SPIRIT OF THE PRESS. editorial orofTomt of thb lkadino jopbsalb PPOR CT7BBW TOriCS COMPILED KVaRT BAT WOM THB KVKMSO TKI.EORAPH. Tbe President and Public Opinion. Front the N. Y. Iribvne. Tubllo opinion is only private opinion in the aggregate. Oar many readers, now arro gantly rejoicing in niiuda of their own, will be Interested in knowing what is about to hap pen to tb em in the matter of their intellectu alities. The Presidential instrument, the Rational Intelligencer is amiable enough to let us into the secret beforehand. Public opinion, heretofore showing itself obtuse, wayward, and insufferably independent, is to be taken in hand by Dr. Andrew Johnson. "It must be startled," says the official journal, "into the support of the right, and not coaxed." Ilia Excellency, then, is about to discard the uaw trr in modo, and to resort to the fortiter in re. This announcement fills ua with the greater apprehension because we have never re marked any peculiar amiability in the Presi dent's demeanor, anything particularly per suasive in his speeches, any preponderance of emolient saponaoeousness in his policy. If. heretofore, we have been "coaxed," it has surely been without our knowing it. We were rather than else laboring under the impression that we had been bullied; but now that we know how tenderly we have been treated, and how deaf we have been to the voice of the charmer, we hasten to record oar gratitude, the rather be cause we have a constitutional objection to being startled, which is the euphonio phrase, we suppose, for being Beared. The President, it appears, is to lay down the serene torch of policy and take np the pumpkin-lantern of intimidation. He ia to cry "Boo 1" with such a sudden sonorousness that a majority of those Americans whose auditory nerves are delicate will presently be in fits. lie is to exhibit himself in all his terrors, as a village loafer wraps himself in a sheet, and plays ghost up and down a cemetery. In short, we, the peo ple, are to be "startled," not out of but into our propriety, and we might as well begin to take little prophylactic doses of valerian at once. We have great faith in the President's power of "startling," but we believe that he will need it all. The truth is, we have been "startled" so often that we are getting to be like the peppery gentleman in "Doinbey & Son" "tough, sir, devilish tough." We have lived a loner time in a chronio condition of astonishment, and if the Exeoutive has any "fantastic tricks" in reserve for the demon stration of his "brief authority," all we have to say is that the angels had better be getting oat their pocket-handkerchiefs. Forewarned, however, we shall be forearmed. There is only one way which oocurs to as, in which the President can astonish the people. If he would bat Bhow' the least morsel of mo desty, the minutest diminution of self-confidence, the faintest memory of his old professions, the least symptom of emerging from the political muddle in which he is floundering, the simplest symptom of re turning regard for the people's representatives, wa nromise for ourselves and for our readers to be startled to his heart's content. The least token of such a regeneration would fill ns with awe like a miracle. We suppose that it would be of small use for us, in the name of our fellow-citizens, to ask for mercy. "Suffer and be strong," "grin and bear it" these are seasonable proverbs. The advantage of preserving a certain stiffness in the upper lip we need not dwell upon. If hope refuses any longer to spring in the human breast, she must be touched up artificially. We shall know what the President intends when he comes to what hia mouthpiece calls "prompt, deoided aotion." 'Tis an old-womanly weak ness, but we confess to a curiosity to know what is to happen next. Except in cases of actual execution, anything is more tolerable than suspense. As citizens of the United States, we were be ginning to feel a little wounded pride at the organ's overture. We have had such a re spect for publio opinion, have so trusted it, have so believed it, have so looked to it in all emergencies, that we found it hard to give it up But we suppose that we must have been mistaken. Public opinion ia a humbug, a . whim, a notion it is clay in the hands of the potter; it is a ball of wax; it is a chameleon taking its hue from the breath of Mr. Johnson's nostrils; it is a mocking bird whistling the tunes which he may please to teach it; it ia a timid, wavering, blundering, and cowardly sentiment, to be controlled without difficulty lay spectres, and hobgoblins, and gorgons, and cure chimeras, and squeaking and gibbering, and mysterious, .portentous, oraoular, and badly-written misleading articles in the Na tional Intelligencer. Publio opinion is feeble and flabby, and must be stiffened np. Public opinion is erratic, and must be set in the right path. Publio opinion is wilful, and must be "startled." Bring on your bears ! UtryUDd ftud Michigan Tlx Irrepres sible Conflict. From the iV. Y. Timet. The Maryland Constitutional Convention was composed chiefly of returned Rebel sol diers or of Democrats of the Copperhead class. Its proceedings attracted very little attention, compared with the Republican Convention in Michigan. While the latter dealt with fresh, living questions, and whilemany of its deci sions were reported over the whole country, the Democratic) pro-Rebel Convention at Annapolis was hardly noticed beyond the toundariea of its own State. Maryland, clinging to the dead body of slavery, is almost hidden from the publio gaze by Michigan ad rancing into the mid-day light of perfeot liberty. The Maryland Convention performed its Work as if its members felt that they were Still fighting for "the lost cause." They at tacked the Union office-holders of the State with as much reckless impetuosity as Lee's veterans in their last desperate assault upon the Union lines before Petersburg. They framed their constitution apparently for no other purpose than to obtain the State and local offices now held by Union men. They i,- admitted all the returned hebels to the . an.l excluded from it all colored men 5u.. Wished no test of loyalty. On the rr. thev have made disloyalty the test of suffraRe, by excluding colored Union i si iU7. ! hn of the ballot-box. Wh: wT.ita Rebels, who fought under Lee, or who 1Ut? ! ' r.w lint around Andersonville, 8looawV,VAT; .r admitted to vote, the S mVn who fought under Grant, and aided P01?-- whinrton and Baltimore, TO7i .i Jht. They are denied even the rigM cTidiufidon to the witness-! Vtl ig.. a ..nr.orarv and special favor. 1 Mi;el,v - the colored peoph LeStuVe. No security of the least value b THE DAILY EVENING, TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY, given in the new Constitution to nfcRroea for either life, liberty, or. property. Uren the. present laws of the State in regard to nogra apprentices may remain unchanged. Negro children mav be wreBted from their parents and hired out to their late owners. Thou sands of cases of this kind have reoently oo curred - in Calvert, Anne Arundel, and other oounties. The Civil Rights bill passed by Congress stopped this practice to some extent; but Maryland judges and juries refuse in many oases to enforce that law. Many local laws of a similar character to the State Apprentice law exist and are enforced. For instance, in several counties negroes are not permitted to deal in merchandise uuless recom mended by a certain number of white free holders; and if a white man, in some places, employs a colored clerk, he is liable to a fine of $r0. In one county negroes are not per mitted to hold publio meetings, except on days fixed by their late masters. Negroes convicted of crime may be sold into slavery for a term of years. These and other laws of like character disgrace the statute-book of Maryland, and the new Constitution does not hold out, bo far aa we have seen, any prospeot of improvement. The fact that it leaves the Legislature at liberty to take away at any time from the negroes the right to the witness-box, and that it authorizes an appeal to Congress for compensation for slaves, is very strong evidence in support of the charge that the Democratic party in Maryland would re-establish slavery in its worst form to-morrow, if it had the power and courage. But the Maryland Democrats hold on to the shadow of slavery, and grasp after its sub stance with an eagerness and a nervousness which are the sure signs of weakness and final failure. The Convention has given the people only until September 18th to examine the new Constitution. Thev have ordered an election in Baltimore on October 23, with the design, it is said, of getting immediate possession of the local government. This gain would aid in carrying out the proposed revolution in other departments. The short duration of the can vass, lasting only thirty days (from August 17 to September 18); the fact that the Demo crats are certain to carry the State, and the haste to complete the subsequent changes among officeholders, show that the ruling party is afraid of Congress coming to the rescue of the Uniou men of the State. The returned Rebels of Maryland are hurrying to the capture of the local government of their native State with the same' speed that Lee'e army rushed towards Lynchburg. Will Con gress intercept this attempt to take up a new defensive position, as Grant intercepted Lee 1 That is the leading question at present before the people of Maryland. The Michigan Constitutional Convention has not shown any sign of being afraid either of its own people or of the general Government. They closed their labors on August 22, and they have given the publio until the first Mon day in April, 18G8, to examine their work. This is a political campaign of seven months to one month in Maryland. The new Michigan Constitution will be adopted at leisure, and will be permanent, while Maryland will adopt its new Constitution in haste, and will repent at leisure. The new Michigan Constitution establishes impartial manhood suffrage. It makes no allu sion to color. It admits to the ballot-box all the males in the State over twenty-one, who are citizens of the United States, who have been residents in this country two years and a half, and have declared their intentions, and who have resided in the State three months, and in the ward or district ten days preceding the election. It excludes only women and idiots and insane persons. It admits paupers, prisoners, and all colored men, whether negroes or Indians or any other nationality, possessing the qualifications already stated; and this sec tion takes effect with the Constitution on July 1, 1868. The same impartiality and liberality which are exhibited in the article regarding the elective franchise pervade the whole docu ment. The Bill of Righta begins with the declaration that all political power is inherent in the people, and this spirit runs through every section. The interests of the people the whole people are the first and last sub jects of consideration. The article which forms the termination of the body of the Constitution is on exemptions from taxation. It secures to every resident in the State per sonal property to the amount of $500, and a homestead not exceeding forty aeres and worth not more than $2500, free from sale for debt. Even the poor man who does not own a farm is protected in the possession of the house in which he lives. Widows are guaranteed their husbands' homesteads dur ing the minority of their children. All women are protected In the exclusive possession and use of their own property. The whole frame work of State and local governments ia con structed so that the people have full and immediate control over their servants. The Constitution is, in short, an expansion of the declaration that all men are created equal and have inalienable rights, "among which are life, liberty, and the pur suit of happiness." It contains no clauses, like that of Maryland, calculated to repel immi grants, or to prevent the increase of wealth, or to diminish the sum of public happiness. Even the prohibitory liquor clause may be regarded as a voluntary State temperance pledge, which ia submitted to the people as a separate question, and which, if taken, 13 to be kept only so long as it is considered to be for the general welfare. It is, at least, an earnest it not wise attempt to banish, as far as practicable, poverty and crime from the State. And however objectionable prohibition may be in itself, or however unsuitable it may be for many States, it is certainly less question able than the downward path of Maryland towards slavery, rebellion, and all other crimes. Judging from the new Constitutions now before the people of Michigan and of Mary land, "the irrepressible conflict" between liberty and slavery still continues. It is not possible for two States, with Constitutions conflicting in so many important points, to remain permanently connected together under one general Uovernment. One of trie two must change its Constitution within a few years, either voluntarily or under duress. If the past be any guide to the future, we may safely predict a change in the new Constitu tion of Maryland at no distant day. No State in the Union has so frequently amended us fundamental law, and yet in no State is that law more defective. Another change will probably be a comparatively easy matter. After amending their Constitution at least fourteen times since 1776, the people of Mary land are not likely to be very stubborn in re sisting other modifications, even though they come from outside, in the shape of a Federal amendment, and be forced upon the State with the design of making its fundamental law harmonize with the amended Constitutions o other States and of the United States. Governor Orr Bee a Light From the jv". Y. lYibune. The Hon. James L. Orr is a very fair spooi men of a Southern politician of the old school better than the average, deoldedly. In the bad, old times, he was not a No. 1 fire-eater. He was not a Nhllifler, we believe, in the days of Jackson, Calhoun, and McDuffie. He was for "cooperation" that Is, really against Fecession in 1851. lie went out with South Carolina in 1861, but was not among those who forced the act. And, though a "Conser vative," he has not chonen to take his place among those who utterly refuse to be recon structed sinco 1865. Governor Orr, we observe, has been making a speech at Belton, South Carolina, wherein he advises his conservative brethren to register and vote. So far, so good. And we are neither offended nor alarmed at hia reported suggestion, as an argument for so doing, that "the attitude (?) of the negro in the Conven tion and the Legislature will produce a won derful reaction in favor of the South through out the North." The telegraph is too saving of its words. We wish it had been more lucid at the ex pense of being a trifle more copious. Whether it be the admirable or the scandalous behavior of our friend Pompey from whioh the Governor anticipates such good results, doth not cer tainly appear; but we apprehend that he hopes for good from the black's behavior in office being bo bad. In other words, Pompey, who was a model of deportment while kept in his place behind Masea'a chair, will play "fanUj tio tricks before high Heaven" when exalted to a seat in convention or Senate, and thus turn the stomach of the North. Pompey will thereupon be ordered to resume his old and fit position in the cabin, the cotton-field, and be hind Massa's chair, and "the King shall come by his own again." Such, we believe, is the latest born hope of the unreconstructed, which ia impelling tuem to say quietly to each other, " Let ua give the XSorth a Burleit of niggers. Let us serve them up stewed, broiled, fried, roasted, and frieaseed, until her gorge rises at them. Since we cannot ourselves gain access to Convention or Congress, because of the registry and the iron-clad oath, let as elect a big buck nigger to every seat we can fill, and see how the radicals will relish their company." We have already said that the idea was a good one, and we hope to see it generally adopted. The cards of the very few Southern blacks who have announced themselves candi dates for responsible positions are replete with modesty, patriotism, and good sense. They are firm in the assertion of equal human rights, but they are kindly, appeasing, and (in the truest sense) conservative. If thirty negroes shall be sent to Congress from the South, we shall conhdently count on the votes of at least twenty-five of them for universal amnesty, thorough pacification, and the restoration to political rights of all who have conducted as became good citizens since the collapse of the Rebellion. We have seen representatives of the South in Congress (not all, but some) whose manners and bearing reflected little credit on their constituents. If John T. Harris, Robert Small, and other gentlemen of color, shall now be Bent instead of those, we confi dently anticipate a decided improvement on their predecessors of 1848-60. We beg the unreconstructed to send us as many of these as possible. Napoleon's Circular and Speeches Do They Mean Peace I Prom the N. Y. Herald. The Marquis de Moustier, French Minister of Foreign Affairs, has addressed a circular to the representatives of the empire at foreign courts on the subject of the relations of Napo leon's Government towards the other conti nental powers. The official document, dated September 1, is reassuring, the Minister as serting that the "auspicious meeting" at Salz burg should be regarded as "a fresh pledge of the maintenance of peace." The Emperor of the French, it must be ad mitted, is no idler. The exhausting labors in separable from the Exhibition and the enter tainment of illustrious potentates and princes being virtually ended, he does not court re pose. In place of setting out at once for Biar ritz, to rest and drink in health from the invi gorating sea breezes, he goes forth to meet his imperial brother of Austria on the twofold mission of condolence and diplomacy. The Salzburg conference ended, whether to his entire satisfaction or not we cannot tell, he proceeds to the camp at Chalons, where he amuses himself, and all the world besides, in the double exercise of reviewing his troops and making soup lor his officers. I his done, he is in no hurry to get home. Halting at dif ferent stations by the way, particularly at Arras, at Lille, and Amiens, he busies him self feeling the pulse of the manufacturing population, receives loyal addresses, and delivers speeches in reply, full to the brim of pacifio assurances. The question which naturally arises to every thinking man's lips is, what does all this mean? To an swer this question directly most men find it difficult. Of all men living the man Na poleon is the least easily read. The "Sphynx of the Tuileries" is a name by no means in aptly applied. The oracle seldom opens his mouth, and when he does speak we seem to be as far from a knowledge of hia thoughts as ever. Talleyrand was never more successful than he in making speech the means, not of expressing, but ol concealing thought, me Salzburg conference was certainly ominous of danger, and there are many who persist in thinking that the fruit of it cannot be other than bitter. The visit to the camp at Chalons was not more reassuring. The disposition manifested to feel the publio pulse at Arras is, to say the least of it, equally suspicious. But what are we to make of these repeated assu rances of peace ? At the olose of the Salzburg meeting it was announced, evidently with im perial sanction, that the neace of Europe waa now secured. The sneech at Arras was of doubtful significance, and might mean either peace or war. The speeches at Lille and Amiens have both of them been eminently pacific, and the Foreign Office circular ia in the same vein. What, then, is the conclusion to be arrived at ? The conclusion to which we feel ourselves driven by a review of the entire situation is, that Nanoleon ia desirous of tie ace: that he has convinced himself that the French people are desirous of peace; that, therefore, we shall have no war unless war becomes such a neces sity as shall compel the publio assent of France. Thr ia tinfhinc of which Napoleon, in later years particularly, has shown hims elf so ambitious as to be the exponent of the Dublin tninil nf Vrama. VrAnim it 18 nOW manifest, does not wish war. Our conviction, therefore, is that we shall have none. In arriving at this conclusion we are not for getful that the empire hag not always meant 1 In Hi.l- that the Momteur tan nftnn (triad iwm whan it meant war; and that experience has taueht that, as a rule, it la safest to interpret the Emperor's language in th nrmnaiia Banna. W lira as little forget ful that circumstances have materially changed Within tlia Ut tn vaara. In the early years of his reign he had a name to make, and make it he must, by fair means or fcy foul He has made his name, and hia anxiety now li to found a house. In order to do this he knows he must consult the welfare of France, ud, to a large extent, be obedient to heVwlll.! I It is as impohsible for him to be indifferent to the'publio sentimentof the world, and the world ran see no just cause of war in the growth of Prussia and the consolidation of the great German nationality. Money, too, is scarce, and the necessity is daily becoming more im perious on the part of governments to oonsult the will of the great money holders, who are the "kings that are to be." A Franoo-Oerman war would be disastrous to trade, and cannot have the approbation of those kings of gold. Prussia, we know, will not attack France; and from the feeling which has been elicited. France, it may now be inferred, will not attack I'russia. I tie baizburg conference, in our opinion, left matters in doubt. At Chalons and at Arras the Emperor felt the national pulse, which was not to be mistaken. At Lille and at Amiena he responded. The result is peace. In the interests of trade and com merce, and for other higher reasons than even these, let us rejoice, and let us hope, that Na poleon at last sees and deplores the evil of keeping Europe in a perpetual war excitement an evil for which he himself 13 mainly re sponsible. Secretary McCulloch and the Importers. From the N. Y. Herald. Our recent article upon the nnjust and ille gal administration of the revenue lawa by the Secretary of the Treasury, has had the effect of eliciting from Whashington an attempted vindication of the course of Mr. McCulloch towards our merchants who are engaged in importing merchandise from foreign ports. It only confirms all we have said concerning the inconsistent and oppressive action of McCulloch in regard to our importers, who have paid du ties to the Government which have been deci ded by the courts to have been illegally ex acted. It is admitted that an immense sum of money has been paid back to some particular persons who had not complied with the law, by protesting or bringing suit. Now we ask where does Mr. McCulloch find his authority to make an arbitrary rule for one importer and a different rule for another paying to him who has waived all hia righta by neglect ing to protect himself by conforming to the lawa the full amount of his claims, and refusing to pay to the other, who has taken all the necessary steps to protect bis legal righta, and has secured a decision of the courts in his favor ? The fact ia that Mr. McCulloch permits his subordinates to make decisions that receive authority under the sanction of hia signature. which are daily embarrassing the Government by their antagonism to the spirit of our reve nue laws and the decisions of judioial tribunals, at the same time doing immense mischief to our great importing interests. When we compare the days of Corwin, Robert J. Walker, Guthrie, and others, who adminis tered the revenue laws in the spirit they were enacted by Congress, with the present time. when they are turned into an engine of oppres sion and favoritism the will of Congress and the decisions of the courts being set at defiance we may well view with alarm tha damaging effect upon our national credit of the inaugu ration of a system which encourages corrupt Treasury officials to fill the pockets of them selves and their friends out of the Treasury. and to drive importers who have paid dutiea illegally away from the oourta, and compel them either to abandon the prosecution of their claims or to corrupt Treasury subordi nates to obtain their just dues. ihe facts in regard to the recent decision of Mr. McLulloch, whereby several hundred thousand dollars in gold has been taken out of tne i reasury, are that in the fall of the year Jbbb a person holding an official nosition in the Custom House at this port discovered that, by an error or omission of the law of June 30, leb4, the Collector had been charging too much duty upon certain importations of mer chandise. This official resigned his position in the Custom House, and entered into an arrangement with the parties interested to eet back from the Government such duties aa had been paid in excess, he receiving a fee of fifty per cent, oi tne amount recovered for his ser vices. As no one knew of the error or omis sion in the law until it was discovered in the fall of lbt6, no protests were filed against the payment of the duties that had been paid irom me time or the passage of the act, in 18U4, down to tne time or the discovery of the error in xne law in ibtib. Our revenue laws require, in all cases, that the importer shall file a written protest with tne Collector within ten days from the pay ment of the duties; otherwise it is deemed a voluntary and legal payment, and cannot be recovered. Kotecovery could, therefore, have been had in the courts in these cases, as it is absolutely necessary, in order to obtain a judg ment of the courts, to prove that all the re quirements of the statute have been complied with. Aa before stated, however, a decision was obtained from the Secretary of the Trea sury directing the Collector to pay back to the parties the excess of duties paid by them, although it is admitted that the law requiring the protest had not been complied witu, It is stated that these were "exceptional cases, mamtestiy lust and equitable in their character, and meriting the special treatment extended to them." We should like to know wherein, and in what particular, these cases are exceptional cases, and wherein they merited the special favor extended to them by Mr. McCulloch. It would seem that they come clearly within the category of speculations upon the Treasury, which the Secretary so much condemns, and still he authorizes them to be paid, notwithstanding the fact that the claimants had not complied with the law, and could not have sustained their claims in the law courts. This "special treatment" by Mr. MoCullooh ot certain claims has aroused a storm of lndig nation among our mercantile community, and a determination is manifested to sift the whole matter to the bottom. Ever since the forma tion of our Government, Congress has deemed the judicial tribunals to be the proper ones to settle and determine the many delioate and important questions arising under the Revenue laws, and no previoua Secretary has arrogated to himself the power of setting at defiance the will of Congress, as expressed by the decisions of the Courts; and if Mr. McCulloch persists in his present course the community will be edihed by the knowledge that our Judiciary, which is supposed to be the guardian of the righta of the people, is under the control of Mr. McCulloch. Necessity for Industrial Kducatlon In tha United States. From the N. Y. World. The Inventive genius of Americans has given birth to many extraordinary novelties It is frequently claimed that we are the most original people in the world. We point to those improvements in the arts of peace and war which are specially and saliently our own, and complacently say to ourselves, beca ise we have acoomplibhed these things, therefore we are ahead of Europe. This U a mere popular delusion. Intelli, SEPTEMBER .3, 18G7. THE FINE LARGEST OLD IN THE LAND IS HENHY S. II ANN IS & CO., Nos. 218 and 220 SOUTH FR0T8T STREET, WHO OFFER THE HAWK TO TUB TRADE IH LOTS OM VERT ADVANTAGEOUS TERMS. Their Stock of Rjr Whiskies, IN BOIID, comprliM all tht ftvorlU bnmlf extant, tnd runs through tha various months of lBOB.'OO. and of this rear, in tm iitiDl data. ' " w Liberal contracts mad for lota to arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad DepaAi Krrlrsson Lin Wharf.or at lion tied Warehouses, aa partis ma jr elect. gent American mechanics and engineers are not bo deceived. They know, because thev cannot help knowing, that, excepting con trivances which have been suggested to Amerioan inventors by necessities peculiar to America, the mass of inventions in the United tates have been either improvements upon r variations from foreign devices, or the pro uct of brains and hands experienced in foreign establishments. In nearly all the onhimed arts and trades that have been j ractised for long periods in Europe and in mis country alike, the Europeans are decidedly our superiors; and although it is iue that in certain manufactures we have kept even with them, we have in the race l eea oftener obliged to adopt their improve ments than they have been to adopt ours. Entire buildings, with their machinery and interior arrangements, are frequently put up in the United States after plans original in t ranee, Germany, or England. Even in those processes which it might have been expected Americans, being bo peculiarly interested, would have brought to almost absolute per fection such, for instance, aa the reduction of ores we have failed, and have had to em ploy European skill to help ua through. The acting superintendents of paying gold, silver, and copper mines in California, Nevada, and elsewhere are foreigners, or Americana edu cated in foreign mining schools. Thousands of tons of ores are annually despatched in vessels from the racifio coast to t reyburg or Swansea, to be reduced in the celebrated works at those places. Many of these ores can in no wise be worked so as to yield a paving percentage of metal, in any mill or by any process in operation on our sou. in mining, and in most Drancnes ot manu facture, we lack labor technically and thor oughly skilled. We lack educated mechanioa, The want of them haa cost us very dearly, Millions of dollars have been spent among us in blind, experimental ways, for the simple reasons that capitalists who build establish' ments do not always know what they are about, and that the mechanioa engaged are in the proportion of five to seven, grossly incapable. The cheapness of foreign mate rials used in some European manutactures is one excellent reason why foreign manu facturers of certain articles are enabled to compete, in the American market, bo successfully with our own. But the per fect system which prevails, and the superior artisans employed in establishments abroad, ia an equally important advantage. No money is thrown away upon, and no time ia wasted by ignorant workmen in French, Aus trian, Swiss, or German employ. . A complete and watchful superintendence, and a renned aptitude among employes, insure the greatest skill and the strictest economy. Tne results of such a system are shown in the Paris Ex position to the detriment of not only the United btates but England. While some specialties of American industry have been noticed there, we have gained no great national reputation at the world's last show. And Great Britain is declared by one of its own jurors, Dr. Lyon Playfair, to have manifested, "in the nearly unanimous opinion of those competent to judge, little progress in the years intervening between 1862 and 1867." The President of the civil engineers is quoted as sayingthat "greater improvements had been made in France, Germany, Austria, and Bel gium in the manufacture of iron than in England;" and the words might have been added, "than in the United States." Dr. Playfair goes on to explain that the "one cause upon which there waa most unanimity of con viction is that France, Prussia, Austria, Bel gium, and Switzerland possess good systems of industrial education for the masters and managers of workshops and factories, and that England possesses none." According to M. Dumas, the chemist, it appeared that those establishments most remarkable for the excellence of the articles they displayed at the Exhibition, were under the direction of those who had been educated at the Ecole Cen trale des Arts et Manufactures. No intelligent American abroad can fail to perceive that the system of technioal indus trial education is doing wonders for the coun tries alluded to, where it exists; or to admit, with a previous knowledge of the disadvan tages Buffered in this country from the lack of such a system, that its benefits here would be incalculable. It would tend to foster and in crease industry by elevating industry to a science. It would render those who should enjoy its advantages five times as capable, and therefore more sought after and better paid, than they are. It would facilitate and cheapen and improve a large number of arti cles, which, under skilful direction, would be manufactured more rapidly and with less expense and waste, than they now are. And by increasing the know ledge and intelligence of mechanics, engineers, and others, it would insure more and better discoveries and improvements in the indus trial arts. American colleges have given to the learned professions their most eminent and useful members. The Military Aoademy' at West Point and the Naval Aoademy at An napolis have furnished the nation with its best soldiers and sailors. The establishment of in dustrial academies may result, in a very few years, in providing the country with a class of men whose influence upon and achievements in mechanics and engineering may finally revolutionize the loose and various systems of industry throughout the oountry, and honora bly distinguish the nation and themselves. 'j PRESERVING CANS AND JARS. P R U I T JARS. PROTECTOR FRUIT JARS. They are made Air-tight with Certainty and Eaaa. Areltapldly Opeued Without Injury to ttis Cover. Each Cover fits all the Jars. Manufucturera and Patentees j r. j. BoitiNi:, " I 22 tlislsltu NO. 1SS H, FRONT STREET. AND BEST STOCK OF rye: v h i g i; 1 e o NOW TOSSESSED BY FURNISHING GOODS, SHIRTS.&C. MERINO GAUZE UNDERWEAR OF CARTWBienT AND WASHER'S CELEBRATED MANUFACTURE. MERINO GATJZB UNDERWEAR In every variety orsiieand style, for Ladles', Gents', and Children's Wear. nONIERT, A large assortment of HOSIERY ot Engllna o4 German mannlactnre, in socks, three-quartet socio and long hose. GLOVES, In White, BnB, and Mode Color. For sals as HOFMANN'S Hosiery Store, 16tnths W. NORTH EIOHTU STREET. J. W. SCOTT & CO., WIRT MANUFACTURERS, AND DEALERS IS MEN'S EURNISIIINe DOODI MO. 814 CHEsNCT STREET. FOUR DOORS Bfc-LOW TILE "CONTLNENTAIV b f?rp wnr.init.PHTt, PATENT S1IOULDER - SEAM SHIRT MANUFACTORY, AND QENTLft'ftl EN'S FURNISHINO STORR PERFECT FITTING SHIRTS AND DRAWERS made Irom meamirenient at very short notloe. All other articles ot GKJNT.LEALEN'tt DRESS GOODb Is lull VMrlvly. WINCHESTER A CO., 1 11 No. 7IM CHEbNTJT Street INSTRUCTION. GREAT NATIONAL TELEGRAPHiS AND COMMERCIAL INSTITUTE, NOS. 809 AND 811 CIIEMNVT STREET PHILADELPHIA. REMOVAL, To the Finest College Rooms In tbeCltyw Fart of the Second, and the whole of the Third an4 Fourth Floors et ' BANK OF REPUBLIC BUILDINGS, Nearly Opfoalte the Continental Hotel. The best organized and conducted Busluesa Collect In the city. The Corps ot Teacher has uo superior. Education lor the Counting-room In the shortest possible time consistent with the Interests ot the student. Send lor circular. JACOB H. TAYLOR, President. PARK SPRINu. Vice-President. 6 28 6m OKDFNTOWN FEMALE COLLEGE, BOK- DENTOWN, N. J. An Institution for the care lul and thorough Instruction of Young Ladles in all the branches ol a complete education. Board and tuition In the Preparatory and Collegiate departments, fart per year. Wathing. Ancient and Modern lALntnuitr, and ornamental branches, extra. Winter beaalun opens beptember 19. For Catalogues, address REV. JOHN H. BRAKELEY, A. M.. 8 6 tnthsCw President. HAMILTON INSTITUTE DAY AN9 ROAKDINU SCHOOL for Young Ladles, No, Ssio CHEHMJT Street, West Philadelphia, com. mences its next seoslon on MONDAY, September 9, For circulars containing particulars apply at tha fechool. tMlit P. t. CREGAR, A. M.. Principal. KUGBY ACADEMY, FOR YOUNO MEN and Boys, No. 14U LOCUST Street, EDWARD CLARENCE Wli'l'H, A. M.. Principal. Re-opena beptember 18. Pupils prepared tor business or pro fesBional lite, or lor blub standing in college. A tirst-class Primary Department In separata rooms. Circulars, with full iiUomiutlon, at No. LSJs CHESNUT btreet. 8 12 2m THE CLASSICAL, FRENCH, AND ENGLISH cliool, B. E. corner ot Till KT Mi NTH and LOCUST Streets, will reopen BEI'TKatBkR 9th. For reduced terms in English studies, etc., see Circulars, or lnouire ot the Principal, 31 YM B. KENDALL, A. M. FRENCH. LATIN, AND GEEMAM TAUGHI In schools and families. Professor If. BADEN. ' Applications will be received at airs, J. Hamilton's Bookstore. No. l.W CHEWNDT Street. 8 HI lm C CLASSICAL INSTITUTE, DEAN STREET above Spruce. 'ibe classical ISTITUTE will be reopened SEPTEMBER. 20. J. W. FAIRE3, D. D., 8 241m Principal. THE ECIIOOL OF DESIGN FOB WOMEN, corner of ilLBERT Street and N, W. PJUSN Square, will reO( en ou Mouday , September 2. W. J. HOHsTMANN, Vice President. 8 17 8w P. P. v ORRia, Secretary and Treasurer. Q A G L I G H T FOR THE COIJNTRYJ FERRIS CO.'S AUTOMATIC GAS , MACHINES FOR PRIVATE RESIDENCES, HILLS, HOTELS, CHURCHES, ETC., FURNISHING FROM ONE TO BIX HUNDRED , LIGHTS, AS MAY EE REQUIRED, This machine is guaranteed; does not get on of order, and the time to manage It Is ubout Ave minutes a week. The simplicity of this apparatus, Its entire freedom from dauger, the oheapness and quality of the light over all others.have gained for It the favorable opinion of those acquainted with Its merits. The names of those having used them for the last three years will be glv en by calling at our OFFICE, , , NO. 15 SOUTH FOURTH STREET, Where the machines can be seen Is operation. FERRIS A CO.. Box 4SJ P. O. Send lor a Pamphlet, T ZtuthsSas
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