THE NEW YORK PRESS. JDITCIilAti OPIBION8 OP THB I.EiDINO JO0RHAL8 CTOH CCBKBM TOPICS COM PILED KVRRT BAT FOB THB EVBMNO TKLKOBAPH. Hovr a Wnr In Knrop 1Told Concern V, from (he Nation. A dissolute King of Holland is persuaded y an extravagaut French niistreas to offer a lriangle of territory as large as a Now York bounty for Bale to the Eanporor Napoleon for round Bum in cash. Mr. Von Iiifmark, a Sturdy, resolute, big-brained, clear-headed German, who, by giving practical expression to the long-time vain dream of a United Fatherland, has laid the whole German nation poll-bound at the feet of King William of TruBsia, protests against the Bale. Forthwith the "promises to pay" of the United States of North America fall five per cent, in value In the great money centres of Europe, gold rises in New York ten per cent, in a fortnight thirteen per cent, higher than it stood on May 11, 1805. Wall street Is in a fever, specie pay ments Beem put off again ad infinitum, and the real value of every paper dollar in the United States is diminished by seven cents. Why is itf . , . , There is a law of social science, commonly called the law of the solidarity of nations, to this effect: the loss of one people is the loss of all peoples ; the gain of one nation ia the gain of all nations j no nation can benefit at the expense of another without ultimate loss to coi reppond ; no people can lose heavily with out all other peoples combining to repair its loss. This law is so toiaiiy opposed to an ordinary notions about the character of peo ples and individuals, and its action is at times so difficult to trace, that it is generally the last law that the student of social science is willing to subscribe to ; indeed, some never subsoribe to it at all. Cut it is, nevertheless, truly a law. When the people of the United States went to war among themselves and prevented the export of cotton, English ships and ware houses and manufactories and manufacturers' depots at all ends of the world were so full of cotton and cotton goods that but for our war half Lancashire, and London too, would have Ixien bankrupt. The outbreak of our war doubled the value of every pound of cotton and every yard of cloth ; and good, wise Cob den could rise in his reat in the House of Com mons and deprecatingly remark that "Lan cashire spinners could scarcely be blamed for -wanting the war continued, as it had put .'80,000,000 sterling in their pookets." That does not seem like an illustration of the law of solidarity. But mark what follows. First, the Lancashire famine, with 300,000 depend ants upon public charity; next, the question "what to do with this sudden accession of -wealth. The result was the wildest specula tion, fabnlous investments in all corners of the world, especially in cotton culture, 1200 new companies with limited liability formed in one year, two or three years of financial rioting, and a few weeks of panio last spring, staggering all England with a blow from which she has not yet recovered. When the people of the United States went to war among themselves, England was send ing 50 or tiO millions of dollars a year to Fast India for cotton. When the Southern ports were blockaded, England had to send 100 and 120 millions of dollars a year to the Fast Indies for so much more cotton. Then the people of India rolled in wealth; the l'arsee merchants bound their carriage wheels with silver tires, and buried jar after jar filled -with Mexican silver dollars and American double eagles, and prayed that peace might never come to the Yankee fools. That does not look like an illustration of the law of solidarity; perhaps not, Uut the law is true, nevertheless. For the fields that raised all the cotton and brought this wondrous wealth had formerly borne rice, and then food was cheap. Now food was daily growing dearer, until a sudden drouth struck famine into the whole king doms, just when England no longer wanted all the cotton; and then, by the side of the cot ton bales and the buried coin jars there fell 300,000 poor 6tarved wretches, and lay un buried. When the people of the United States went to war among themselves, they naturally de stroyed much property. We have more than once shown that they did destroy muuh more than they made, and became thereby much poorer. The last year's census of twenty-ohe States, of which we have the figures, show the taxable property in those States to have dimin ished during the war from 7200 millions in gold valuation to 6700 millions in currency valuation, a diminution of at least 2000 mil lions of dollars in gold. As fast as we de stroyed, the peoples of Europe were glad to mill us at a profit whatever they could furnish to replace the loss, and waxed rich and richer thereby, and hoped the war would never cease. But when pay-day came we were, as is apt to be the case with extravagant peoplo, alto gether unready, and the people in Europe to whom we owed said, You need not pay us now; we will give you twenty years' time, and perhaps we shall not want the money even then; you can pay ns interest meanwhile. In this way those in Europe who had profited by our troubles really lent us their property for an indefinite time to repair our losses by tht war, and took from us our "promises to nav " xiub id iuo na m wuica our promises to pay come to be bought and sold at the Euro pean exchanges, and the fact that their price and the price of gold in Wall street are affected by the quarrels of European princes, is only another illustration of the same law of the solidarity of nations. It