THE NEW YORK PRESS. jmiTOBIAL OPINIONS OF TUB LEAPING JOURNALS UPON CCBRKNT TOPICS COMPILKD EVEKT DAT FOB TBB EVENING TBLEOBAPH. An EpUtle from the National Capital. Editorial Correspondence N. Y. Independent. I rode into Washington at daybreak, and afterwards paused in the streets (as many a timo before at the samo hour) to see the jnorning set its crown of light on the dome of the Capitol. The republio has so few edi fices world-renowned for beauty or loveliness", that a Yankee traveller, after traversing the whole country, returns with affectionate pride to the most majestic structure on the Ameri can continent. But its interior decorations are a medley of good and bad designs such as the world has never before seen. If we shall ever have a Congress animated by a love and guided by a critical Judgment of the fine arts, it will undoubtedly obliterate the panorama of balderdash with which the ceiling of the dome is now disfigured. Meanwhile, it is a wonder that the President has not thought of "white washing" it. I The chief place of interest in Washington, when Abraham Lincoln resided here, was that pood man's ugly residence. But the White House is now the resort of only of ofllce eeekers and Democrats. Its occupant, having deserted his party, is now deserted by his party. Of course, he is seen frequently by members of his Cabinet. But, with the ex ception of this body-guard of advisers, the men high in office in Washington have no in tercourse with the President. Many of the chief props and pillars of Abraham Lincoln's Administration are not on speaking terms with Abraham Lincoln's successor. They dis dain to claHp his baud. Andrew Johnson, even though yet in office, staggers under as much popular contempt, and under far more popular indignation, than James Buchanan, out of office. The two are twin children of ehame. The new Congress as one looks down upon it from the galleries of the two Houses does not differ greatly from the old. It is composed largely of the self same members. The addi tions, I am happy to say, are almost exclu? pively radical gains. The most conspicuous skull in the House of Representatives is the Shining globe of General Butler who looks younger than I ever saw him before; but it will be two or three years yet before General Butler is fifty. On the other hand, Thaddeus Stevens illustrious veteran! looks old and time-worn, and speaks familiarly to his friends of his approaching dissolution. I trust he will not think of departing till after Andrew Johnson removes to Tennessee. Governor Boutwell, of Massachusetts, is another of the indispensable men a born statesman; and Mr. Shellabarger, of Ohio, is his mate in ability and usefulness. If a whole Congress could be composed of such men as these few, the world would make a pilgrimage to see the conclave. Looking from these to the other end of the Hall, one sees that the best behaved Democrat in the House is John Morrissey, for he makes no foolish speeches, and so eclipses Fernando Wood and James Brooks by the judiciousness of a silence which is . better than talk. I have sometimes thought the ses sions must seem dull to a man of Mr. Morris sey's active brain; but occasionally he finds the tedium relieved by Butler and Bingham. In the Senate, now as always, the pre-emi-nent man is Charles Sumner. Whoever else compromises, Mr. Sumner stands firm. This is his glory. Such a man, in such a place, is a national blessing. I never look at his grand presence, or remember his great career, but I inwardly say, God bless Charles Sumner! The new Senators, I trust, will emulate his firm ness and fidelity. Mr. Fessenden, I regret to say, is not in the best of health; but, as he has been relieved of the over-burden of his former committee work, he will now have a chance to Stop growing prematurely old. If this distin guished and consummate debater were a leader of radicals against conservatives, instead of a leader of conservatives against radicals, he might drop the name of Fessenden, and write himself William Pitt. Certainly he is a states man cast in an uncommon mould. His great intellectual ability, his unwearied daily dili gence, and his irreproachable integrity, distin guish him as one of the first men on the stage of American political life. If, besides appeal ing to the older men of the country, he could also inspire the younger, he would possess an element of greatness such as belongs only to men of creator enthusiasm and diviner cou rage. Mr. Sumner and Mr. Fessenden repre sent the two wings of the Republican party in the Senate. I prefer Mr. Sumner's banner, for under it is always waged the battleof advanced ideas. The adjournment of Congress is to be re gretted, for it leaves several great duties un done. To say nothing of the overshadowing duty of impeaching the President, the recon struction measures which the Thirty-ninth Congress left to the Fortieth to complete are, as yet, far from a just completion. In the first place, no provision has yet been made for giv ing to the lowly classes of the South, both white and black, easy facilities for the owner ship of land. Nor has any provision been made for giving to these same classes the need ful advantages of public schools. The popu lation of the ten unreconstructed States (white and black) is about six millions; and yet nine tenths of the soil of these States is owned by less than one hundred thousand persons. Now, imagine what would lie the condition of the Great West, if only one person in sixty owned the land which he tilled ! Moreover, every third white man in Virginia (to say nothing of the blacks) cannot read ! In North Caro lina, every fifth white cannot read. On the contrary, in Connecticut, you must count two hundred and seventeen white men before you find one who cannot read; and when you have found him, you will see that he is an Irish I'ewocrat, who knew no better than to vote for Mr. Knclish at the last election. In view of Southern ignorance, on the one baud, and ouuLuern arixtoitrntv. on me outer, no scheme of reconstruction is safe which fails to open an easy door to the ownership 0f land by the poor, and to the acquisition of education by the ignorant. Moreover, I hold that no recon struction of the Union is to be considered valid, sufficient, and final which shall not secure to the negro his ballot in the Northern as wen as in me southern States. Connec ticut needs reconstruction as truly as Missis sippi. To crown the recent Military biU with its requisite civil completion, we need forth with an amendment to the Federal Constitu tion declaring that no State (whether North or South not even New York or Ohio) shall give political prerogatives to one man because lie is white, which, at the same time they deny to another because he is black. ' The Fortieth Congress ought to substitute such an amendment as this in ploce of the objection able and unworthy amendment now pending. THE DAILY Let us have a republic in which all men are equal before the law I The impeachment of the President which ought to have taken the place of the adjourn ment of Congress now hangs fire on account of unexpected opposition to the measure by a levy of Presidential candidates. It cannot be denied that the deserved elevation of Mr. Wade to the presidency of the Senate has proved a check upon the impeachment of Mr. Johnson. For Mr. Wade, in case of the Presi dent's removal, would temporarily suooeod to the vacant office; that is, he would be the acting President of the United Slates until the nomination and election of a now Presi dent. Of course, his chances of becoming tho new President would be greater than any other man's. Accordingly, every other can didate is afraid of impeaching Andrew John son, because Mr. Johnson'B removal would make Mr. Wade the acting, and probably the actual, President. I have been surprised to notice that so many of the popular favor ites of the Republican party the magnates here in Washington are candidates for the next Presidency. This ambition crops out in their conversation. True, they always allude to the subject deftly and slily; nevertheless, they never fail to allude to it, sooner or later. I believe that a man cannot spend a day in Washington, in confidential intercourse with the leaders of tho Republican party, without seeing that a dozen or twenty of the most dis tinguished of these gentlemen are setting themselves forward, either prudently or im prudently, for the Presidential succession. I do not complain because these men want the honor of that high office. But I object to their conniving at the retention of Andrew Johnson in his present chair for the sake of advancing their own chances of sitting in it. It is of more importance, just now, to get rid of one Presi dent than to think of making another. It gives me delight to mention that my friend the negro is in fine spirits in Washing ton.! IHe K'ng to win the approaching municipal election to be held next June. This foreshadowed fact makes many of his most respectable white fellow-creatures old residents of that city very blue. Accord ingly, when a friend of mine came here a day or two ago to deliver a lecture on "The Corner-Stone of Reconstruction," three fashion able Washington churches, in solemn succes sion, Refused to grant the use of their edifices to a man who was to advocate negro suffrage. But the ;stone which the church trustees of Washington have to-day rejected is to become in six weeks the head of the coiner. This is revenge. I will not further lengthen this long letter, except to say that, Congress having adjourned, I shall leave town in the same train with the departing members. One cannot always travel in good company. Progress of Reconstruction In the South. irom the Herald. Some time ago, and while the various mea sures proposed for the reconstruction of the South were under discussion, we said that if any plan were adopted making reconstruction depend entirely upon the voluntary action of the Southern people it would be a long time before the Rebel States would be reconstructed. We saw that the Southerners were so demora lized and helpless, and so divided among them selves, that they would not be able to agree upon any plan which would be acceptable to Congress and the Northern people. We urged that Congress should act as a guardian would act with a child, and prescribe and force the needful measures upon the South. In this many of the most intelligent Southerners agreed with us, and declared that Congress must do the work for them. Let us know, they said, what you require of us, what the conditions are, and we will conform to your wishes, how ever unpleasant the terms may be; for we see that we are powerless and you all-powerful. Congress did act upon this view of the case. In the Reconstruction bill and in the Supple mental bill passed for this purpose, the whole plan is laid down. There is no choice left. The South is placed again under military authority to accomplish the object in view. State rights and pre-existing rights are ig nored. The right of the conqueror over the conquered of the supreme Government over the subjugated Rebels is the only law admit ted or that can be admitted in the case. It is folly, then, to talk about the constitutionality of the Reconstruction acts or of appealing to the Supreme Court. If even the Reconstruc tion acts could be suspended or set aside, which is not likely, it would be a great misfor tune to the country, and especially to the South. The Southern people have acoepted the conditions imposed for their restoration as the best they can get, and are working ear nestly under them. To attempt to arrest or obstruct the work now would be foolish in the extreme, and a great injury to the South. From all parts of the South, except, per haps, in a few remote places like the Rio Grande border of Texas, where the inhabit ants know or care little about government, the people are earnestly at work to bring about reconstruction. Whites and blacks alike seem to realize all at once that the op portunity has come, and that it might be dis astrous in the highest degree to neglect it. The most intellectual and popular men of the South, such as General Robert Lee, Wade Hampton, General Longstreet, A. G. Brown, of Mississippi, General Beauregard, and a number of others of the same class, advise the people not only to acquiesce in the Con gressional plan of reconstruction, but urge them to take an active part in it. The news papers generally, which lately were hostile, are now wheeling round in support of the measure. Of course they speak of it being forced upon them, by way of saving themselves from the charge of inconsistency, but they sup port it nevertheless. In -fact, they perceive that the public voire is loud in favor of resto ration under the plan prescribed, and they are compelled to follow the current. Our corres pondent in Georgia says he knows not of a single public journal in that State that advises the people to vote "no convention." The same state of feeling and purpose among the whites is found generally in the other Southern States as thus spoken of in Georgia. Nor are the negroes behind in exercising their new privileges to bring about restoration. A wonderful revolution in this respect has been effected in a very short period. They are holding public meetings everywhere, at which speakers of their own race show great intelli gence with regard to their changed situation and the new order of things. They even call upon their former masters to address them, and evince a desire to co-operate with the whites of their own section in the great work before them. We had an example of their good sense and excellent disposition when they called upon Wade Hampton, at Columbia, S. C, for a speech. We had at the same time an example in that speech of the sensible views of the late masterclass as to the existing and future relations of the two races in the South. There are plenty of similar examples. In fact, the same disposition to harmonize between the negroes and the whites, and to co-operate in bringing about restoration as EVENING TELEGRAPH. P soon as possible, is general throughout the Southern States. In short, we may say that the work goes on bravely sinoo the Souther ners have learned wisdom through their suf ferings and from recognizing the fact that they are utterly helpless and in the power of Congress. But great and surprising as is the revolution which has been effected and which is now going on in the South, there is much to be done yet and many things to be avoided. The South has always been afllicted by a set of small, narrow-minded politicians, 'bummers, and long-haired, brainless, and sophomorieal young men of the press. These men, like all men ot small mental calibre, are very fussy, noisy, impudent, and irrepressible It will be difficult to keep them in the background, but they must bo kept there or they will prove very mischievous, and may retard the good work so happily begun. Let the southern people, white and black, ignore these pestilent and noisy agitators, and trust in such men as Wade Hamjiton, Lee, Longstroet, and others like them. At the same time they should give the cold shoulder to the crack-brained and equally pestilent emissaries of the New Eng land radicals; for these will be sure to sow discord and hatred between the negroes and whites. By all means lot them avoid the radical parsons and strong-minded women of the Fast, who will spread over the country locusts to devour their substance and pro duce mischief. Looking to the future, and to harmonizing the North and South, making us ono people again in heart, as well as in our political rela tions, the Southerners should at once adopt a ticket for the next Presidential term. General U. S. Grant and General Robert 15. Lee should be that ticket, and it should le at the head of all their newspapers, and inscribed every where. Independent of the excellence and popularity of this ticket, it would operate as a (tplcndid flank movement upon the politicians, and would give to the South a powerful influ ence. Wo advise the Southerners, too, to carry out the ideas of the radicals to the fullest extent, and push the revolution these radicals inau gurated to the utmost limit. In doing this, they should send a large delegation of negroes to Congress. If taken m proportion to the blaok and white population, tho negro representatives would constitute nearly half the number of members entitled to seats in Congress from the South. This could be easily done, and there are plenty of negroes ambitious and sensible enough to seize the opportunity. And why not ? Only let these members of Congress be bona fide r-outliern negroes, ana not newly im ported ones from the North. This would pro duce an extraordinary effect upon the North A wonderful reaction would take place here. The radicals themselves would swallow their own dogmas and theories, and we should see the greatest agitation and the most surprising somersaults among the politicians. Such are the phases, features, and probabilities of recon struction, and we commend every politician who wants to be up to the times to study them carefully. Joseph K. Johnston on the Battle of Dull Kuu. From the Tribune. General Joseph E. Johnston, of the late Con federate Army, has written a long letter to the Selma Daily Messenger, to correct various errors in a "Life of Stonewall Jackson" re cently published by a member of that officer's staff. He is at particular pains to deny the biographer's assertion that the pursuit of the routed Union army at the close of the disas trous battle of Bull Run was not urged with the energy which the Southern people had a right to expect, and that the city of Washing ton as William II. Russell and a good many more competent judges (including George B. McClellan) declared was wholly at the mercy of the Rebels. He shows, in deed, several lame reasons why the pursuit could not have been carried into the capital, but none why it should not have been pressed; and his labored defense of his conduct strengthens the impression which has been generally entertained at the North, that our disgraceful defeat at Manassas surprised nobody so much as it did the enemy who de feated us. No more could have been hoped from this battle, says General Johnston, than the pre servation of the Confederacy, and the arrest of the Federal advance towards Richmond. A movement upon Washington was out of the question. " We could not have carried the intrenchments by assault, and had none of the means to besiege them. Our assault would have been repulsed, and the enemy, then be come the victorious party, would have resumed their march to Richmond. But if we had cap tured the intrenchments, a river, a mile wide, lay between them and Washington, com manded by the guns of a Federal fleet." This makes an odd contrast with McClellan's report of the state of things at that time, when he declares that " in no quarter were the dis positions for defense such as to oiler a vigor ous resistance to a respectable body of the enemy;" that the' earthworks on the Virginia side were of the slightest and most trivial character; and that there was nothing to pre vent the Confederates Irom occupying the heights and shelling the city from across the Potomac. But even had it been impossible for the Rebels to follow our routed army into Washington, that was no reason why they should not have followed, and harassed us as far as they could. General Johnston says that bis infantry gave up the chase because they found it ineffectual, anil his cavalry "was driven back by the solid resistance" of our reserves. The story that a number of fresh Confederate regiments were recalled from the pursuit in consequence of a fale rumor that our forces were moving upon Union Mills, he pronounces a falsehood; but Genet al Beaure gard states it very distinctly in his official report, with a minuteness of detail which leaves no room for doubting its correctness. The true reason of the dilatory and irresolute pursuit seems to have been that the Rebels were almost as much bewildered and demora lized as ourselves, and a feather would have turned the scale of victory to either side. Neither army knew the damage it had in ilicted on the other. Beauregard bears witness to the disorganization which prevailed in his command at the close of the day; and General Johnston adds that the exultation of victory cost him more than the Federals lost by defeat. The troops believed the war ended, and the independence of the South assured, and they left the army in crowds to return to their homes. What might have been done could the panio rout have only been stayed for half an hour what years of battle might have been spared had our soldiers only known that day how near they were to victory it is hardly worth while now to consider. The effective force of the Confederates after the battle was about 27,000, and during the next six weeks they received not more than 6000. When McClellan took command of the Army of the Potomac, on the 27th of July, 1801, our forces in and around Washington numbered 52,000. We don't like to fight against dead generals; but if McClellan has any little reputation left, should not this fact be enough to finish it 1 HIL ADELPIIJA, FRIDAY, The Supreme Conrt and the Reconstruc tion I,tw, JVoni the World. The Republican, semi-Rapublioan, and demi-semi-Republican organs strike up in full sym phony, wailing forth strains of remonstrance against the attempt to bring the Reconstruc tion law at once bofore the Supreme Court, and test its constitutionality. We have no fellow-feeling either with their grief or their indignation. It is the unquestionable right of the Southern people, if they feel aggrieved by a law of doubtful constitutionality, to ask relief and redress from the judicial tribunals. This mode of opposition to distasteful laws is peaceable, orderly, decorous, and constitu tional. Those who thus apply to the Supreme Court of course intend to abide by the decision; and whatever may be the action of that high tribunal, an early declaration of its relations to this great question cannot but prove salu tary. If a law which is so sweeping in its provisions, a law which undertakes to de molish and rebuild so many great States, is to be set aside by the Judiciary.it is better that it should bo declared null at once, than to have the new governments tumbled into ruins just as they approach completion. By bringing the application in the form of an injunction, as is proposed, it may be acted upon at this session of the Court, and Con gress can meet again in July, if they deem it needful, to deliberate on the changed aspect of affairs. But while we are positive as to the right of tho Southern people to bring this question Wore the Supreme Court, and as to the importance of upsetting the law at once if it is to be upset at all, we are by no means sanguine of relief from that quarter. The Court will make one of those three decisions : (1st) that the.law is constitutional; (2d) that it is unconstitutional ; or, (3d) that they have no jurisdiction on the subject. The first and tho last of these suppositions would bo for all practical purposes identical, and if the Court do not declare the law null, they will probably dodge the question by disclaiming jurisdiction. So far as other considerations than a strict regard to the Constiiutiou influ ence the Court, such considerations will ope rate in favor of evading the question instead of deciding it. The history of the excitement which followed the Dred Scott decision, and of the mischievous reaction which that decision provoked, will naturally make the conserva tive members of the Court cautious of supply ing new fuel to the dying embers of radical ism. Ihe Court impairs its credit and estima- P tion by making decisions which other depart ments of the Government refuse to be bound by. If thev declare the law unconstitutional, President' Johnson will, of course, withdraw his .generals and refuse to execute it. But Congress will no more' admit the Southern members than they did before. They can shut them out, and the Supreme Court cannot review their action. They can refuse to count the Southern electoral vote, and there is no authority competent to call them to account The result would probably be, that the radi cals would elect the next President, and the Supreme Court would then be increased by radical judges enough to make a majority, when the arrested experiment of radical re- construction would be resumed. With such possibilities in view, the Supreme Court will probably consult their dignity and evade the main question, on the ground that they have no jurisdiction. Nor is it by any means clear that, in adopt ing this course, they would be using a mere pretext to avoid disagreeable complications. The following extract from Chief Justice Taney's decision in the Rhode Island rebellion case may furnish the key to their probable decision : " Under this article of the Constitu tion, it rests with Congress to decide what government is the established one in a State. For as the United States guarantee to each one a republican government, Congress must necessarily decide what government is esta blished in the State before it can decide whether it is republican or not. And when the Senators and Representatives of a State are admitted into the councils of the Union, the authority of the government under which they are appointed as well as its constitutional that the contest in this case did not last long enough to bring the matter to this irsne ; and character, is recognized by the proper constitut tional authority. And its decision is binding on eve y other question in a judiciul tribunal. It is true as no Senators or Representatives were elected under the government of which Mr. Dorr was the head, CoDgress was not called upon to decide the controversy. And yet the riyht to decide is placed there and not in the courts." Ill view of this authoritative exposition, we may conjecture, without much hazard of error, that the Supreme Court will decide that the subject about to be brought before them does not fall within their purview. And even if this is to be the barren result of the application, it is better that the decision should be made, and made immediately. It will setttle doubtful minds, and prevent any further grasping at straws. We therefore regard the authors of this movement as bene factors, not as disturbers. When the Supreme Court have decided, as they very likely will, that they have no jurisdiction, that part of the Southern people who as yet halt and hang back will come forward and work effi ciently in the new reconstruction. The Afri canizing Republicans deprecate this, a3 they w ish to control the Southern elections them selves, through their tools and agents. The Mississippi Levees Necessity of Aallonal Help. from the Times. The spring Hoods are spreading devastation in districts already dispirited and poverty stricken. The despatch we published on Wed nesday from New Orleans tells the beginning of the pitiful story. The feeble attempts that have been made to repair the Louisiana levees have proved inadequate, and the richest re gion of that productive State is now under water whole parishes rendered useless for the season, the'tuoney expended in their culti vation lost, and thousands of freedmen de ptived of the labor on which they relied for the year's subsistence. Of the extont of the calamity we can yet form but an imperfect conception. For while the despatch speaks only of isolated breaks and apartial overllow, there are reasons for apprehending much wider desolation. An article from the New Orleans Times of Thursday last describes the levees generally as insufficient for the emer gency. Not only are they everywhere lacking in solidity and height, but the flood they should stem, besides being a month earlier than usual, promises to be of almost unprece dented magnitude. Before the war private associations of plan ters, sustained in some cases by the credit of their States, served to reclaim and protect the choicest sugar and cotton-growing lands of tho South. Military necessity led to the outting of the levees at various points. Time, and a i succession of floods,, have aggravated the de APRIL 5, 1867. struction thus begun. The planters, impov erished by the work of the war and tho waters, are literally helpless; and the States, with empty exchequers, and credit gone, are unable to render the needed assist ance. In these circumstances national help becomes a necessity, unless the country is prepared to witness the relapse into a wilder ness of a region whose resources are perma nently greater, and infinitely more available, than tho rocks of Colorado or the placers of California. An effort was made last summer to obtain Congressional assistance. The Senate, acting upon the recommendation of one ot its com mittees, passed a measure providing for the repair of the more important levees, and re cognizing the expediency of further and more comprehensive work. In the Houso, how ever, partisanship asserted its sway, and the bill was defeated. Because Mr. Banks and Mr. Stevens were dissatisfied with the political attitude of Louisiana, a scheme of vital im portance to the entire Southwest, and in directly to the whole country, was frustrated. It were too much to say, perhaps, mat tno prompt application of the means which the Senate was then prepared to grant would havo prevented the calamity which now shocks the sympathies and disturbs the business oi the country. But some districts might surely have U'cn saved, and we should at least have felt that the cry for succor, to which the Sen ate bill was a response, had not been altogether unneeded. What is now occurring may serve, then, to invest with fresher interest and more obvious impoitance the measures reported by Mr. Hen derson from the Senate Committee on Finance a few days before the recent adjournment. It applies exclusively to Louisiana, having been prepared at the solicitation of the Legis lature of that State, but the principle on which it reBts is national in its significance, and its extension to one or two other States similarly situated will probably follow as of course. The help to be rendered is to be in the shape of a guarantee for six million dol lars of bonds, to be issued by Louisiana for the purpose ot repairing and reconstructing its levees; the money to be expended by Com missioners appointed by the State under the direction of engineers appointed by the Sec retary of War, who will thus exorcise an efficient supervisory control, and will deliver the bonds from time to time on the receipt of satisfactory evidence as to the progress of the work. The rightful and judicious appli cation of the funds will therefore be secured. To secure the national Government as guaran tor of the State credit for that is what the proposed assistance really amounts to a spe cial State tax is to be levied to furnish a sink ing fund for the redemption of tho bonds at maturity. The State, moreover, is to convey to the Government, as indemnity against pos sible loss, five million acres of rich alluvial lands, held by the State as swamp lands, and the value of which, after the construction of the levees, will be literally incalculable. This is not all. To prevent complications of a poli tical character, it is stipulated that the mea sure shall not take effect until the present provisional government of theState shall have given place to an organization perfected in conformity with the requirements of the Mili tary Reconstruction act. As a mere business transaction nothing could be more sure. A Congress composed of Shy locks might well be content with security so ample and diversified. Looking beyond the mere granting of credit and the protection exacted therefor, it is safe to say that the country could not undertake a more remunerative enterprise if it charged itself with the outlay for which the State of Louisiana will be primarily responsible. Apart from the suffering occasioned to the inhabi tants of the devastated districts, the loss in flicted upon the country cannot easily be over rated. Mr. Henderson has concisely stated the money aspect of the question in its rela tion to the National Treasury: "In 18(30 these Louisiana lands or which I speak produced 600,000,000 pounds of aiignr, worth at the present prices of that artlole n0,000,000. They produced also 35,000,000 gallons of molasses, which at the present minimum value would be worth 821.000,000. They pro duced In the same year 650,009 bales of cotton, which al the present minimum price would retilize not lens than $00,000,000. The revenue duty of one cent, per pound on sugar would yield to the Government an annual revenue ot to. 000,000. The tax of three cents per gallon on molrsses weuld yield U ,050,000. The tax of two and a half cents per pound on cotton would bring annually to the Treasury $5,500,000, ii liking in the agregale an annual revenue or ll,u50,000." A portion of this revenue will doubtless be collected should the levees be left as they are. But the amount will be trilling compared with the amount that might be realized were the capacity of Louisiana in the pioduction of sugar, rice, and cotton fully restored. The industry and commerce of tho country are proportionably concerned. Mr. Henderson's estimate yields an aggregate of $131,000,000, the larger part of which will be utterly lost until the reclamation of the flooded lands shall be insured by the proposed work. And the argument, as now stated, applies exclusively to Louisiana. Extend the calcula tion to Mississippi and Arkansas, and the enormous impoi tance of tho subject will shame into silence the partisanship that would sacri fice everything to its malignity and folly. SPECIAL NOTICES. pTT" NEWSPAPER ADYEKT1SING. JOY, 3"y COK & CO. Agents lor the "Tklkoraph and Newspaper Prees of the whole country, have IIS MOVED Itom FIFTH and CHESNUT Btreeta to No 144 B. SIXTH btreet .second door above WALNUT. Ovfickh: No. 144 8. SIXTH Street, Philadelphia; TRIBUNE BUILDINGS. New York. 7 3nip tfj&T SUBSCRIPTIONS TO OAKDALE a1-" PAllK.-Peons desiring to subscribe to me slock of this great Institution call make tlieir reiurns to Hie OEEKE No. b..l Ml.VOK street, oulilil o'clock M., on ilON DAY, 15th lust. Personal appil cation may bo made al the olllce. between the hours of hi and 12 o'clock, from MONDAY, the sih, to MON DAY. ISlh lust., inclusive. Shares flu each. 43111 CHARLES O. WILSON. Special Agent for Proprietor of Oakdal Park. NATIONAL BANK OF THE REPUBLIC. a r? Piulauklpiiia. March la, lm7. In accordance with the provisions ot the National Currency act, and the Articles of Association ol this Bank, it has been determined to Increase the Capital Siock of tills Bank to one million dollars (il.oou.ono). Subscriptions from Stockholders for iheBhares allotted to them in the proposed Increase will be payable ou the second day ol Alay next, and will be received al any time prior to that date. A number of shares will remain to be sold, applications lor which will be re ceived lrom persona desirous of becoming Stock holders. By order of the Board of Directors. 816 7w JOSEPH P. MUMFORD, Cashier. KST CAMDEN AND AM BOY RAILKOAI) AND TRANSPORTATION COMPANY. O KICK, Bokdkntown, N. J., March 21, 1807. NOT1C E. The Annual Meeting of the stockholders ol the Camden und Amboy Hal I road and Transporta tion Company will be held at the Company's Ollice, In Bordeniown. ou SATURDAY, the 27th or April, im, at U o'clock M., tor the election of seven Directors, to serve fur the ensuing year. SAMUEL J. BAYARD, W Secretary C. and A. It. and 'I'. Co. rrr?f office of the coal ridge im. PROVEMENT AND COAL CO.MPAN V, No. 82a WALNUT btreet. ' FllILADKI.PHIA, April I, I8fi7. A Special Meeting ot the Stockholders ot the Coal ltldge Improvement and Coal Company will be held at llietill.ee of the Company, ou 1 U UKUA Y, the lllh Inslant.at 12 o'clock M., to lake acllnii with re lei ence to (heciealiou ot a LOAN, to beseeored by a mortgage ou the real estate of the Company 4 1 lu tUWAKD bWAIN, fewpretary. SPECIAL NOTICES. OFFICE OF THH FUANKKORD ANI PHILADELPHIA PA nh KNMk.it n a i. WAY COMPANY. No. 24 : FRANK KOHl Hoad Phii.aI'KI.ihia, February li. inn). All persons who are suliacrihers to or holders of the Capital Stock of this Company, ana who have m yel piild the FIFTH Instalment of FIVK DOLLAKM iter share thereon, are hereby notilled that the said 11th Instalment tins been called In, and that they are required to nay the same at the above Oilloe, oa W K.HN l'HDA Y, April In, IM7. By resolution ot the Board. ' JACOB BINDER, S 28 2w President. t2ST" CAMBRIA IKON COMPANY. A RPR. BZStS clal Meeting of the Stockholders of the CAM BKI A IRON COMPANY will be held on TUESDAY the 21 of April next, at 4 o'clock P, M., at the OlUr ol thet'onipuny, No. 4TO CHESNUT Street, Philadel phia, to accept or reject an amendment to the Charter approved February 21, IIW7. By order of the Board. . 8 19 81t JOHN T. KTLLB, Pecretary. rrrgr WAREHOUSING COMPANY OF rillLADFLPlli A. A meeting of the Stock holders ot tho WAUKllOl SINO COMPANV ' OF PHILADELPHIA will be held al tin WALNUT Street. (Room No. 11.) on TUESDAY, the Bill lusiant al 12 o'clock. By order of the President, WM, NEILSON, Secretary. April 4th, 1SCT. 4a5t. fSPr NOTICE. -THE ANNUAL MEETING of the SlocKholoers of the;TloNESi'A OIL, L , AND MINIM. COMPANY will be held at tha Ollice of saiu Company. No. 80S WALNUT Street, third Boor, on WEDNESDAY, the loth of April, at 1?M. JAMES JH. PBESTON, 8 80 lot Secretary. DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC HIGH WAYS. OFFICE, No. 104 H. FIFTH street, JH II.AIIKI.I'IIIA, April 1,1001. NOTICF, TO CON I RACTORM. Sealed Proposals will be received at iheOflleeof tha Chlel ComuiiKKlonfcr ol Highways unul 12 o'clock M., ou MONDAY, the 81 h Inst., fur the construction of a Sewer on the line of Ninth street Irom Tasker to Morris et reel, to be built ot Drlck, circular In form, w ith aclearluside diameter ol two leet aud six inches, . and with such Inlets and manholes as may be directed by the Chlel F.nglueer and Surveyor. Ihe understanding to be llial the Contractor Shalt take bills prepared against the property fronting on said eewer to the amount of onedollar and tweuty-rlve cents tor each lineal foot or front on each aide of the street as eo much cash paid; the balauce, as limited, by Ordinance, to be paid by the city; and the Co ti ll actor is hereby required to keep the sewer and street In good order lor two years after the sewer la finished, ... W ben the Btreet is oooupled by a City Passenger Railroad track, the Sewer shall be constructed along side ol said track in such manner as not to obstruct or ulerlere with the sale passuge of cars thereon; and no cliiim lor remuneration shall be paid the Contractor bv the coninauy using said track, as specified iu Act oi" Assembly approved May sib, lKtltl. A 11 Bidders are Invited to be present at the time and place ol opening the said Proposals. Each proposal will be accompanied by a certltlcate that a Bond has been tiled In the Law Department as directed by Ordi nance of May 2Mh, ismi. If the Low em Bidder shall not execute a contract within five days alter the work: is awarded, he will be deemed as declining, and will be held liable on bis bond lor the dlllereuce between bin bid and the next highest bid. specifications may he bad at the Department of Suiveys, which will be strictly adhered to. W. W. SM EDLEY, 4 4 3t Chief Commissioner of Highways. IIOLLOWAY'S PILLS AND OINT MENT. drops r The action ot these reme dies on the blood checks the too rapid ell union ol the watery humors Into the absorbents, and by equalizing the How of the secretions, renders the disease com paratively Inactive: theOlntmeul penetrating through the pores of the skin, drains by evaporating tue rrtm collected In the cellular tissue aud ultimately per forms a radical cure. The Pills purify the blood and strengthen the digestive organs. Sold by all Drug gists at 26 cents. 8 2Vlsmt4t B3T SPECIAL NOTICE, MORRISON HOUSE- Mp Ill'NTINCIDOX, PENNSYLVANIA. This spaclons and elegantly furnished HOTEL re mains open for the accommodation of the travelling community. It Is the Intention of the Proprietor to make It hereafter, as it has been herotoiore, equal to any of the city hotels. All Its arrangements are ex cellently adapted to the wishes and tastes of those who have been accustomed to the best the country affords. JOSEPH MORRISON 8 22 fmw2w PROPRIETOR. gPEOIAL NOTICE. FRANK GKANELLO, TAILOR, No. G21 OHESNUT STREET; (Formerly of No. 132 8. FOURTH S.reet), HAS JUST OPENED WITH AN ENTIRE NEW STOCK OF CLOTHS, CASSlilEBES AND VESTINGS Made up to the order or all Ueutlemen who are desirous of procuring a tlrst-claas fashionable gar ment, t wlm 8m STEIN WAY & SONS' GRAND SQUARE AND UPRIGHT PIANO FORTES. STELN WAY & SONS direct special attention to tbelr newly Invented "Upright" Pianos, with their "Patent Saonator" and double Iron Frame, patented June 6, 1666, which, by their volume and exquisite quality of tone, have elicited the unqualified admi ration ot the musical profession and all who have heard them. Every Piano la constructed with tbelr Patent Agraffe Arrangement applied directly to the full Iron Frame. For sale only by DLASIUS BROTHERS, 8 2 4p Ko. 1006 CHESNCT Street, Phllada THE PIANOS WHICH WE IvTAVTT. ilaclure recommend themselves. We nro- 11, ihe to our patrons clear, beautllul lone, eleaant workmanship, durability, aud reasonable prices, cow blued with a full guarantee, For sale only at No, 1U17 WALNUT Street. bWl UNION P1AUO MANUFACTURING CO COPARTNERSHIPS. QISSOL UT ION. The Copartnership heretofore existing between the undersigned, under il-e lirm of DAVlES BKOTHEKS. ceases from this date. CHARLES E. DAVIES, FETKK A. DA VIES. Philadelphia, March 30, isu7. The undersigned lias this day commenced the trans action of a general liANKINO AND IiKOK.EitA.UE Bl SINEWS, at No. 22o DOCK Street, WOVEHNJ1ENT SECURITIES Of alt klutf dealt in. STOCKS. BONDS, and GOLD bought and sold on Commlshinn. ilEKCANTIIE PAPEIt and LOANS ON COL LATEIIAL negotiated. SAMUEL, N. DAVIES. Philadelphia. April 1, 1HB7. 4 1 et DISSOLUTION OP COPARTNERSHIP. 1 he Copartnership heretofore existing under the him-nameof iillOOKK, PUU1I. doing Wiuees at Ros. lViiland 1783 MA UK KT Street, is this da v dis solved by mutuul consent. All persons who have claims against the above firm will present them to who ure Indebiod to the same will please make earl ... ........... j,.. ,r 11 luieumio seiiiemeui, and those . ------ 1. n 1 1 1 s l nrtUOKK. EDWAKD 1U PUUill Philadelphia, April 1, 1867. NOTICE OF COPARTNERSHIP. The undersigned have this day formed a Copartner ship under the firm-name of BHOOKE. COLKET A CO., tor five years, eucllug the 8l.1i day or March 187a! and will continue the Flour, Oralu. and Produce bom. WAHEET btreet. NATHAN DKOOK K. OKOHUE H. COLKET. Philadelphia. April 1. lUWAKP IL PU- m F ITLER, "WEAVER & CO MANUFACTURERS OF Manilla and Tarred Cordace, Cords, Twines, Etc. No. a North WATER Street, and No. U North DELAWARE Avenue. Edwin H. Fitlkk, Michael Weavib. Com bad F. ClOtuikh. t uj
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