side, is the embodiment of whatever is most headlong and aggressive in the modern spirit. It is his impracticable and opiuionated s:eal which has precipitated the present crisis, aud tho vigorous and admiring sympathy he excites is what lenders it formidable. It seems to us quite beside the mark to dilate on (Jari baldi's narrowness, his impolitic zealotry, his unreasoning contempt of the advice of supe rior men. These are the very qualities which make himstrong. A sledge-hammer is a rude and simple instrument; but if its vigorous blows be delivered upon a single point, it will break the hardest stoues. Garibaldi is In Borne respects a political force of the highest order. In the first place, as a chief attribute of his ascendency over other minds, he has that perfectly clear and settled perception of his aims which excludes doubt or vacillation. This firm grasp of his purposes oause vaguer and less inflexible minds to lean on him with confidence. This strenuous steadiness of aim belongs to all men born for influence; bit in Garibaldi it is the rudder of a small ship. With a mind of more breadth and penetration it would make him a great man. Another source of his influence is the simplicity of his lifo, which gains for him the credit of single hearted devotion to a cause, lie covets and enjoys reputation, but neither friend nor foe suspects him of sordid ambition. With these qualities, which are potent elements of leader ship in all epochs, Garibaldi joins the advan tage of moving with the most modern current of his time, and of being fitted by his intre pidity to strike when other men would only think. His ungovernable impulsiveness may lead him to strike before tile time is ripe, but the electric effect even of premature blows strengthens a growing cause. Millions of hearts beat quicker at the fame of Garibaldi's attempts. It signifies little that intelligent men contemn his lack of judg ment; the multitudes who admire are still nar rower than himself, and have therefore no sense of his deficiencies. The glowing admira tion he elicits is a popular offset to reverence for the Holy Father which is rooted in many hearts. Perhaps both sentiments are equally unreflecting. Each, however, having the merit of hearty sincerity, is a potent political force, and each will be utilized to the utmost by the stionger hands into which the contest is about to pass. Garibaldi and the Pope, the ancient and the modern spirit, are merely the pieces on the chess-board with which the game of European politics will be played, by men who care little for one cause or the other except so far as they can make it serve their lust of power. Napoleon makes the first move, and open3 the game with his customary duplicity and skill. Lie pretends that the Pope is iu peril, not from insurrection but invasion, and that he intervenes against the invaders. When he interposed to save and restore the Pope in 1849, he pretended that he sent an army to Home out of friendship to the new republio, although the Roman republicans had never invited him. The use made of his troops dis closed his real intentions. The purpose and the motives are much the same now as then. It is an appeal to the sympathies of Catholio Europe, and especially of Catholio France. In the rural districts, where there remains much of the simple piety of the olden time, the clergy have great influence, and the people are not infected with the spirit of the cluba and coteries of Paris. While Napoleon ia .-trong among Lis Catholio subjects his throne rest3 on a pretty secure basis, the troops about the capital being a tolerable safeguard against sedition so long as the rest of the empire is tranquil. By strengthening Ids reliance on his Catholio subjects he gains heir support in the war for which he desires i pretext, and weakens his possible enemies by the same kind of appeal to their Catholio subjects. A war undertaken to maintain the rights of the Holy Father would begin oa plausible grounds, and if Prussia should in tervene Fiance would easily place her in the ight of an aggressor. Napoleon's industrious preparation since the beginning of the year, and the counter-preparations of Prussia, qually foi midable, are perhaps the best in dexes to what is coming. If a great war grows out of these troubles, it will begin between France and Italy. If t'russia shall come to the aid of her late ally, Austria will support Napoleon, and the war -row to colossal magnitude. It was by the . ombined arms of Austria and France that the l'ope was restored in 1849, and the Catholics f both countries would readily support their rulers in a similar joint attempt. If, as the result of the contest, Prussia should be hum lied, weakened, and reduced to her former lelative rank, Napoleon would have accom (plished his wishes, and Austria might be com ! ensated by the restoration of some of her osses in the late war. These are probably the dms in contemplation; but their accomplish 'nent depends upon the uncertain fortuuea of war. A London telegram states that the Times .dvises tho King of Italy to get beforehand ivith Napoleon by promptly marching to Home, aud occupying the holy city himself. ' his would be a weapon with a double edge. Napoleon might thereupon charge that Victor l.'manuel had thrown off the mask by open participation in an invasion which he had before secretly abetted. So far as Napoleon ould make this appear plausible, he would have ground for accusing Victor Emanuel of a breach of treaty, and would thus find a legiti mate rasiai belli. The advice of .the Londou l imes may, after all, be good; but it would need to be followed with great skill in the treatment of the Pope to prevent Napoleon turning it to his advantage. SAAC B. E.VANs", MANt rAtTl RI K AXI DEALKB IN (MIS. TAINTS, VARNISHES, . Naval Stores ' and Soaps, KO. 10 AOliTll BttAWABE AVUXUE, 10 S Am 3p PMILAPlV.LPUrA. I I Di-iiini' I AIM KKKUI.VANT, J 1 Ol l'Bllil bud Vurnl.sh Hemuvcr, .r iMiuterh, lur- "iiiie miiicivrritiKe .linkers, pi-lnurs, mi.l Itu.illy use. llie iri imruliou will remove Hie liurdtjsl ami nUU-in I'Nlnl in in .my hiuluce wiiIkuiI bcmi.liig unU villi. mi li'JurniK Hie icut, or mttkli k U until lor r.e.ih l uinl. IlWHKl.tNiiV Willi WftCcr. titkhiK llio intlnt.avitriiisli. or oil W illi Ii. Jt In rlienpt-r, more exixdiuuuij, aa4 more tUorouuli llmn burnluK. lormlc ly nil liriiMKlMix i""1 I'"'"1 doiili'rn In Ihn V tilled bluteb. t'uuttUtw, u4 Vt wl luUittt, V Uiiiwlm
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