may prove a ques tion of no little importance to us in what way a war between France and Prussia would affect our finances. The first ell'eot of war in all countries is to impel governments and individuals to pos sess themselves as much as possible of the nerrus rerum ready cash. The United States are one of the great sources of supply. Can we be forced to part with our specie ? Of course, if our merchants were indebted to mercliants in Europe, and the European mer chants not indebted to us, there is no doubt we should have to send specie in payment of our debts. But an extensive enquiry among importing merchants convinces us that the amount of due or nearly due indebtedness to Europe is at this moment unusually light, a very large portion of the heavy importations of this spring consisting of consignments re maining unsold, and the balance being already paid for. We are not, therefore, likely to witness an important drain of specie in settle ment of commercial indebtedness. The only other means of drawing specie from ns is the return of our bonds. Without entering now upon a discussion of the ques Vn JUow far a war in Europe will ultimately increase the demand for our securities, we see that the first effect of the fear of war is to cause large amounts of them to be sent from the tn Kmrland for sale against gold. It is self-evident that as long as our boudd can THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY, be sold in England or any other part of Europe for a bettor price in gold than they will bring by being shipped here, they, will be sold in Europe. The price in gold that bonis will I'nng in this m,vkt deiwnds updn their cur-reiu-y price here and upon the premium pn gold. A war in Europe does hot 'in itself pre sent any contingencies likely to affeot the cur rency price of our bonds, and we may, there fore, safely say that the price which our bonds Sent here from Europe will bring in gold de pends exclusively upon the currency premium in gold. The present premium upon gold is baoed entirely upon the stock of gold now in the country. Any diminution or prospect of diminution in thi stock would immediately advance the price in proportion and so well Is this understood by all Wall street, that the price is now, ana nas been lor ten days past regulated entirely by the London price of our bonds, and has been held at a point at which bonds cannot be imported from Europe at a profit, or, in other words, at a point at which there is no probability of the stock being re duced by heavy shipments. Last year the pressure ot public and private opinion upon the Secretary of the Treasury forced him, against his own better Judgment, it is believed, to sell large amounts of gold and thus depress the price. It is notorious that during the whole of last year's panio in Europe it was, in consequence of the low price of gold, a highly , profitable operation to bring bonds here for sale and Bhip the coin against them. To such a point was this car ried that we actually sent more gold over than Europe required, so that a large part of it was sent back in September and October, in pay ment of the very bonds returned in May and June. The utter folly of this course is too well understood now to permit its repetition to be for one moment thought of. Nothing is, therefore, likely to be done by the Govern ment this time to make it a safe and profitable operation for foreign nations to drain us of our coin, and defer again for an unlimited period our return to specie payments. It seems, then; not unreasonable to assume that, in case of actual war, or of continued fear of war, the price of gold here will continue to rule at or near a point at which our bonds cannot be im ported from Europe at a profit. But, apart from any security thus afforded us against the return of our bonds by the ad vance in gold, we believe that after the first panic our bonds will not only not suffer a very material or permanent decline, but that, on the contrary, the fact of our being compara tively uninfluenced by the war itself will cause our securities to be sought after in pre ference to those of any European Government, We furthermore believe that in case of a war between two such powerful nations as France and Germany, which would, finan cially and commercially, involve almost every nation of Europe, we should see a repetition of our experience of war in its influence on one financial movement. During the first year of our war the people of the United States withdrew from banks and hoarded over eighty millions of gold, in addition to the sums already in circulation before the war began. If this experience should repeat itself among the less well-informed peoples of Europe, no bank in Europe would be able to staud the drain. We might then see the banks of England and France undergo the same fate as our banks in 1861, and, after a period of financial disturbance, see their specie come here for safe-keeping, as ours went to Europe in 1862 and 1863. We might then see ourselves reap ing the same harvest on sea and land that the European peoples reaped during our war, and praying that their wars might never end. But remembering the great law of the solida rity of nations, let us rather hope that, by the wisdom of rulers and the patience of the people, peace may yet be preserved, as we have no doubt it will be, in spite of the threat ening aspect of things; and that many years may pass before that great messenger of peace, the Atlantio Telegraph Cable, be again per verted to purposes of strife and suffering. Journalism In It Relation to Political ij rariiee. From the Tribune. What is the proper attitude of a publio journal towards the rival parties whioh must divide every free country t Should it regard them with equal favor or equal indifference f Should it, on the contrary, "deem this side always right, and that stark naught?" Or should it sustain that one which it deems generally right, yet hold itself free to expose the errors, reprove the shortcomings, and condemn the misdeeds, of those who shall from time to time seek to pervert that party's flag into a cloak for their own greed, or a sail wherewith to waft themselves to undeserved power and eminence f We did, in years long past, conduct a jour nal which aimed to treat the publio questions of the day in such manner as to give offense to neither party; and experience convinced ua that the position of a neutral in politios is irksome, unnatural, fettered. It does not permit him t say what he often feels should be said and heard. The proper attitude of a journalist, like that of any other citizen, is that which allows him most freedom to act as his convictions may dictate; and that is pre cisely the attitude we hold in conducting the Tribune. We act with that party which we deem right in the main, because we thus give effect to our personal convictions. And one of our most imperative duties to that party, as well as to the country, constrains us to expose and resist any wrong which is sought to be perpetrated under its shield, by the abuse of its influence and good name. The New York Times, upholding what it sets forth as the independence of the press, says: "The fact that a newspaper advocates the principle ami measures of n political party is hold to Rive the leaders of that parly a right to dictate its action, and to punish any recustince ou lis part with the p irty displeasure. J,eadlU( Journals too often lend themselves to thin uu woriby and degrading policy. The Tribune, for exuinple, either from impulse or landed In terest, is very fond of 'reading out of the party,' und turning over to the nncoveuanted mercies ol mere outsiders, any rival which hesitates to e ho the principles and espouse the policy dic tated to It by party leaders and conventions." The requirement which the Times thus carioatures in order to defy is simply that a journal shall be honest shall not profess one thing in order the more effectually to do the exact opposite. The Times, for example, did formerly coincide with the Republican party. It now sees fit to favor that party's adversa ries, as it has a perfect right to do. What it lias no right to do ia to use its position and prestige as a Republican journal to injure the great party it has fully resolved to desert and (if possible) destroy; audit is precisely this that we complain of. In the political canvass, of 18GC, the influ ence of the Times was given to the anti-Republican combination which was formed at Phila-1 delphia in July. Even after it professed to accept and support the Republican nominees in our State, it slurred them on every oppor-i tunity, sneered at what it charged was their purpose to win the votes of the Fenians, sup ported the candidate for Congress of the Hoff man Democracy in the district last repre sented by Its editor, and did more to swell Hoffman's vote in the city and State than If it Lad squarely supported him. Yet the editor, on resuming his seat, in Congress thereafter,, claimed nevertheless admission to the Repub lican c ankuses, precisely as though ho had not been roving all summer with Doolittle, Dixon, and Cowan. There is a difference of opinion among the Republicans as to reconstruction. We concur with that xorlion (in our Judgment a great majority) of the party which, while insisting on full Justice to the freedmen and security against Rebel domination, is yet anxious for an early and general amnesty for Rebels, and for the prompt restoration of the States dis organized by treason to self government and representation in Congress., The Times would seem also to sympathize with this view. Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, is also an eminent champion of the milder policy, and is now traversing the South in its behalf. If the Times were in any sense Republican, it would naturally regard the Senator's canvass with decided favor. Yet it pecks at him, day after day, in such paragraphs as the following! "Senator Wilson's Southern tour seems to be a case of great cry and little wool. The flock surrounds him, but there Is no shearing done. 8pd he is likely to come bank empty-handed. IheblHCkslislen to him. but wonder what all the pother Is about. The whites let him alone, and have not paid him the compliment of get ting angry at anything he has naid. He has rated theui to his heart' content, and they hear him with civility, If not with respect; and then Mr. Wilson packs up his stock of plutl tudes and diatribes, and takes himself oil" un noticed to the next town. It seems rather dull sort of work. It is not. we may be sure, ex actly what the Senator bargained for. If there had been a disturbance anywhere, what a theme It would have supplied him with what a martyr he would have returned ! As it Is, he comes back in the position of one who thought to move the universe, and finds that he has not made so much stir as a gadfly in summer. The Southern people soon found out that It was not an earthquake or a whirlwind which had come among them, but only a reed shaken by the wind. And we say that this is very discouraging for poor Mr. Wilson, and