THE DAILY EVENING TELKfiRAPT? PTUIi ADKTjPTTTA. SATTJUDAY. OCTOBER 19, 18G7. SPIRIT OF THE PRESS. editorial ronosra or thi IKAPIRa JOUBSAW VTOW CT7MNT TOPICS OOMPllBD BVKBT PAT POB THI BVBNINO TBLBOBAPH. From (he JT. Y. Jfaimn. t u mow. we believe, pretty generally greed that 1'eniif.ylvania has been t, vu. rtv for the same : lost to tllH reason that California was, ana mm -' York will be lost the mrruption Of the Rt- and the inferiority ia !!,, nnlittulHuS twin. Of character and standing of the Repub lloan candidates. We are glad to nee, also, that most even of the party papers acknow ledge this to be the melancholy truth, and are Hot as after the Connecticut election, of opi nion that the disaster was due to want of suf ficiently strong advocacy of negro suffrage. The Tribune meets the reverse in the only manly and sensible way, by acknowledging its extent and showing that, though great, it is not irretrievable; that misfortunes as great Jiave overtaken the party before, and yet have not destroyed it. We feel bound to say, however, that this i, under the circumstances, but very imperfect consolation. The Republican party has the greatest work to do, and has had it to do for the last seven years, which has ever fallen to the lot of a political party, and it is necessary to the successful performance of the work that it should not be interrupted. But the people have now twice attempted to take it out of Republican hands once in 18 (32, perhaps in great part because they were not yet ready for the emancipation policy; and now, because they are disgusted by its corruption and fond ness for over-legislation. Cut no matter what the cause maybe, as long as it is a preventible cause, the interruption is not only unfortunate for the country but discreditable to the Repub lican managers. As regards the corruption, nobody expects any change for the better from the Democrats.. The Republicans are flriven out rather by way of punishing thetn than in the hope of inaugurating a reform. If we are ever to have any improvement in poli tical morality, it la from the action of the Republican party it must come, for it . contains most of the principle as well . s most of the intelligence of the conn try. The Democratic party has, and will have as long as it lasts, to rely so largely on the worst elements in the American population, that its best men, let them be ever so well inolined, will find themselves powerless. It is not likely that it will ever do anything towards banishing corruption be Jrond 'denouncing" and "stigmatizing" it in ts platforms. The diminution of political corruption, the extinction of the praotice of selling acts of the Legislature to the highest bidder, of dividing the publio offices as plun- . der amongst thieves, the general raising of the tone of publio men, and the recognition of character as the greatest and most valuable of political forces, and, in fact, the only one to which the nation can in the last extremity look for salvation, is the great question of our time. It is greater than the suffrage, greater than reconstruction; for if no means could be devised of infusing more morality into poli tics, it would make little difference who voted or on what terms the North, and South. wr reunited. "What are the ouanceB that the Re publican party will, while doing other things, not leave this undone T To judge from some . indications, they are poor enough; but to Judge from others the late elections, we take eave to say, amongst the number they are tolerablv trood. The curse of our politics is, as everybody When there is no election in progress now ac knowledges, the yoke of party discipline. It has always been enforced and upheld, even by eome rieid moralists, that it was necessary to ' success, and that, even if it were an evil, it was an evil throueh which a still greater evil was prevented. For instance, it might be wrong to Bend a bad man to Congress, but by Bending him you helped to prevent the per petuation at the South of the degradation and oppression of millions. Everybody is fami liar with this mode of Justifying doubtful po - litical manoeuvres lust before the eleotions People who preach morality at that period are generally pronounced by 'praotical politi ci&na" either fools or traitors, and are urged as we have been ourselves, to stop sermon izing till the election is over; then, indeed, it , is impossible to be too pious, and a good mo ralizer on the rascality of politicians may ex pect to have a fine audience even of the suc cessful party, with the most hardened wire pullers and jobbers seated in tears on the front benches. The theory of the "praotical men" is that you cannot, before elections, too completely drown your scruples, and cannot too blindly swallow the ticket if the eleotion ia an important one, but when all ia over it is your duty as a good citizen to "testify" against the nominating convention, and ex- ' poBe the weakness and wickedness of the can didates it imposed on you, so that next time it Will do better. Hut, as we pointed out when discussing the '. subject last spring, nominating conventions cannot be got to do better in this way. The plan has been tried for years and has utterly failed. If preaching down corruption and knavery and time-serving, and preaohing up the duty of nominating good men to otli je, between elections, were ot any use, the Gov ernment of the country would be monopolized ' by the wise and just, and the rasoala would be calling out for "personal representation." The pulpits have resounded with this sort of thing ever since nominating conventions flr.-it began; the press has teemed with it; and it has formed the standing excuse of all the young and old prigs who "have nothing to do with politics," and devote themselves to money-making and light literature and tuft hunting in Europe. The managers are always willing to let you preach till the crack of doom provided you keep your place in the ranks and vote the , regular ticket on election day, and they can always provide you with a dozen fine reasons for your doing so and so long as you do bo, there is absolutely no chance of any improve ment in the nominating conventions. This is as certain as anything in politics can be. The reform must come from the readiness of voters to desert the party standard. The only thing that will incline the leaders t- better ways is the fear that if they do not nominate good men. and keep out of jobbing, their labors will be thrown away, and their nominees defeated at the polls. This may sound very wild doctrine to prao tical politicians, but we maintain that it is we Who w.e practical and they who are visiona ries. They constantly flatter themselves and try to persuade the publio that each elaotion . is the most critical one that has ever occurred, and that if it can be carried all will go well ever after. Rut no on election, except the election of Mr. Linooln in 16t4, has ever Bet tied any great question. The work of form ?B2 PuMio opiaivq lg nlow, ttw wor of. carry; iog it into action is Blower still. It took tlie anti-slavery party nearly twentj year ' citation and dozens of elections and tour years of bloody war to get the Oorerumeut of the country into their hands; it will take the n-.t,in,.o nurtv. in our opinion, eight or tn years more of power to carry out their p lloy to its legitimate result, and settle society at the South upon a sure and lasting foundation; and we hold it to be of the highest import ince to the country that they should suocee lu retaining it for this period. No such trans formation as we are now attempting can be effected in a year or two. Rut no party can hope to retain power any longer than the Republican party has retained it, or long enough lor the proper execution r any such woi k as the latter has in hand, unless it can manage to keep pure and to con fine its attention to one object. All parties which remain long in office naturally aUract the knaves to them, and naturally grow over confident in their own strength ; and the longer tbey remain in oflice the bolder the knav.s grow, and the more disposition there is to lend the party strength just as manufacturers let out their surplus steam-power to any ntuo lot of enthusiasts sho apply for it and oiler to pay for it in noisy support. Now, no party in America can count on remaining in office long after it gets into this condition. A party, as we have more than once pointed out, ia uot an army. It is a collection of free agents, influ enced in a greater or less degree by one idea, and party organization can only be strong in proportion to the ignorance of the mem bers. No party at the North can ever be as strong and compact as the pro-slavery party has been at the South; the Republican organ ization can never be as perfect as that of the Democrats; and although it is quite true that the more you spread newspapers and books, the more Republicans you make, it is also true that the more highly educated the Repub lican party becomes the more care wdl the management of it require, if the leaders do not wish to be left high and dry, as they are to day in California, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. Intelligent and educated men can only be led through their reason and through their con science. They will , not go into battle for any cause under the leadership of knaves, hypo crites, and thieves, and it is well for the coun try, and well for the negro, and well for every body whose destiny is bound up in that of the nation, that they should not. The loss of even one election at such a crisis as this is, of course, a great loss. We are sorry for it, but if it helps to disabuse party managers of the idea under which the Tribune says they acted in Pennsylvania, that "anything that is put on the Republican ticket can be elected;" if it convince them that to be sure of a long tenure of power they must respect the popular con science, we hold that the lesson, though bitter, will prove invaluable. We ane no more afraid of the tide turning in the United States in favor of restricti n and political inequality, than we are afraid of the rivers beginning to How backwards. All tne iorces 01 tne age iigut against privilege. But we are afraid of bavin? the nonular faith in honesty and integrity destroyed, and all the traditions of virtue and decency wiped out, by that most dangerous of all kind3 of corrup tion, the corruption of men who profess to be serving great moral ideas. lhe theory which some Western papers are propounding, that the elections have gone wrong because the country is disgusted with the delays of Congress, is doubtless a pleasant one, dui we do not know where any support is to be found for it in the history of the past two yearn. Tli xtrum vK.lio.hla bar, na doubt, started a good many alarming schemes, but Congress has not adopted any of them. All that the Thirty-ninth Congress did was to claim for itself exclusive jurisdiction in the matter of reconstruction. The first terms it offered the South were as mild as any terms could be, and it bad, of course, to give the South a reasonable time to consider and adopt them. Even the Philadelphia Convention could not say they were hard: what it did say was that it was humiliating for the South to have to accent anv terms at all. The present plan was not resolved upon till after the South had had a year for consideration, and it con tains nothing but negro suffrage to make it objectionable to any Northerner wno supported the war ; and as to negro suffrage, it has not been sprung suddenly on the party. It Is a cry two years old, which every Republican journal or statesman has been steadily repeat ing ever eince the South produced its Black Codes in the fall of 18G5. The question of negro suffrage at the North is comparatively a novel question, and has probably not come home to the great majority of Northern voters, and the way in which the Ohio Republicans have treated it is certainly most discreditable to them: but the wav in whioh. the party has been managed everywhere has not been such as to fix people' s attention on the principles of eoual richts nnderlvinar neero suffiajre at the South, and to make them sensible that this was as the Springfield Republican well pointed out the other day the only basis of the party, the great reason for its existence. It has been, on the contrary, managed or talked of by many of its leaders for the last year or two as if it was a gigantic factotum for the suppression of free-traders, drunkards, fornicators, Sabbath-breakers, for the spread of universal freedom, the better dis tribution of lauded property at the South, and the produotion of a general rise in wages combined with a general shortening of the hours of labor, and, finally, for the cheating of the publio creditors. Some of the most extraordinary doctrines in Jurispru dence and political economy ever heard of, in our day at least, have been produced under the shadow of its standard by men claiming to lead it; and though the party as a party has not given any formal countenance, it has done enough to share in the discredit of them, and it has at last fallen into carelessness, or worse, in making its nominations. Ha defeat at elections does not mean its death. The party is not to be found at conventions or in platforms. Its strength lies in the ideas and aspirations of the best men and women in America, and in these there" is no change. The late losses, so far from showing a decline in the sentiment to which the parly owed its origin, in our opinion shows that it is stronger than ever, for he is no true lover of equal political rights who does not love truth aud honesty better still. KenimantB of the Slav System TtaB Law of Apprenticeship. J&om the N. Y. 7Kme$. On Wednesday there was a case before the United States Circuit Court in Baltimore of more than local interest. It waa a matter in volving the validity of an apprenticeship in denture. The case was that of a nogro girl who had been apprenticed to the defendant a Maryland slave-owner two days after the State Constitution , abolishing slavery came IntD operation in November, 1804. The apprentioo, by the terms of the inden ture, waa not entitled to any training what ever, either of a general or of a technical char acter. She was ahnply to be th aarvani of I licr former owner, wm hound, vnter an instrument which had no validity what, ever, to remain in a condition of servitude. None of the provisions in an ordinary appren ticeship indenture applicable to minors gene rally appeared in the agreement. The appren tice was simply held bonnd, under a covenant, to which her mother on the one Side, and her former owner on the other, were parties, to do mei'lal work for a torn; of years. , Perhaps it was the sort of work the girl considering her former condition was best fitted for. But that in no way affected the rights of the ca?e; and Judge Chase, in de ciding that the indenture was invalid, only gave judicial expression to the sentiment of the community where the case wa tried. The master of the girl made no formal de feUfce. His personal plea was one which did not rim at a contravention of the law of Con cress, which in this case was clearly c.r post Jurto, nor did ho plead that he had made the indenture rood under the State law. He simply contented himself with stating that the Civil Iimhts bill, which was passed eighteen months alter the child was indentured, did not appear to him to be violated by the agree lnent. Judiia Chase, while regretting that the nua tion was not submitted to argument, holds that the first clause of the thirteenth amend meut of the Constitution ol the United States interdicts slavery or Involuntary servitude, except ns a punishment for crime, and esta blishes freedom as the constitutional right of all persons in the United States, and that the alleged apprenticeship in the present ca3e is involuntary servitude within the meaning of these words in the amendment. He further reasons that if this were otherwise, the inden ture set forth fn the return does not contain important provisions for the security and benefit of the apprentice whioh are required by the laws of Maryland in indentures of white apprentices, and is therefore in contra vention of that clause of the first section of the Civil Rights law enaoted by Congress April 9. lebb. lie decides that the law, hav icg been enacted under the second clause of the thirteenth amendment, in enforcement of the first clause of the same amendment, is constitutional, and applies to all conditions prohibited by it, whether originating in trans actions before or since its enactment, and clinches the decision by declaring that oolored persons, equally with white persons, are citi zens of the United ctates. There can be no question as to the fairnoss and justness of this decision as affects the con dition of colored apprentices, indentured under the conditions related. But it is one of the worst features of our social system that there is such a repugnance to apprenticeship among the growing community, tor one ap prentice that we find to-day in the different crafts which create aud sustain our home in dustry, we ought to have a dozen. This does not apply equally throughout the country; but it applies to an alarming extent in our larger cities. Persons who are barely ht to enter upon an apprenticeship, are eager to become foremen. An easy and smart way of living is becoming so common that it is alarming The equality of man is preached to an extent which is not without danger. We all rejoice to hear that this Maryland girl is released by Judge Chase's mandamus from doing involuntary duty as a housemaid. But we should have perhaps as great cause for rejoic ing, it strrice real, steady, voluntary ser vice-were not held to be so discreditable a thing as it is, North and South, especially among a certain class of people of all colors Where are our educated Seamen, outside of tlia N.vy . Wl.vt ( Ik. -..Ilk ..It-s.l.lp, w our mercantile marine r now far does our credit run when we sum up the achievements of our coasting navigators f It is needless to speak of other industries. But this business of apprenticing to a craft where one might leuiu something has so far fallen into disfavor that we know not where to look for it. If it should become unpopular among our colored brethren, as it has become here, it will neither do them nor us much good. Even the valua ble franchises conferred on them will contri bute but little to their personal affluence, or towards the prosperity of the country. II we could teach them that honest labor is not at all discreditable, we should perhaps do as much for their moral comfort and their moral enlightenment as by teaching them all that we happen to know about the natural rights ot man. Tht 'Education of the South. From the jr. Y. Tribune. We have said a good deal from time to time about the ignorance of the South, and the ne cessity of education there. Bat there is one word more to be spoken on the direction that education should take at the South, the class of people it should mainly bear upon, and the ends it should aim at compassing. The fact forced emphatically on the Northern mind has been the ignorance of the negroes, and their demand for education to protect them against the craft of the white people, and to prepare them for their new duties and privileges in the State. To me )t that demand prodigious efforts have been made. The people have poured out their money by millions of dollars through the anierent associations, religious and secular, that have pledged aid to the black people. Under the charge of the Bureau for Freedmen and Abandoned Lands, alone, thera were, at the beginning of the year, 14gj schools, 1737 teachers, and 1)5,167 black pupiia. The American Missionary Association, but one of the numerous societies engaged in this work had,' last season, &0ti teachers in its service, with &ti,'Jlll black scholars. This is well. Bat it fchould not be forgotten that the "poor whites" of the South, including the great mass of the Southern people, are as ignorant as the blacks, liave been purposely kept in ignorance, as the blacks were, for social and political ends, and are as helpless intellectually as the blacks are. The South had no common schools, no free schools for any class, white or black. The fifteen slave States educated but one in tliirteen of their population; the nineteen free States educated one in four and four fifths. Virginia, with a population of 1,508,310, sup ported 3778 publio BohOols; Massachusetts, with a population of 1,231,000, maintained 4131; Iowa, a State 20 years old, had, in 1800, 3830 tree, schools for her 674,943 people; North Carolina, one of th original thirteen States, had at the same date 2094 schools for her 992, 022 people. The young Western State edu cated one out of every four; the old stave State one out of every nine and a half. Nor is this the whole difference. While the North eru Bchools were used by the people, the Southern BchoolB were to some extent mono polized by the richer classes. There was a deliberate purpose that the oommon people Bhould not be educated. This purpose was Bhown in other ways besides that of dis couraging free schools. Restrictions were placed on the dissemination of literature; booksellers were watched; maill were in-fmaf.tud- nnlilishHra' invoices were searched; newspapers, tracts, pamphlets, popular works of our own and foreign authors which might help to enlighten the people oil matters of civilization were ket out or Vanished. Many an editor and publisher and bookseller has been arrested, imprisoned, aud beaten with whips , for having inntruo'.ive literature in his possession which white men might incontinently read. These pre cautions were taken against popular int dili gence without regard to color or race. But all this time, and by the Bame ordor of arrangement, the opulent class at the South, the rich slaveholding clasR, the aristocracy, took care of their own education in a manner to suit themselves. The wealthy people had schools. Some educated their children abroad, in EnclRiid or on the continent of Europe. Many sent their sous to our Northern colleges; Harvard n?et to be distavored with their visi tations. But there was no lack of schooling at home for those who would pay for it. Free private Fchools were scarce at the South, but costly private schools were plenty. Common schools Were hard to find; but colleges, semi naries, institutes, aud academies were in abun dance. It has been stated that the South, which more than neglected its publio Schools, maintained these costly superior schools more generously than the iNorthern people am theirs; for the reason that they wanted schools for a superior and wealthy class, while we wanted schools for the people. Virginia had 421 private Bchools and colleges, liberally en dowed, to 327 in Massachusetts. Alabama opposed her Z1J to Connecticut s X)J. Ala bama laid no tax on these high-class schools, but made no appropriation for common schools. Rhode Island educated on the cheap free system 2.r,570 pupils; South Carolina, with four times her population, educated 20,71(5; but South Carolina had 240 high-priced "col leges" for the aristocracy, all untaxed, while Rhode Island could count but ou. rue oum- em centrv were lareelv cultivated, acconi- nlished tieonle. Thev had the best of teachers, urofessors. tutors, and governesses. Some of them had hne private libraries. - ineir taoies were covered with elegant literature. Cultiva tion was one of their marks of distinction. ' ' ' ..V . m . . 1 1 - Thev used it for political Influence and social prestige. It was a badge and a luxury. Between the educated ana tne uneaucatea classes of the South there wa3 this great gulf fixed. The Blaveholdiwr caste were the edu cated; the non-slaveholdiug classes, white or black, were the illiterate; ana because tnese last were so numerous and might be so for midable, the aristocracy played them off against eaoh other, for its own advantage, maning tne whites despise the blacks, and the blacks hate the whites. In this view ot the case, it is plainly a mistake to devote ourselves exclu sively, or even- disproportionately, to the ne- nportant as education is ior tnem, ior the whites it is even more important. The blacks, though illiterate, have had their intelli gence quickened and turned in the right direc tion by the experience of the war. They are eacer to learn, ana tney nave an instinct mat teaches them what they should learn. They are ready to receive liberal instruction In libe ral ideas. Their former masters have little or no influence over their minds; the white peo pie about them they have been compelled to distrust; what the lankee tells them they be lieve. and not much else. They need educa tion less for their general enlightenment in national opinions and loyalty than for their nersonal advantage and social improvement The uneducated whites need education for this too. but they need it for a "great deal more than this. Their intelligence is clouded by malignity as much as by ignorance. Their minds are Bet against the light. Instruction must do for them the work of opening eyes that are blind, and furnishing a new set of uu.. tuoj nave beeu lighting Stupidly against their friends, and are still persuaded that their ruin is due to the , triumph of a power which was in arms for their deliverance. Northern education i-t as unpalatable to them as it ever was, because it means Northern ideas and civilization. The efforts of our educational societies scarcely touch these people. Until recently they burned our school houses, broke up the classes, insulted, aud drove away the teachers. Then and there they availed themselves of the benefits supplied by the Freedman's Aid Associations, but their numbers were inconsiderable, and up to this time are not large. The better portion of them are gradually finding out what is going on, and are trying to secure for themselves a share of the advantages whioh the blacks are so eagerly appropriating. But the great work among them remains unattempted as yet on any large scale. This must be looked after. The intelligence, and consequently, as we be lieve, the good-will of these people, is of vast social and political importance. They are as well worth saving as the negroes are; as an element in society they are a perplexity, a trouble', and a danger, as the negroes are not. Education would elevate them as individuals, and improve them as oitizens; it would also tend to heal the ancient feud between them and the negroes, and would give the requisite balance to the two 'elements in society. The education of both races is necessary to create a strong middle class, able to establish repub lican institutions on a popular basis. Tfce- Coaiiqutneei of NRro Ascendancy la tl Boutn. From Vie JT. T. Herald. . We begin to realize the evils in this country Which all other countries have experienced where the colored or inferior race have ac quired power, Insurrections, oonilicts between the races, revolutions, and decline in material prosperity, ending in the destruction of con stitutional government and the .establishment of despotism, Are the inevitable results of placing the balance of political power in the hands of the ignorant masses of an inferior race. Universal equality is a fine thing in theory, and might be practicable If nature had made all the races of mankind equal. But it has not done so. Physiology, history, and all experience show there is great difference in the intellectual and moral character of the races, and, consequently, in their capacity for self-government. Yet we are endeavoring to form an equality, against the laws of nature, between the lowest and the highest types of mankind between the negro and the Cau casian races between a people who have never shown themselves capable of govern ment or even of emerging from barbarism unaided by a civilized people and the most civilized race. What monstrous folly ! What an absurd experiment t What a dangerous policy t History teaches by example, it is Baid, but not to the radicals of ibis country, nor to the radical revolutionists of any country. Fanatics are never taught. They have but one idea. Theory, with them, usurps the place of reason and ignores the lesions of experience. The information we are reoeiving from the South, and particularly from our Virginia correspond donce, shows that the negroes are becoming, under the lead of unprincipled white dema gogues, revolutionary and brutal. In Eastern Virginia there was, the other day, a serious mcute among the negroes to hold possession ol the lands on which they had squatted. They armed themselves to resist the agents of the Freedmen's Bureau and the rightful owners from taking possession of these lands. At another place, near JNorfolk, the negro evacuate the property sijuatte rs refused to e THE LAKGEST AND BEST STOCK OY L FINE OLD RYE 7 II I G IC I E & IN THE LAND IS NOW POSSESSED BY . HENRY S. H ANN IS & CO., Nob. S18 and 220 SOUTH FKCliT STEEIT, WHO OFFEIl THE SAME TO TUB TBiBE IB IiOT OH VtBI ADVAMTASFOOB. TERMS. Their Stock of Rr Whlikli,l BOMD, n.rla all ttaa favorlt bran xtant, d rum a through th various uoatbi of Jb08,'00, sad of this y.ar. mntl fireacnt data. ' v m Liberal contracts anad for lots to arrWa t FsaasyWanlafnallroad Dsnati Krrlcssoa !! Wharf, or at Uondad W arshonsss, as partlss naayslsvt. ' CARPETINGS, OIL CLOTHS AND DIIUGGET8, REEVE L. KNIGHT & SON, I2thsfu2m MO. SOT tllll.SNUT NT BEET. they took unlawful possession of. Some three hundred of them were armed for re sistance, and one of them, in a speech to the Government agents, said they did not care a j fig whether the President had pardoned the owner of the estate or not; that the recon struction acts of Congress did not recpgrize pardons by the President; that this property was theirs now, and that they were deter mined to hold on to it in defiance of all oppo sition, lie said "the Indians were driven off these lands by the whites, and that they (the blacks) would now take them from the whites." "We have suffered enough," he exclaimed; "now let the white man suffer. The days when the white man could say, Come here, John, and black my boots,' are passed. The times have changed, and now the time will come when I can say to the white man, ''Come here, John, and black my boots,' and he will have to come."' Receiv ing freauent anDlause from his audience, he warmed up and declared that "he would never be satisfied until the white man be forced to serve the black man, that the whites must be driven away from the lands, or must remain as servants, and that neither secosh nor Yankee should drive them (the negroes) off the land." Such is only a specimen of the harangues and conversations of the negroes in this and other parts of the South. These ignorant and deluded people have been excited to the point of resistance and insurrection by the teachings of radical emissaries in the South. Iiunni cutt, who ought to have been arrested for hia incendiary language a few days ago, not only told them to arm, but went so far as to tell them to take the torch in their hands, lhe ppeech delivered by this revolutionary incen diary at Richmond on last Monday night, toeether with the speeches of other white and necro orators, were full of the same sort of uiischief. Truly, these wretched demagogues are firing the negro heart, or, rather, the negro passions, for a terrible purpose. Kegro supremacy Is determined on by the radicals, or, failing in that, the ruin of the South. In this the Southern radicals are aided and encouraged by the radical party of the North. They are resolved to maintain their political power in the re publio through the ignorant blacks, though the white people of the North may defeat them at the polls. Since the late elections they, avow their main reliance to be on this negro balance of power. Even the Times, the lesser organ of the radi cals in this city, which pretends to be con servative, declares it as necessary now to secure this negro balance of power. Let in surrection come, let a war of races take place, let the South perish, rather than lose politi cal power and the spoils of the Government, is the cry of this infamous party, St. Domingo, with all its horrors; Jamaica, with all its desolation; the South American republics, with their everlasting revolutions all the result of elevating an inferior race" to hold the balance of political power afford no instruction to our radical revolutionists. They will destroy the country rather than- eive up an impracticable theory or the power they hold. This is the prospect before us, and unless the people of the North loudly demand the suppression of these modern Jacobins, we thall certainly be involved in terrible eoenes of bloodshed, a vast military establishment. tnormous expenses, a deficient Treasury, and lie us k 01 a uuiuary aiciaiorsnip. 3 TEAM ENGINE PACKING. Tlie modem and extremely popular packing, called DIILl.EK'Bi I.TJBRICATIVE, OB soAr-siosi; pachiku, Han already been adopted by over 20,0Oii Locomotive und ttiatlwiary Knglnta, aud Is beyond question, the easiest biiicd, the most durable, the cheapetit, and wern the machinery the leust of any Hteaui engine pucklng yet Introduced. It Ik not liable to burn or cut, does not require oil, aud there In no wusto lu the use, us It la tnadrt ot all Blues to bull the boxeB, from K U) 2 Inches lu dlinnettr. All persons Interested In ..jw m'u enKiut? re irucuiuny requested to give this pucklng a tiluL A liberal discount will 1W. C'.NAILK, NO. ABl'II NTUGET, P1IIL.A. Hole Agent for Pennsylvania and Delaware. HIA rf'rtltir.utn tuWtur OlII E (IKT1JK Sl'I'KRlNTEKBENTOF MOT1VK My Dkah Bjm: In reply to your Immliles in rela tion to the compttriitlve economy of Hemp Packing (is compared Willi Lubricating Packing. I will say IIihi llt'inp Packing, at an average cost of. 38 cents Der tlilllllfl fl.ulu liu 'J 11. ill n.lllu nop mlU l.n.. I. ..... " w w ' "i ysi ..urn I uu, wUlltf tne .uljricallnic l'ucklnit coU. at an avemira ...ut .f Kl H f'l Ittu ItO. l.l.miil 1 l.lit n 111 nt.- ..!!.. .. ... . ' " we unto fun. we propone to uxe uie ii eiuiuniveiy jor ail Bteuiu btufliu Very truly yourn, IX, U. LHUUISB, Bupt. M, P, & ft.. P. B. The popular I1YDIIAVI.IC PACKING, n,B?toirt i? i7ldTtiT Pumps, and made similar to ...ill k. . i , . "v " uniereni material w L lurnUheH promptly any siite from to I S uf '. ".".dwl" be ,ouu1 ""Perlor article lor pumps Kl Btutli iiitap m ' (j 8' REMOVAL. K M O V A I..-H E H O V A C. W. A. TRUMPLER FAS REMGVED HIS MUSIC STORE FBOat BKVKNTII AMD CHKMNUT MTU. TO A'o. 820 C1IESXUT STREET, amtrp PHILADELPHIA. WJiis&i es. WATCHES, JEWELRY, ETC. "We keep always on hand an assortment ot LADLES' AND GENTS' "FINE WATCHES' or the best American and Foreign Makers, all wa ranted to give complete sat islac tion, and at . GBEATLY REDUCED PRICKS. FAItlt & BROTHER, Importers of Watches, Jewelry, Musical Boxes, eto, U Usmthjrp No. 821 CHJEKSTJT Bt below Foartb. Especial attention given to repairing Musical Dozes by FIRST-CLASH worku Watches and men. LEWIS LADOMUS & CO., DIAMOND DEALERS AND JEWELLERS, No. BOS C11KSNUT SXR1CXCX, Wonld Invite the attention or purchasers to thelc large stock of CENTS' AND LADIES' WATCHES, Just received, of the finest European makers. Independent quarter, econd, ana Belt-winding, la gold na sliver cuses. Also, AMERICAN WATCHES ot all sizes. Diamond bets. Pins, bluds, Rings, etc.l Coral, Malachite, Garnet, and Etruscan Bets, (a great variety, F8U4P bOLID blLVERWARK of all kinds, Including large assortment Bultablelor Bridal Preienls. C B. KITCHEN, JEWELER, S E. Corner TENTH and CAES NUT C1BEAT REDUCTION KM PBICKS, DIAffOTtnm, WATCTIKIt, nWELBT, HI JL. VIE B-WASH, BBONZKS, ALL GOODS MARKED IN PLAIN FIHTJRES. WATCHES AND JEWELRY BEFULLY SB PAIRED. Particular attention paid to Manufacturing all arU olea In oor line. laithana WATCllES. JEWELBY. W. W. CASSIDY". NO. IS SOUTH SECOND STBEJST, Offers an entirely new and most carefully leJectM toe it of AMERICAN AND GENEVA WATCHES, JEWELRY, SILVER-WARE, AND FANCY ARTICLES OF EVERY DESCRIPTION. aultable. FOB BBIDAIi OB IIOLIDAT PBESENTS. An examination will show my stock to be unsui paosed In quality and cheapness. Particular attention paid to repairing. S1S G. RUSSELL & CO., Ko. 22 KOBTH SIXTH STREET, OFFEB ONE OF THE LABCiEST STOCKS OF FINE FRENCH CLOCKS, OF TIIEIB OWN IMPOBTATION, IN TUB CITY. 8 28t AMERICAN WATCHES, j The best in the world, sold at Factory Prices. " BY C. A. PEQUICNOT, MANUFACTURERS OF WATCH CASES, Ko. 18 South SIXTH Street. 8 8 Mamuactnry, Ko. II 8. riFTK Street. gTERLINQ SILVERWARE MANUFACTORY NO. 414 LOCUST STREET. GEOKGE 8 II AB JJ, Patentee of the Ball and Cube patterns, manufactures every description or fine STERLING SILVER WARE, and offers for sale, wholesale and retail, a choice assortment of rich and beautiful goods of new styles at low prices. I' 2(1 8m, J.M.BITAltP. ; A. ROBERTS. GROCERIES, ETC. pRESH FRUITS, 1867. PEACHES, PEABS. PINEAPPEES, PLUNK, APBICOTS, CHEBBIES, BLACKBF.BBIES, QUINCES, ETC PBESEBVED AND FRESH, IN CANS AND VLAhSJAUS, Put op for our particular trade, and for sale by the dozen, or In smaller quantities, by MITCHELL & FLETCHER, 8108m . NO. 1301 CHESNUT STBEET. sq-EW BUCKWHEAT FLOUR, WHITE CLOVER IIONEY, FIUST OF THE SEASON. ALXEltT C. BOBEBTM, Dealer In Fine Groceries. Corn ELEVENTH aud VINE fiu. U72rp TTNION PASTE AND SIZING COirPANV. U A Pai-te lor Ro-makrH, HwMl; hangers, Shoemakers. Pocket-book y!Wv Postersetc. It III not sour. Is, c" W iZyil r r8wi,!i:r sigs UERCE street, FINE WATCHES. 1 5v
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers