THE DJULT EVENING TELEGRAPn. PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, MARCH 21, 18GT. THE NEW YORK PRESS. KPITORIAL OPISIOB8 OK TIIK I.KADINO JOURNALS CIVS CCKKBNT TDl'ICH COMt'lt.Kn KVKKV PAT FOB TUB EVENING TKl.KUBAI'U. Th Onuatltntloa It !.' f Yom the Sribune. The New York Time has one of its peculiar editoriala on the "Tho Constitution, and tho Changes Wrought ly Rebellion," which clearly indicates a return of that journal to these ideas and iitiriorc- of the Philadelphia Arm-in-arm Convention winch it has pro fessed to renounce. Wo do not know that it was written to aid the Copperheads in their desperate struggle t cairy Connecticut; we do know that it w ill he used to that end. After asserting that "the Constitution provides for every case that run arise, and for every state of things that can exist," and accusing Ccngtess of having nevertheless "repealed, abolished, annulled that Constitution," sub StitQting theiefor its own arbitiary will, or (if you please) its conception of what the public exigency, the national safety, required, the 'Jinn:; proceeds: I'nsii.ent .Johnson attempted at the outset of hiHAuminisirall.-M to carry on Govern ment, ol tne United States under the I oiinlitu. turn ot the I'nlt.o Sl ues us It existed belore the ar-i8( Ctii.; ull Us liiiiilullon and re st rlclioim ol powei, conceding to Slules all the rutins it Kuur.iutee i, and cai rytn on the liov eriinieut within Iho channels and upon the eioovn which it proviiles. The allumpt proved a fm I u re. The populnr resentment UKuiust the Jtehi llion, thesense ol exultation at too victory achieved over ii, the lieiuund lor Kuiirantees, for new liberties, larger powers, and mors pur liiRiient sectional and perty control, were too ftlroiiK to be resisted. Xiio war hud wrought a revolution in public sentiment, wnicli iu Its turn wrought a coi n siioiidint? revolution In the practical administration of the Government. Congress repie.scniHtlml revolution to-day.and acts under its inspiration, and iu tueexerelse of power which it confers." Now if Mr. Johnson attempted to do what is here attributed to him, then the attempt was surely unjustifiable ami a virtual usur pation, l'ortiie federal Constitution "as it existed before the war" i:- no longer our supreme law, having been vitally changed in the manner prescribed in its text changed by the deliberate, well-considered, and com manding vote of the American people. Arti cle X 111 was reported to and thoroughly de bated by Congress before the last Presidential election, was voted for by the Republicans, (auctioned by the Senate (fib to ti), and iu the. House only defeated (Yeas nays tJti less than two-thirds in the niliniuiiive) by a party vote. The iiiici-tiiiii of engrafting that amend ment on the Constitution was thus thrown into the Presidential canvass, wherein twenty-two States all except iNew Jersey, Kentucky, and Delaware voted to re-elect Mr. Lincoln and thus to sustain the amendment. So, when Mr. Lincoln had been re-e'ected, the question came up on reconsideration in that same I House which had rejected it, and it was now sustained by 11!) yeas to fill nays every Republican chosen to that : House, with at least a dozen Democrats, voting yea. Ami that amendment was ; promptly, heartily ratified by every State that voted for Lincoln, ami subsequently by New ' Jersey, which voted against him. It is now just as much in the Constitution as any other section; and he who disregards or delies it is just as disloyal to that instrument as though he denied the right of the President to veto a bill. And though it may be said that its rati fication had not in . ; (. been perfected "at the outset" of Mr. Johnson's rule, the pub lic determination so to ratify it had been so unequivocally, undeniably manifested, that no functionary could then attempt to carry on the Government "under the Constitution as it existed before the war," without being recreant to his duty, lie was not at liberty to ignore facts as palpable as the sun iu heaven; he was under the clearest obligation to take note that the Con stitution was in process of amendment, and govern himself accordingly. Now look at ;the Thirteenth section, and note wellits elemental, transforming nature: "ArticleXIlI. II. Neither sluvery norinvolun tary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, wtiereoi the party shall iiave beeu duly convicted, shall exist witlnu Iho United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. "'yl. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation." Did any man ever hear of a "Conserva tive" canvasser quoting the section as part of the Constitution, and insisting that it be re spected and obeyed t We never did. Yet they who ignore and practically nullify it are always reproaching us who uphold and honor it as reckless of the Constitution 1 Py "the Constitution as it existed before the war," the States were the exclusive guar dians of the liberties of their own people re Bpectively; by the new Thirteenth section, this important duty has been devolved on Con gress. The Civil Rights .act, and nearly every act of Congress denounced as usurping and revolutionary, were absolutely required to give due effect to that section. Not to have passed them would have been to defy the Constitution in the interest of slavery, instead of invoking the unjust accusation that they have subverted it in the interest of freedom. "Which course is the better, the people have already decided, and not in accordance with the views of the Times. Who Arc to Uule iu the South. From the 7me. We have received the following note in reference to an article in the Times of a recent date: To the Editor of the New York Timer. In an article iu to-day's Tinea, iieaded ".Southern liOyally." you comment upon the action of Hon. John M. Hons as a Southern loyalist, de ny lull him any mlit, "either by ids services or sacrifices, to absolute political control with Other Unionists in the Government of Vlr Rlnla." From the tone ot your article any one would infer that Mr. liotts had had an easy time of it all through the Rebellion, Instead of being a prisoner for mouths in a louthsome negro Jail, and tlie obleet of oppression and outrage at the hands of l'tebels for years, simply because he wan a tuoroughly Union man. and would not leave his State for fear of the consuquences. choosing rather to stay and light it out until driven away. . .- , Will you please tell me, with Soutnern loy alists who reud your paper, who me the right meu to have absolute control of the Rebel (State KOvernmenU jf me loyal native South erners of the Holts school are not? TheBe men tood by the Union cause when It was confisca tion, imprisonment, or death to so prove their fi.ielltv to the llait. When Mr. Jiolls wrote against the Confederate Government and their cause, while in their hands, the Times was among the first to applaud his moral courage and to praise his determined loyalty; now, it would seem, they would prefer that such men should not nave me control oi a loyal uovern merit in their Htates. - Vouis respectfully, II. 0. Our correspondent asks a fair question and ehall have a frank answer. The "absolute con trol" of local Governments in the Southern States rnust rest with the people of those States lust as it does aud always must in the North, and wherever else tlie principle of popular coverunieut obtains at alii. Not with part of the people, with any one olasa or party or con dition, but with all-the pwipl, of all parties and of all conditions. Any 'Jovernihent con trolled otherwise is not a popular Government. Any Government in tlie .South under the "ab solute contitd"' ol those only who were loyal throughout the war, would be an oligarchy, and would be in Hat and llagrant contradiction to every principle upon which our institutions are based. Any State Government in Virginia in which Mr. liotts. and those who acted with him through the Rebellion, should alone be permitted to vote, would be on of the worst and most odious oligarchies the world ever saw. It could not last an hour without the support of Federal bayonets; and such min- poit would only add to the severity of its op- ; pression and the odiousness of its character. : Governments In this country must be of the ; people and fur the people: when wo make them anything else, we abandon the only : thing in vt Inch we diller from the nations of the Old World. ' We understand perfectly the objections to this view. Are Rebels and loyalists to be put ' on the same footing t Are they to have equal power and authority f Is there to be no pun ishment for crime against the Union, and no reward for standing by it f Unquestionably there ought but both should be bestowed iu some other way than by overthrowing the institutions which the Union was made to preserve. Rebels may be debarred from office they may bo held ineligible to all places of power and authority under the Govern ment which they tried to overthrow, and loy alists alone may lie held competent to fill them. Hut beyond this it is neither just nor safe to go. The right to a voice in making l.-iws belongs to all who are required to obey them: this is the fuud.'inichtal principle of our institutions, and it cannot widely or safely be withheld. Our correspondent favors the exclusion from the ballot-box of every white man who took part in the Rebellion. Wo need scarcely tell him that this would put the absolute control of many of the Southern States into the hands of the blacks. The whites who were loyal throughout are a very small minority, and would be out-voted twice over by tlie blacks. Is he in favor, for any reason or under any pretext, of thus giving the abso lute political control of the Southern States to the blacks alone '! The people are not. j There is not a single State in the Union, : Massachusetts not excepted, which would favor such a polioy. Political authority, moreover, is not earned by suffering, even in the cause of the Union. It Mr. P.otts and his associates had suffered tenfold what they did for the Union, they would not be entitled therefor to a monopoly of Government. Political power is to be dis- i tributed with reference to the public good not to the merit, necessities, or sacrilices of individuals. The Union soldiers sulfcred in the Union cause far more than the people who staid at home: ought they, therefore, to have a monopoly of political power in the Northern States ! The Times did applaud the resistance of fered by Mr. liotts to the Rebel Government. It regretted his sulfcrings ami his losses though neither would compare with those of thousands of others both North anil South. But they do not constitute any valid claim to absolute political authority, nor ought they to blind our judgments to the want s and interests which all government, to bo permanent aud sate, must consult. Hniilhrm llecouxt r uetiou The Power ui.(l tlie Piojjtuuuuii of Secretary Stantuu. Frun the Herald. lias the age of miracles returned? One would think so from the amazing political events almost daily transpiring around us. llow, for example, short of some miraculous agency, can we account for the extraordinary fraternization on Monday last, at Columbia, the State capital of South Carolina, of whites and blacks, at a political colored meeting for the celebration of the enfranchisement of the colored race ? This meeting, by invitation, was addressed by General Vade Hampton (the owner, only the other day, of over a thousand slaves), XV. Y. Desaussure, and other leaders of the ruling white class of the Palmetto State, and by Rev. David Pickett aud iieverly Nash, black men. That the best spirit of harmony prevailed on this novel occasion between these late white masters and black slaves on this new platform of civil and poli tical equality is evident from the fact that the black speaker Nash, on behalf of his race, promised a petition to Congress to repeal the white Rebel disfranchisements in the laws of Southern reconstruction which deprive the blacks of the political services of those in whom they have the greatest conlidence. Now the question recurs, What cau lie the secret of this wonderful fraternization of Wade Hampton, the embodiment of Southern white chivalry, and Beverly Nash, the representative of Hampton's emancipated black slaves? We think we have the explanation at hand. In the ten excluded States (census of 1M!0) the population of each was thus divided except ing a rough estimate for Virginia deducting the new State of West Virginia: Whites J'.lncks. f:t7,!7U lll.iit ti,li77 tii j U'.lS ;!:i."),U73 i; t7,'iiii :ttil,,v.'j il2,:no 1S2,W.M U,Sj. Alatiainsi Arkansas Kloi Ida Geoijili Louisiana M iHxlsslppi Jti.r.tl 32 1. 101 77,7 IS uin.iiss ::.,7,t)J!) :t(,!n ti.-ii.iir) ISH.lisS ii,'."ii li'Jti.711 North Carolina South Caroline Texas A Virginia Totnl 4JJ71.USI :!,i27,UUU At the present time, making allowances for natural increase on the one h'ind and the elfects of the war on the other, iu these ten States, in cutting off the whites and in in creasing the blacks by accessions from Ten nessee, Kentucky, Missouri, ana Maryland, brought down for security as slaves during the war, the aggregate population is ) erhaps now abtut 4,.r)00,0li(i whites against 3,7"0,lKii blacks. The blacks are in the majority in South Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisiana; and they are probably about equal in num bers to tlie whites in Georgia, Alabama, and Florida: and with universal black suffrage, they form a strong balance of power in the ether lour States. Oeneral Wade Hampton, then, is simply leading off in behalf of the dominant Southern white landholding class for this important Southern black balance of power in this work of Southern reconstruction. This is the true policy for Hampton and all his class, and for the South. But, under the regulations of Congress the Secretary of War has a grand game to play for the negro vote, and he has also many advantages in his hands. The President is the chief executive officer in this business; but the military commanders ap pointed by him are General Grant's nomina tions, approved by Secretary Stanton. They report Co General Grant, he reports to the head of the War Department, through whom all instructions leyond the usual routine of military authority must pass. The President may disagree with his Secretary of War in this tiling, that thing, or the other; but if Mr. Btauton will not yield there is no help for it; because under the new Tenure of Oflioe lull be cannot be removed without the commit ot the Senate. The radicals of Congress, in short, have thrown the protection of t lie Senate around Mr. Stmitoii. i" or.ler to sccore throng), bin., even against the President, if m-.-e,sarv, a tho.ough eiilb.centent ot the terms ot South ern reconstruction. In the event of a hitch between the President and the .Secretary, we need not be at a loss in guessing the decision of Congress. The test ot these reconstruction laws m ill settle one way or the other the im pon hment question. Piesident Johnson, therefore, on trial, has no alternative of safety but that of leaving this reconstiuetion business to the manage ment of Secretary Stanton, through General Grant and his five district commanders. We know, too, lrom the experience of the unfor tunate General Mc.Clollan and others that Stanton, when he has an object in view and sees his way clearly, is not a man of half-way measures, but mi energetic and decisive man, stopping at no impediments. He is accord ingly the very man for Congress in this Sout h ern woik; and that lie will so direct it as to be gratefully remembered in the Republican National Convention of lStiH we cannot doubt. The prize for which he is to contend is the Southern political balance of power now held by the blacks. If ho can control this negro balance of power so as to place the excluded States in the hands of tho Republican party in their reorganization, lie may dispute oven with General Grant the honors of the succes sion. The ruling Southern white class, the landholdeis, to whoiii the laboring class, the blacks, have mainly to look for work and broad, can, however, if they w ill only follow at once the example of Wade llatnpeon, se cure their black voters iu the osganization of a IKK Southern party, comprehending the political and commercial interests of tlie Sitoith in the Union, with the social interests of both races blended in the same community. This is to be the great contest in Southern recon struction, and so it will more distinctly appear as the work goes on. Forty Ccutb' Worth of Candy. Iom the Herald. There has been a great deal of fuss made in some of the newspapers over certain alleged corruptions at the Custom House in this city and the official conduct of Collector Sinythe. A committee of Congress sat for thirty days and thirty nights at the Astor House, collect ing a fund of tattling and gossip and listening to all the tales carried to them by disappointed applicants for Custom House "plums," dis charged officials, and politicil brokers and jobbers. This trash they made up into a lengthy report, written in the most approved st vie of yellow-covered literature; which they published with a flourish of trumpets in tended to astonish the world, and make the Collector of the port and the Presideut of the United States shake in their shoes. Some of the newspapeis seized upon the sensational document with an avidity which at once indi cated that Collector Sinythe hail not properly appreciated their friendship and influence; but the public soon discovered that there was not in the whole report, from beginning to end, one particle of evidence connecting the Collector with any corruption or fraud or mal practice of any description in relation to money matters, excepting in one single in stance, which, strangely enough, was stricken out by the committee. This solitary piece of bribery and corrup tion, which was brought home to Collector Sin the by his own admission, was the be stowal upon one of the President's daughters of forty cents' worth of candy. When asked, upon his oath, if he had given money or any article or thing of value costing money, to any person in Washington, his reply was, 'Yes, sir; I once gave Senator Patterson's lady forty cents' worth of candy." This was the only instance in which the use of money was proved against the Collector, and this Whs ignored and stricken out by the com mittee, together with another piece of evi dence which connected a pious Republican journal notorious for its abuse of the Presi dent with tlie Custom House pickings and stealings. We are now furnished with a second edition of this report in a terrible speech by Mr. Hul burd, in the House of Representatives, in which he seeks to alarm the Collector in the true Bombast es Purioso style. But the speech .s as trashy as the report. There is not a single act in it, lrom beginning to end, which in aiy way implicates Collector Sinythe in corrupt practices. 1 here is rascality enough in the Custom House, outside of the Collector, and in tho forty thousand dollar job got up by a iing who were anxious io secure lor them selves the general order business; but either Mr. llulburd and his committee were too stupid to find it out or had no desire to do so. The tact is, there is one very curious feature connected with this investigation. While the Hulburd committee was sitting at the Astor House another committee was engaged in in quiring into the enormous whisky frauds com mitted in this city and Brooklyn, as well as into other corruptions in the internal revenue system. Nothing has been heard of the latter committee or their labors and discoveries. Yet it is an admitted fact that the Govern ment has been robbed to the extent of mil lions of dollars through tho negligence of reve nue officials. Some developments have been made which show that most gigantic frauds are yet in the background, but scarcely a w ord of the testimony taken by the committee has been given to the public. What is the meaning of this t Collector Sinvthe is no politician, and the people laugh at his open ness and candor. He probably believes that he has committed some very heinous offenses, bewildered as he has been by tho tricks of political brokers and sharp Congres-men; but of what public interest is his forty cents' woith of candy as compared with the mon strous frauds, involving millions of dollars, per petrated in the Internal Revenue Department ? It looks very much as if all this outcry made by the llulburd Committee over the Custom House humbug were designed to divers public attention from the internal revenue frauds. No doubt seme of the Republican managers would be glad to cover up this matter anil to raise a fuss over the llulburd report,, so that the silence of the other committee may not attract observation. But we insist that the public are more interested in ascertaining what officials are implicated in the gigantic frauds in the Internal Revenue Denartmeut. by which the Treasury has been robbed of mil lions oi Hollars, than in all the Custom House squabbles and intrigues put together, including v Oiiectors, t ongressmen, Copperhead Senators President's relatives, veteran lobbyists, politi cal jobbers, forty cents' worth of candy old airs. Perry and all. Drake ot Missouri. From the World. , Nething is calculated to make radicalism so supremely ridiculous as the fact that the fiercest fanatics, the most rabid ranters, the men who try to out-radical Wade and Stevens such fellows as Forney and such soldiers as Butler are really qiiitf recent converts, who joiiif-d the party leaustj it looked likel, the 1 lucrative paity( d wh.oe political record will greatly belie tbmi if they are not ready to sell tmt at any iuomiit to any other party pioniising kcttor pay. f)nfi the latest and most aidenl additions to the radical flock is the new Senator from Missouri, Drake by name, but ii Senatorial Ttperience the green ent ot green goslings. Though late in the Senatorial fielo, be is one of the foremost in the scheme for Southern reconstruction, and lie is ready to supplement with amendment all the supplementary bill.- that Sumner or V ilson or any other Senator may offer. V bat might suit Sumner is by no means strong enough for Drake, just as in the House a i-otitheih subjugation scheme that would he stilt and strong for Stevens would seem a mild and sugar-coated dose to Doctor itutler. From the amendments offered by Drake last week, proposing something yet more stringent than the latest plan or the most recent supplement., the opinion obtains widely that he is the original proprietor of "Drake's Bitters," and that he has gone into partnership with that eminent piactitioncr, Doctor Itutler, and that the two in com pony propose to thoroughly diem h and purge the South with the bitterest medicines that can be administered. But Drake is not a doctor he is simply an old (lisiinionist of the secession times, who is laving the same ride iu the radical attempt to disiupt and destroy the Union now. In lS'iO, Drake was enough of a Unionist to say in a speech at Palmyra. July 'S.l, that "he saw no sa'ety to the country from the fanaticism of the Black Republican party, except through the pieat National Democratic party;" but on the night of Mr. Lincoln's election, according to the testimony of a respectable citizen of St. Louis, Mr. Willey Rudolph, Drake said that "the Southern people should now prepare to resist the aggressions of the Black Republi cans." On the 4th of January, I8lil, the Rev. Dr. S. .1. P. Anderson, of St. Louis, preached a sermon on the subject of secession, in which lie said that "disruption may become at once a patriotic and a Christian duty;" and C. I). Drake beads the list of signers to a letter calling for a copy of this discourse, to which Drake and the rest had "listened with plea sure," and "believed it would be gratifying to many to possess a copy of it." It is also upon recoid that in May, 18i;i, Drake made "a violent disloyal harangue denouncing the capture ot Camps Jackson, Lyon, and Blair And when Drake was a member of tho Mis souri Legislature he was notoriously the most violent pro-slavery man in that body. As lately as January 11, 1Ki;0, a bill in that Legis lalure entitled "An act in relation to the free negroes and mulattoes" was amended so that every free negro or mulatto who had innni giated to and settled in that State since May 1 1, ls4l, and should be resident there after September, lSo'l, he and his descendants "shall be reduced to slavery;" and the House iournal for the session of lS.r)st-'tiO. page '22, records Drake's name as voting for tins measure. it is quite fitting that Drake, with such a re cord, should be prominent among the radi cals of to-day. It is only paralleled by But lei's prominence in the same party; and Butler owes his position, probably, to the persistency with which he voted for Jefferson Davis as bis favorite candidate for the Presi dency of the United States, a little before the time when Drake was doing his best to reduce to slavery the free negroes of Missouri. MEDICAL. ' fit . tv. tt.. Isold by all dniKglRtn at 11 per bottle. I'lUM lKAL l.KPOT, KUOMKIt'8. Nn, H(st ilKISNUT Street. fullaUelpbltt, Pa, QONSUMPTION CURED USE IIASTING'S i COMPOUND SYBUP OF NAPTIIA BOLD BY IHTOTT & CO., AUEMTN, No. a:i3 North SECOND Htr Mm BILLIARD ROOMS. illRO. BIRD. BIRD. ) Alier several months inepRrailon, Mr. C H1KU 1 1 us opeuert lim uw aud HptuMuus eHlnbliHiiiiieiil lor Hie t-nlt-rUdiiiuuiit ot liin friends, autl the public lo ui nt'iul, ui Nos. Bur and ti7 AJtCll Siti-tut. '1 he tlrbt anil second Doom are tilted up as Billiard Hhoius, aud luriilsbed wild twelve Wrbi-cluaH mniet, while tlie appurtenances and adornments comprint eervtlilnK w 'Well cum conduce lo Hie com lor t and i niivViileiice til ibe Players. In tlie haueiuent are our new aud Bplendld Howling Alleys, tor tliuse who u ish to ilevelnpe their luuscli- In anticipation ot the 1,1 e ball seanon. A Jiestiiuraiil Is attached, where l.rl.i vlhlns Iu the edible line can be bud of the bent i i u hy and at the shortest notice. The IoIIowIiik U I known Kentlenieu have beeu secured as Ashihl ?..iii mid will preside over the various department . ants, anu " J.1IJ.;W. . WtJODN l.'TT, SAMtiKL J)OUliLAS3 JOHN JlOOlJ, WILLIAM K. OII.LMORE HKNKV W. DUNCAN. PHILIP UHUM liKKCJi T. iteHtaurateur. While Mr. H1HD will bold a careful supervlnlou over all. He ventures lo say that, taken all In all, Ihere bus nothing ever beeu started iu Philadelphia, approaching this eslabllHhmeut lu completeness of airuiiKeuieul ud attention lo the cow lor I ot the '"i'un O. BIRD. Proprietor. PlTTI.AnPT PITTA 8 IT R (i E O N SAMIASK INSTlTUTK. No. 14 N NINTH Hirrftt. above Market. B. C w i. u RTT nfiuv M.iviw vAura' nracttf-ul asnerieuos fuaraiilees the skilful adjustment or bis Premium 'uleut UraduulliiK l'reesure Truss, aud a variety ol i oilier supporters, kiumiio biovkuik". ouui Kruiei, Crulches. KuRtienders, etc. Ladlen' apart i nients conducted by a Lady, 1 KV NT FINANCIAL. PEN HOYLVANIA STATE L0A1T. PROPOSALS FOR A LOAN or $23,000,000. AN ACT TO CREATE A L0AW FOB THK REDEMfrtOBI OF THE OVEBDUE B0BD8 OF TQB COMMONWEALTH. Whereat, The bonds of the Common wen Ith and certain certificates of itnlebteOni'Hs, tonou-nting to TWENTY-T11KEK MILMoNS OK iiOLJLAttH, have been overdue and uupuld fi some time imbi; And whereat, It 1m tlosl ruble that, the surue Ix.ulil Le paid, ami withdrawn lrom the niarttet; llieieliiie, f" el ion 1. Jte u mut lea oy we Menule ana Auumi V Vi'Mitcm iifuitTA of the. mmnuHuiealth of Vm- t.vi M w Otnerat Anstmhly met, and U ix hereby nueiia oi ie uumm ui of ine tame, rum toe Unveniui, Audllor-tM litrnl, and Htute Trea siner lie, and are licieby, authorized and ein- iiivit-d lo Imriow. on Die tnith of the Coin uioii wealth, in such amounts aud Willi micu tioilce (not leas than forty dnys) us they muy dei in most expeoleiit for the interest of the Mnlr, t entj -three millions of dollars, and It-sue ceitiflcaUa ol loan or bonds of liiu Com monwealth for the khi no, bearing interest at a rule not exceeding six pi r centum per annum piij slile 8 lnl-Hiitiiinll , on the 1st of Felirunry aim 1M ot Auyiiht, In the city of Philadelphia; u lilch eert itlenles of loan or bonds shall nol be subject to any taxation whatever, for Htute, inuiiU'tpHl, or local purpones, and shall lie paya ble ax loliows, namely: rive minions ol dollars payable at auy time after five years, and witliln ten years; eight millionsof dollars paya ble at any time alter ten yearn, and witliiu flf- t i n eHiK: and 1411 millions of dollars at anv time alter fifteen yeara, aud within twenty-five yi nrs; n ml shall be signed by tlie Governor and Stnte 'treasurer, and countersigned by the Andlior-iit iieral, and registered lu the books ot the Acitltor-Cieueial, nnd to be transferable on the biM.kn ol the Commonwealth, at. the 1-iiimeiV end Mechanics' .National iimik ol I'liiliiilelphla; the proceeds of the whole of winch; loan, Including premiums, etcetera, received h the sume, shall be applied to the payment of the bonda and certificates ot in debtedness ol t he Commonwealth. heel Ion a. Tin.-bid lor the said loan shall be ope in d in the presence of tlie Oovei nor, Audi tor tiebeial, and State Treasurer, nnd awarded to i he highest bidder: lrovidert. That noeertiU- -a e berel.y authori.ed to be Issued shall be negotiated for less than Its par Vulue. Met ion !t 'ibe bonds ot the State aud eertifl cntes of indebtedness, now overdue, shall . reotvuble in payment o1 the said loan, uuder such regulations as the Governor, Auditor General, uim Slate Treasurer may pri-scrtoe; and every bidder for the loan now authorized ui be lssueo, shall state in Ids bid whether t he same is payable in rash or in tlie bonds, or certificates of Indebtedness of the Common wen 1th. Section 4. Thai all trustees, execntors, udmlu lsnators, guardians, agents, treasurers, com mittees, or other persons, holding, In a fidu ciary capacity, bonds or certificates of Indebt edness of the State or moneys, are hereby authorized to bid for the loan hereby authorized lo be issued, and to surrender tlie bonds or certificates of loan held by them at the time of muking such bid, and to receive the bonds authorized to be Issued by this act. Seel ion 5. Any person or persons standing In the fiduciary capueity staled in the fourth sec tion of this act, who may desire to invest, money in their hands for the benefit of the trust, may, without any order of court, invest the same" in the bonds authorized to be issued by this act, at a rale of premium not exceed ing twenty per centum. Section 6. Thut from and after the passage of thin net, all tlie bonds of this Commonwealth shall be paid oft in tho order of their maturity. Section 7. Thut all louus of this Common wealth, not yet due, shall be exempt from Slnte, municipal, or local taxation, after the interest due February 1st, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-seven, shall have been P Section 8. That all existing laws, or portions thereof, Inconsistent herewith, are hereby re- peKle,s1, JOHN P. GLA8H, Breaker of the House of Hepresenutivea. Lw W. HALL, Sneaker of the Senate. Approved the second day of February, one thousand eight hundred aud sixty-seven. JOHN W. GEAKY. Ju accordance with the provisions of the above act of Assembly, sealed proposals will be received at tlie Ollice of the State Treasurer in tlie city of Hal rlsburg, Pennsylvania, until 12 o'clock W of the 1st day of April, A. U. 17, to be endorsed as follows: "Proposals for Penn sylvania State Loan," Treasury Department, Flarrlsburg, Pennsylvania. United States of America. Bids will be received for 46,)OO,UO0, reimbursa ble in five years aud payable In ten years; Jh,0CU,(Xi0, reimbursable in ten years, and payable In fifteen vears; aud JIO.OOO.UOO, reimbursable in fifteen years and payable iu twenty-five years. The rate of interest to be either five or six per cent, per aunuiu, which must be explicitly stated In the bid, and the bids most advanla- f cous to the State will be accepted. No bid for ess than par will be considered. The bonds will be issued in sums of $50, aud such higher Bums as desired by the loaners, to be free from State, local, and municipal taxes. The overdue bonds of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania will be received at par in pay ment of this loan, but bidders must stale whether they Intend to pay in cash or in the overdue loans aforesaid. Mo distinction will be made between bidders paying lu cash or overdue loans. JOHN V. GEAKY, Governor of Pennsylvania. JOHN F. HAUTKANFT. Auditor-General W.H. KEMHLE, SUite Treasurer. N. B. No newspaper publishing the above, unless authorized, will receive pay. 2 7 7 3-10s, ALL SERIES, CONVKltXKU INTO Five-Twenties of 1865, JANUARY AND JULY WITHOUT CHARGE. BONDS DEUVEBED .IMMEDIATELY, DE HAVEN & BROTHER, w o. 40 MUTH Y1HKD St. fa U C U ti T ' BEVKN-THlItTV NOTES, (lAlL'lil.U'll.tt'A ..Alt,K NEW IIVE-XWKSTT UOU) IXTKBEMT BOMDM. Li u ti'iil delivered at once. Small Bonds fur nletx 6con as received rroia Washington. M CO''l- fi CO., '- i 1 1)111 i i 1NANCIAL. C W SX PER CENT. IIIlGIKTKKKD loan or m 11 HIGH (OAL AND iNAYlGATION CO," II'K IN IS97. INTI KKf-l I'AYAllLK QUARTERLY, FltfcK OF tMTJ- 1't-TATF.s AM) hTATF.TAXFS t 4Hl NAI.K AT THK OI'I 1 K OF THK COMPANY, . isa Mil hi fc: M mtkeet, 1lit I.OAK IhKt-i'iircd tiy a Ftrnt Mortgage on I'pmrmnj'i Halln art, constructed, nnd to be Co stnieted, extendlim bom the snutbern boundary o tlie horoiifth of Mnii li t'luink i0 tlie Delaware River 61 KitPtoi): iDclndli.f tl.elr bridge acmes thenaid river now In prooeMof cf nvtrm tlen, toother with all the IVaipanya rlglue. lltienlea, and Iranclilaes apjiertala Inn to tt.esBld liallrimd and Bridge. Ccplea ot tlienicriKHgen ay be bad on appllcallo at the Ollice of the ( liipany. MIMIHOK NIIKPI1KRD, TREASURER. 2 2Nlf 112 and 114 So. THIRD ST. FHILAD'A. Tf alert in all Government Secnritiei OLD D -52 Os WANTED IN EXCHANGE FOK NEW. A I.llttltAl, Oil FUKF.Itd: ALLOWED. CJiii!i;;m;(i .rtcmtKotcs Wanted, IMIEISTAIUHVU) OM UEI'ONITS. Collections msiie. Stocks bonght and sold bn Commission. fc-peciai buslnesHsccomiuodatlons reserved lor 1"U'N- lamSm-lp P. S. PETERSON & CO., No. 39 S. THIRD Street. UlUIBMIIKXT MlllKITlKM OF Ali HIMM, AMI HTO KK,KONlN, ETC BOUGHT AND 80LD AT TUB Philadelphia and New York Boardi of Brokers. t OJII'OlM) INTEREST MOTEN WANTED Bit A FT OK NEW TOBK Always for gale In snnm to unit pnrrhmmm, 112 1m 7 3'IOS. SEVEN - THIRTY NOTES l'VERTE WITHOUT C1IABUE IMTO THE KEW d - O H. BONDS DELIVERED AT ONCE. COMPOUND INTEREST NOTEU wanted hi diu I market rules, WM. PAINTKIl & CO.. 12 26 3m Ml. 86 WOUTII TIIIKD T JJATIOKAL BANK OF THK ItKPUBLIO Now. 800 anti Mil IIIESMIIT Street, FHILADKLPHIA. capital, auo.ooo-rrxi. PAID, 1)1 RECTO KS Job. T. Ttalley, IWilliuin KrvleuJHauVl A. lllspliaia. Kdw. B. Orne. ( RKOiid WelMli, Fred. A. lloyt, Nathan UllliM.lli. Rowluud. JrlWin. li. lUiawa. PBKMIDKNT, WILLIAM H. It II AWN. CABH1KK, JOSEPH K A1UMFOKD. 121 lm HfcMOVAL. DREER ic FLARS REMOVED TO NO. FlltNK Ktruel. UKKER HKAKei, loruierl ui UoUlsmllli'H Hull, l.ibrury xtreel. hare removed t No. -112 i'RL'NE fein-el, belweeu Fourth and Fill atreelB, where tlicy will continue their Manufactory of Oolil Chains, Urucelets, etc, iu every variety. Also the bill- ot hue Hold, bilver, and Copper. Old Uold and bilver bonsht. Jauuary 1, lb7. 1 l3m HARDWARE, CUTLERyTeTCT" B UILDIUfl HARDWARE ...... -Ttn.nn It It 1 H 1 11 'U ItlltlH. &ll Hl7.M. auo i'uzeu Kenriik'H Pulleys, l's. 1.2 Inch. 6im Dozen A uierlciin l'lilleys. I.1,, l, 2. 2,'4 inch. tMii-ur it Jackson s J I ami und i'aiiiiul tiuwa. buicher'b 1'luue iron, ull amen. Ilutclier'K Firmer Chisels, all sizes. KxceUlnrWhile Lend. tity-niade ltlm und Mortice Locks. Diiucuiinon aud AlviI Nulls, all sizes f t-rews, Jiuobs, Dolts, Tuule Cutlery, Planes. buw Files, Latolies. Axes, bhovels and Hpades.Shut ter and ltlveal Mimes. Strap and T lilinjes. BUutler J'.oltH. I'luil'orm uud other bcules, Wire, Cuiry Comb vrc itc For salt' by x.ic .ciu u AUBRI1MJEi BARR A CO., Importers ol and Healers In Foreign aud Jjoujeatii; Hardware, Nails, and Cutlery, 37tlmtu?J No. MARKET Street. CUTLERY. A MnA odanrf ntonf if VflCVW HTlfl T A Lll,K C'UTLKKVj KAZOHS, HA- PArS lMJ TAILOIUs' fslIilARH, ETC.. at J'Ai'Jitt ni' i L. V. itKLMOLU'8 Cheap Store, No. 135 South TENTH . n v Three doors above Waluut. LEGAL NOTICES. ESTATE OF CIIARLES HEPBURN, DE ceaped. Letteis n-siaiuentary upon I he Estate oiCllARLKM H I'.FUL'RN, deceived, bvlJK been Kriinteil to llieundeisiKiied by the Registrar ol "Ills or Philadelphia, nil persons Indebted to the Estate will niuke payment, anil thoso having claims will pleas nreseul iheiu. immediately to pitseui luciu im JAM K8 FARIKS, Executor. No. ail CARPENTER blreet; Or to hla Attorney. & MmmELLi tio.frl WALJS UT blreet. PhiladkiPHIA. February ai. 17. 2 21 tlttit JOBERT SIIOEMAKER & CO.. WIIOLKSALE DKLtiUlSTS, tlAXUFACTUXJUtX, Wl' OUTERS, AND DEALERS U ratuts, Yarnlslics. and Oils, No. 201 NORTII VOURTH STREET, lillui CORN Eli OF RACK. 4TT I WW1
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