we hope be will bear up bravely under his adversities." We submit to all candid, intelligent minds that such flings have their impulse in an im placable hostility to the cause and party which Mr. Wilson represents at the South in an im movable purpose to see that cause discredited, that party overthrown. Hence we are im pelled to notice the Times'' gyrations, because we deem it important that their animus should be exposed, and their malign influence re stricted. That such things should be said is of no consequence; that they should be read and quoted as from a Republ can journal, is what gives them their Bting. So with the Commercial Advertiser, which is constantly quoted by the CoDDerhead press to show that the Republicans are at loggerheads, and to set forth the hard things they say of each other nay, its assaults are paraded as Republican confessions t when its editor is a member of the Manhattan Club, and did his very worst to elect Hoffman Gov ernor last fall. Yet, when we feel impelled to tear off the masks of those who are dealing the Republican party these deadly stabs, there are creatures in charge of Republican journals whom, out of respect to the animal kingdom, we will not call asses, who assume to rebuke our readiness to engage in personal contro versy, and gravely inform us that the publio cares nothing for the loves and hates, the rivalries and antipathies, of editors t Can this be all stupidity 1 the Political Future. lom the Times. The political history of the past two years has been little more than a record of the tri umphs of what was originally the Abolition party, and which has since become the ultra, absolutist element in the Republican party. This element has driven that party from the constitutional position which it held down to 1864, and from one point to another, each more "advanced" and extreme than its prede cessor, ever Bince that time. Where this movement is to stop, or whether it is to stop at all, Is matter of conjecture. If it does stop, it will be from compulsion and not from choice. Every victory thus far has proved to be only the precursor of new demands; and this is quite as true now as it was a year ago. They have secured universal suffrage for the blacks of the Southern States, with the exclu sion from the ballot-box of a large portion of the whites; they have abrogated w holly the gupremacy oi law as administered by the civil tribunals, and have subjected the South to military control; and they have succeeded in giving Congress absolute authority in the Na tional Government. For all this thus far they have had the general acquiescence and support of the people. It becomes a matter of considerable import ance to watch carefully all indications as to what this restless, insatiate, and potent ele ment of the dominant party proposes to do next. What they propose to-day may be law to-morrow. Judging from the past, it is very likely to be so. We published yesterday a letter from Senator Sumner and an article from the And-Slavery Standard which will be read with interest in this connection. Mr. Sumner's leading object in his letter is to insist upon subjecting suffrage in all the States North and South to the regulation of Congress. He demands that the States shall no longer be left free to define the qualifications of voters within their limits, but that this shall be done by Congress. And he frankly avows that the specific object of this funda mental change in the practice of the Govern ment, is to secure the negro vote in all the States for the Republican party. "There are Northern States," he says, "where the votes of the negroes can make the good cause safe beyond question;" and he is therefore in favor of giving the negrees the right to vote in every State, without consulting the Constitution, laws, or will of the people thereof. The fact that the Constitution of the United States re cognizes, in express and explicit language, the right of each State to regulate the sutt'rage, and to prescribe the conditions of its exercise within its limits, is passed over by Mr. Sum ner as utterly unworthy of notice. He conde scends not to forget "the hesitations" which hail 1,6611 exi)eriunced on tlle subject, but this ' lf.,Mr Sumner and his friends can make it bo, this is to be henceforward a plank in the platform of the Republican party. Thus far u lias not been enforced as a doctrine abso ,.yesSe,ntiul t0 PUtioal salvation; , but we cannot rely on the indefinite indulgence of li.,gi ? 8 a?d Sratuitus toleration. Those i ffi: wh0 hesitate to assert and uphold he sn t8 TUtity0t ConSre98 to control 22 lD eTerjr Ktate wiu very soon come to be denounced as the confederates of Copperheads and Rebels. 00ntlerates The Anti-Slavery Standard, which has been Piratlon IT ft frait otce ofin" epiration for the "advanced" winr nf the Republican party, is- itiU mo5 iplS! though not more peremntorv t.. T, ner in its demands. I Kfr M,' Republican majority in K&Sf! as treacherous and cowardly. It SdrW The impeachment of the more candor than wisdom, it declares to have been the object for which it was convened. It pronounces the adjournment to July a con temptible trick. It denounces the Republican Congressmen as venal and corrupt charging them with having sold themselves for offlue in the most scandalous and disgraceful manner. 1 It names individual inemWs whom it holds Bnbject to this serious, charge, among them Bingham, Blaino, and Banks, while its de nunciation of individual Senators is even more direct and emphatic. ' After this cheerful opening of its, vials of wrath, the Standard reads a solemn warning to those Republicans who seek to emancipate the party irom the domination of this ultra radical element. It graciously informs them that the only reason why the Republican party has been suffered to exist hitherto, is the fact that the radicals found it the "most available instrument for doing their work;" and it warns them that whenever that party ceases thus to do the work of the radicals, it will be abandoned and destroyed. These pleasant intimations are followed by an invitation to the Democratic party to come near enough to allow tho radicals and the negroes to reinstate it in power. That such an alliance is by no meansjimpossible, would geem evident from the action of the two parties in the last Congress. The ultra radicals and Democrats coalesced more than once during that Congress, and the radicals secured more than one of their most signal victories by. the help of Democratic votes. Thus the Demo crats and Stevens men voted down the pro posed qualifications, and secured universal suffrage for the negroes of the District of Co lumbia. And the same coalition at a later day secured the partial distranchisement of the whites in the South, while it gave the ballot to the Southern negroes without qualification or distinction of any kind. What has been, may be. Meantime, all we have to do just now is to watch the current of events. Ia the South Under a Military Despotism! Vow the Herald. There is much misapprehension as to the status of the South at present under the Recon struction acts of Congress and the military police required to carry out these acts. We hear a great deal, particularly from the violent unreconstructed Rebels of the South and their confreres, the Copperhead-Democrats of the North, about military despotism, martial law, tyranny, and so forth. In some cases the con dition of the South and the facts with regard to the action of the General Government are wilfuUy misrepresented, from bad feeling or jui pumicui vujcuLn. jjui it ia eviueni mai many of the truly loyal people do not properly understand ine nature oi tue temporary mill tary police under which the South is placed Even some of the military commanders over the districts into which the South is divided, have misunderstood the status of that section of the country, and their duties in executing 1 r 0 wie jaws ui vjuxji can. . Now, the South is not under martial law When the Rebellion was subdued and the war ended martial law ceased, and anything done now by the Federal officers savoring of military despotism is a mistake, and contrary both to the constitutional rights of the people and the laws of Congress. The Southern States, though their loyal governments were overthrown by the Rebellion, and their political relations with the loyal States of the JNorth suspended for the time, are still in the Union, and the broad shield of the Constitution still protects the people, The whole action of the Federal Gov ernment, from the beginning of the war up to the present time, has been based upon this fact, notwithstanding the opinions and declara tions of a few extreme radicals in Congress. The object of the Reconstruction acts of Con gress and the military police appointed under them is only to enable the States lately in re bellion to resume their functions of local gov ernment, and to restore them to full political communion with the rest of the States. Pre sident Johnson attempted to accomplish this in his own way and without consulting Con cress: but his plan was deemed imperfect, unsafe, and not tending to secure loyalty and peace in the future. Loneress set tuat aside, as it had a right to do, and adopted a plan of its own. And here the question arises, uy what right or under what constitutional power did Congress act in passing the Reconstruction acts, and in establishing a military police to see that these acts be carried out t It is found in the Constitution, which says "the United States shall guarantee to every State a repub lican form of government." When the Re bellion was put down there was no govern ment in the Southern States which the United States could recognize. ' There was an assumed foreign government, which necessarily fell with the Rebellion under which it was created. It was the duty of Congress, then, to see that a government should be established, and one republican in form. Congress, therefore, had the undoubted right to prescribe the mode in which this should be done, with all the details and ma chinery for that purpose. This as a power derived from the Constitution, and there is no despotism in exercising it. The Federal Gov ernment might, perhaps, have gone further under the extraordinary circumstances con nected with the gigantio Rebellion might, perhaps, under the war power, or under an assumed law of necessity, have paid less re gard to the elaimsof constitutional protection; but happily it has not. The Reconstruction acts are but enabling laws to help the disor ganized rebellious States to establish loyal republican governments, and to resume their privileges in the Union, and nothing more. The Constitution also requires the United States to protect the several States against domestic violence. It is true this is to be on the application of the Legislature or of the Executive. But where there is no Legislature or Executive, or none that the United States could recognize, as in the case of the South when the Rebellion was subdued, what should be done ? Is it not clearly the duty of Con cress to protect the States and citizens from doiuestio violence under such circumstances r The Government could not wait for an appli cation from a Legislature or an Executive, when there was none in existence which It could recognize. That would simply be per mitting anarchy to reigu. It would be no eTheBRSnttruction acts, then, in dividing the South into military districts and establish ing a military police, have .not created a des potism, nor were the'y so intended They are merely provisional, and, as we said, only to motectthe South and to enable that section o be restored. The genera s commanding in these districts may make mistakes and exceed their legitimate rowers. General bchofleld did no doubt, in his action against the press of Richmond. The Constitution says Congress Bhall make no law "abridging the freedom of enau Vha lltmoat latitude speech or vi " i''"" f , i v. .iir.nr.ut in tlip diRcussion of all sub- K 1 1 Oil 1(1 VV ' - - lecta in the South as well as at the North, so lone as the press does not inoite insurrection or disturbance , of the peaoe. General Sickles, . too, went beyond his legitimate duty la compelling some of the Charles MAY 4, 18G7. ton people to carry the flag in their pro cession. Carrying the Msg or not carrying it was a matter of taste, and bad nothing to do with preserving the peaoe, or seeing that the laws of Congress Were exeouted. livery loyal citizen might regret to see the bad feel ing and bad taste of that portion ( of the Charleston people who did not carry in pro cession the glorious old flag; bnt our gnnerals wero not sent to the South to be Gesslers, or to interfere in any such small and harmless matters. On the other hand. General Pone acted right in the course he pursued towards Governor Jenkins, of Georgia, because the question was one concerning the administra tion or the laws and the principles involved in the Reconstruction acts'. The military are not in the Sonth to take away or obstruct the constitutional rights of the peo ple. They are there only to preserve the peace, and. to soe that the Reconstruction acts of Congress be not impeded in their operation. There is no despotism intended in these acts, and we advise both the officers in command in the Sonth and the people not to look at them in any other light. Baatlat and Mr. Carey, From the World. We publish the reply of Mr. Henry C. Carey to some remarks of ours, founded on his apparent inspiration or indorsement of the charge that Frederic Bastiat, the distinguished French political economist, had " seized, diluted, and passed off as his own" ideas original with Mr. Carey, namely, the ideas, or " all that is good in the Harmonies Ece nomiques.1 " Mr. Carey, in his past discussions, seems not to have met with that uniform courtesy which his own should have bred in an an tagonist; at least, we know no other reason for his supposing it necessary to urge upon us the publication of his reply to our questions. Less would not be justice; but, indeed, our columns stand open for much more informa tion than Mr. Carey has yet vouchsafed, if his future, like his past and present desires, shall be "in reference to any and every question in the discussion of which I have been engaged, that opportunity should be afforded to the reader for examining it on every side, and for being enabled thus to arrive at correct conclu sions." Singular to relate. We have never been able to obtain from the Tribune, Mr. Carey's chief disciple, this very . justice; but Mr. Greeley is so apt to decline a controversy A la mort, that the matter is of small consequence. If of two antagonists one will not "stand up to the scratch" after the first exchange of blows, there might as well be no controversy. No issue is determined, nor is the public in any manner enlightened. But Mr. Carey's courtesy, we feel assured, is not more perfect than his readiness to contest any issue till the truth is reached. Mr. Carey denies any other connection with the article in the iVess than the obvious one which we had presumed to found ur broader suspicions upon, viz., the loan of the Magyar translation oi ms 'social science" to the literary editor of the Pi ess. He therefore declines to reouest the with drawal of the offensive stigma which the Press nas attempted to nx upon the fame of Bastiat, and indeed seems to justify himself in wearing the chaplet of slanders upon the dead with which the admiration of his friend has thought it fitting to deck him. For it is here to be observed that since no discoverer of a new truth desires its monopoly, but seeks above all things to, diffuse it a statement that Bastiat in any of his writings had been at all indebted to Mr. Carey for facts or reasonings which, as a journalist or a book writer, he had reproduced in other and vari ous forms, and done his utmost to develop and spread to all his readers, i3 a very different thing from the charge winch Mr. Carey refuses to ask his friend and lauder to withdraw the charge, namely, of having "seized, diluted, and passed off as his own" Mr. Carey's ideas. It is praise in this shape, praise couched in the form of a calumny upon one of the simplest and truest hearts, and one of the noblest intellects of our time now, alast unable tojdefend himself that Mr. Carey refuses to disclaim, consents to accept. It is this issue, then, that is to be tried, and now we have to ask Mr. Carey to afford "opportunity to the reader for examining it on every side." It does not suffice for him to tell us what Ferrara concludes, nor what his own impressions are concerning what it is that unnamed German writers have proved. Their arguments will be estimated at their proper worth by an intelligent public, if Mr. Carey should think fit to produce them to its inspec tion; but neither they nor we can assume to have examined on every side ' this question which our first article raised until Mr. Carey first specifies precisely those dootrines of his for which he claims originality and priority of publication, and upon which he charges that Bastiat practised theft, dilu tion, and emission with false pretenses.' If Mr. Carey Imagines himself to have boon the author of "all that Is good" in Basial's greatest work, "before the adroit Frenchman seized, diluted, and passed tbemofTas hisown," It is worth while to prove the contrary, Entire ; candor also, and the desire whioh Mr. Carey expresses to "afford opportunity to the reader for examining the- question on every side," will require that the correspon dence between himself and the literary execu tors of Bastiat should be exhibited, inclu ding the "whole reply," to which he makes an allusion conveying another insinuation against Bastiat's integrity, or "sa paraite Ivymte'." We repeat that the Lettre au Journal des F.conomistes is an abundant refutation of the charge of plagiarism. Its magnanimity alone Bheuld be proof, to kindred natures, that plagiarism was impossible to that illustrious cenius whose short live years' labor teemed wltn worKS wnicn win never uie iui commerce is enfranchised, and all human energies which abridge no other's liberty are free. We repeat, likewise, that the fundamental ideas of the Harmonies Econnmiaues were conceived and expressed by Bastiat before Mr. Carey pub lished his nrst treatise; we add that the logical inter-dependence between every part of the social and political science of Bastiat is close and perfect, but the doctrines which Mr Carey holds in common with him are utterly at logical variance with the doctrines peculiar to Mr. Carey, and of which he amonc all political economists of high rank now alone enjoys the advocacy, bo that a suitable examination will how that, even though Mr. Carey originated the former, whilst Bastiat breathed into the children of his brain the breath of life, and made them living truths, they have dropped from Mr. Carey a strile, lifeless progeny. At Hildburghausen Herr Dineeistedt, Jor dan Seeger, and others are busy upon a new translation ot bhakespeares l'lays and Sonnets into German, in ten volumes, of which the, first has just appeared. . A new Erckmann-Chatram novel has Just been published at Paris. It is an episode of the last days of the Empire, a favorite period with the writers in question, aud is eutitled 'Le Blocus." j SPECIAL NOTICJ tS5'.., DEPARTMENT Of PUBflO IIIOH 1er.TTr.11. .r '" "".i 'hia7 May , 1S67. . l,..rinn,- , 1 ........ inTITni III (BP UIUCP Oi lO S MONUAV ,'LM.Ml,,'lit,'r',, U'"" "OTITIC M.. h-ewnroli the l!iw of Jfli.ron mr.'ia, from Hnnrtnlnli to l.wrpnnnrijcUi,K be built , "Vlo. cS ilr & form, ..d .lib a clw iiWol,r of woi 2 lni'h and with mich Inl.a and m.riholei u dTT hi dlrwied by the U.lel Kiwluwr and hurlrjyjf ' uul;ehin,,der"l,",d).ug uiM contractor shall take bill, prepared khIi.sI the properly Ironlln. on 'ewer to the amount otoiiedollnr and twenty-iwi cenis lor each lineal fiot. of front pn each aide or the street aa an much canli paid: the bahjuire, a limited by Ordinance, to be paid by the clvy; and theoon tractor will be renulrwl to keep ttie atreet ant aewer In good order lor two years after the aewer la b, l.he ?tTf.t copied by a City Pawenwi Itallroad track, the Kewemhitll be conmrnoted aloiia ide ol anld trHck In anch manner na not to otmtruct or lUterlere with the aale passage of cars tboreon: and no claim lor remuneration shall be paid the Contractor by the company uaiiiR auid track, na specified In Act of AHseml.ly approved May Kill. A II Wilder are Invlied to be praeeot at he time and place ol openlnii the said l'ropoeala. KacU i.ropoaal will be accompanied by a certlilcate that a Bond nas been tiled In the Law Department as directed by Ordi nance of May l!6th, isni. If the Lowest Hidrtor shall not execute a contract within five days after the work Is awarded, he will he deemed as declining, and will beheld liable on his bond lor the dl Uereooe between ul hid and the nel hlKheRl bid. hpeclhcatlona may be had at the Department nf Survtys, which will be strictly adhered to. .... . , W. W. HMKDLRr, s Chief Commissioner of Highways. fS HEALTH OP FllTrC WT " JK"MnKPHiA, May 1, 11W7. In accordance with a rmnimion r n, i ' . Health, adopted April 2, lwi7, proposals will be re, celvedetthe Ilealili Ofllce unlit h o'clock mT the loth Instaut, for the removal of such uulsancea aa mar be directed by said Hoard of Health wlthlu lue-ri spectlye districts, to wll: . ' Jl' District, comprising- the 1st, 2d, d, 4thAtn 7th, nth, and with Wards. . nu.oto, Becond District, comprlslnj- the ln, 9th, loth, 11th. 12th. 1Mb, Hth, and 16lh Wards. . andbJuh Wards'" cou,l,rl8l" lhe mb Ilst. Kd.24tu Al&TptMat lh mb' mh- Hh' ": Hald proposals to specify the price per eublo foot lor cleanldir Privies, the price per day lor use ot horse and cart, with driver, and the price per day for each laborer employed. Bald contract to continue until December SI. Imtr Hlds lor the cleaning of I'rlvy Well will be re celved from licensed cleaners only. ' Address HORATIO . HICK EL, " Health OlHoer. NOTICE THE NEW ORf.KANa ne. PUBLICAN solicits the n.ln,. n .11 i men In the North who have business luterests In the bouth. Having been selected by the Clork of the House of Representatives under the law of Congress passed March J, 1807, as the paper for prlntin- ail the Laws and Treaties, and all the Federal advertlse menui within the Ktate ot Louisiana, It will be the beet advertising medium In the bouthwest. reaching a larger number o business men than any other paper. Address MATUKWS A HAMILTON, Con veyancers. No. 707 HANSOM Street, or a L. BKOWft & CO., New Orleans. Louisiana. 4 28 lm HON. SCHCYLEH fCOT.P'jiY'fl r vft. rr-rruii. ' "AtKONM TIIK 0TfrvT In aid of the Monument' Fund, will be delivered 011 TUK8DAY EVENING. May 7, at NATIONAL HALL. Oovernor Geary will preside. Tickets Fitly Cents, for sale at tbe Hall and the usual places. Tickets, which were sold lor March g, will be received. 4 iuthsluot B3T 252 NORTH CHARLES STREET. BALTIMORE. MARYLAND. Oit tCIC teECKKTAKlf TUISO C'oKPS VniOtt. ... April, 1887. The annual meeting and election for ouicers and Dlreotors ot the THIRD CORPS UNION will beheld at the TRENTON HOUSE, Trenton, New Jersey, ou MONDAY, Mays, at 12 o'clock noon. 4 iH 6t EDWA RD L. WELLING. Secretary. JTZjJ" OFFICE OF TOE PHILADELPHIA lcs AND FRANKFORD PASSENGER RAIL. WAY COMPANY, No. i458 FRANK FORI! ROAD. Philadelphia, April 23, 87. All persons who are subscribers to or holders of the capital stock of this Company, and who have not yet paid the sixth Instalment of Five Dollars per share) thereon, are hereby notified that the said sixth In stalment has been called In, and that they are re quired to pay the same at the above ollice on the loth, say ol May next, 1kd7. By resolution of the Board of Directors. 4&l2t JACOB BINDER, President. t3- OFFICE OF THE LEHIGH COAIj ss' AND NAVIGATION COMPANY. t . M . . Philadelphia, April 20, IW. Tbe stated Annual Meeting ot the Stockholders of this Company will be held at the HOARD OF TRAD IS ROOMS, north side of CHESNUT Street, aoove FIFTH, on TUESDAY MORNING, tbe 7th day of May next, at hall-past 10 o'clock, after which an Elec tion will be held at the same place lor Oluoers of the Company for the ensuing year. The Election to close at 1 P. i X. oi the game day. 4 20 14t JAMES 8. COX, President. v 1 a. ttit sj ALU U "1717 A UT I I M WAII UiV rM iV4 Ui ktv 20iX WALNUT btreet. Philadelphia, April 80, 1067, iu,v.vujwaavouo vrarieu nuu r ranaiiu Hall way Company, due May 1, will be paid at the Ranking. House of JAY COOKE & CO., Philadelphia. 61 H. P. RUTTER, Treasurer. KSf NATIONAL BANK OF THE REPUBLIC. Philadelphia. March 12, HOT. In accordance with the provisions of tbe National Currency act, and the Articles of Association or thia Bank, it has been determined to Increase theCaplls Stock Of thla Bank to one million dnlln ill m. r jii Subscriptions from Stockholders for theabare -soiled w mriu in tuv jjrupuseu increase win De payaole oa the second day ol May next, and will be received at any time prior to that date. A number of shares will remain to be sold, applications for which win ha ceived lrom persona desirous of becoming Stock, holders. " .By order Of the Board or Directors. 16 7w JOSEPH P. MUM FORD, Oaahler. CgP NATIONAL BANK OF THE REPUB LIC. Philadelphia, May 1, 1807. Applications for the unallotted shares In the In crease of tbe Capital Stock of this Bank are now being received and the stock delivered. 6tl JOSEPH P. MUMFORD, Cashier. KSf NATIONAL BANK OF THE RE PUBLIC. Philadbi.phia, May 1, IS67. The Board of Directors have Thia Day declared a dividend of FOUR PER CENT., clear of taxes, pay able on demand. By order of the Board. 6 lot JOSEPH P. MUMFORD. Cashier. gggT" THE PHILADELPHIA NATIONAL, Philadflphia. May I, lw. The Directors have declared a Dividend of HEVEJT PER CENT, lor the last Mix mouths, clear of taxes, payable ou demand. 6 2 tot B. B. COMEOYS. Cashier. WEST JERsEr RAILROAD COM-PANY.- Tbkabi-rkb's Office, V Caudun, N. J. April m, l67. The Board of Directors have thin day declared a seinl-annoa! Dividend or FOUR PER CEN 1'. on the capital stock of the Company, clear ot national tax, payable at the Ollice of the Cumpauy, la Catudeu,ou and alter tbe fourteenth day of May prox. 4 UEORUE J. ROBBINS, Treasurer. prsr PHILADELPHIA, MAY 2, 1867.-THE -x' Members of "The Corporation tor the Relief of the Widows and Children ot Clergymen In the Communion of tbe Protestant Episcopal Church la the 1'onimoaweallh of Pennsylvania," are requested to. meet In the Vestry-room of ST. PETER'S CHURCH. on.TLESUAV, the Hth day of May. at 5 o'clock. James m. aertsen, H M Secretary. EiF AMERICAN ANTI-INCRUSTATION I3' , COMPANY, No. 147 8. FOURTH Street. Priladki.phia, May 1, 1867 The Annual Meeting of the stockholders or this Company will be held at the ofllce on TUESDAY 7th tnbtant, at 8 o'clock P. M. An election lor SEVEN DlRfc CTORB will also lake place. , 6 il H. U. LEIsENRIXG, Secretary. KaSP NOTICE.-THE TIME FOR RECEIV mx tng answers lrom holders of Gas Loan who are wl'llng to exchange tuem for City six per Ceut. Loan, tree from tax. Is extended to the 2uth lust. Respectfully, R. P. UILLINGHAM. Chairman, tit. No. 7UH CHESNUT Street. Jggf NEW fEKi'UMK F0U I1LK UANDKEI1CII1EF PllALON'S "Night Blooming Cru. PHAL.ON'3 "Night Blooming Crua. PllALON'S "Night Blooming Cru. fMSMSS ' PllALON'S "Night Blooming Cercus." PllALON'S "Night Blooming Ceroua." A most exquUite, delicate, and Fragrant Perfume, distilled from the rare and btautliul flower lrom which .It takes It name. ' laanuiaclored only by lllws PI1ALOS . SOU, Raw York. BEWARE OF COUHTt.KFEITa. ', ABK FOB PUALOJI 8 TASK KG OTuift. '
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers