THE DJULT EVENING TELEGRAPn. PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, MARCH 21, 18GT.
THE NEW YORK PRESS.
KPITORIAL OPISIOB8 OK TIIK I.KADINO JOURNALS
CIVS CCKKBNT TDl'ICH COMt'lt.Kn KVKKV
PAT FOB TUB EVENING TKl.KUBAI'U.
Th Onuatltntloa It !.'
f Yom the Sribune.
The New York Time has one of its peculiar
editoriala on the "Tho Constitution, and tho
Changes Wrought ly Rebellion," which
clearly indicates a return of that journal to
these ideas and iitiriorc- of the Philadelphia
Arm-in-arm Convention winch it has pro
fessed to renounce. Wo do not know that it
was written to aid the Copperheads in their
desperate struggle t cairy Connecticut; we
do know that it w ill he used to that end.
After asserting that "the Constitution provides
for every case that run arise, and for every
state of things that can exist," and accusing
Ccngtess of having nevertheless "repealed,
abolished, annulled that Constitution," sub
StitQting theiefor its own arbitiary will, or (if
you please) its conception of what the public
exigency, the national safety, required, the
'Jinn:; proceeds:
I'nsii.ent .Johnson attempted at the outset
of hiHAuminisirall.-M to carry on Govern
ment, ol tne United States under the I oiinlitu.
turn ot the I'nlt.o Sl ues us It existed belore
the ar-i8( Ctii.; ull Us liiiiilullon and re
st rlclioim ol powei, conceding to Slules all the
rutins it Kuur.iutee i, and cai rytn on the liov
eriinieut within Iho channels and upon the
eioovn which it proviiles. The allumpt proved
a fm I u re. The populnr resentment UKuiust the
Jtehi llion, thesense ol exultation at too victory
achieved over ii, the lieiuund lor Kuiirantees,
for new liberties, larger powers, and mors pur
liiRiient sectional and perty control, were too
ftlroiiK to be resisted. Xiio war hud wrought a
revolution in public sentiment, wnicli iu Its
turn wrought a coi n siioiidint? revolution In the
practical administration of the Government.
Congress repie.scniHtlml revolution to-day.and
acts under its inspiration, and iu tueexerelse
of power which it confers."
Now if Mr. Johnson attempted to do what
is here attributed to him, then the attempt
was surely unjustifiable ami a virtual usur
pation, l'ortiie federal Constitution "as it
existed before the war" i:- no longer our
supreme law, having been vitally changed in
the manner prescribed in its text changed
by the deliberate, well-considered, and com
manding vote of the American people. Arti
cle X 111 was reported to and thoroughly de
bated by Congress before the last Presidential
election, was voted for by the Republicans,
(auctioned by the Senate (fib to ti), and iu the.
House only defeated (Yeas nays tJti less
than two-thirds in the niliniuiiive) by a party
vote. The iiiici-tiiiii of engrafting that amend
ment on the Constitution was thus thrown into
the Presidential canvass, wherein twenty-two
States all except iNew Jersey, Kentucky, and
Delaware voted to re-elect Mr. Lincoln and
thus to sustain the amendment. So, when
Mr. Lincoln had been re-e'ected, the question
came up on reconsideration in that same I
House which had rejected it, and it was
now sustained by 11!) yeas to fill nays
every Republican chosen to that :
House, with at least a dozen Democrats,
voting yea. Ami that amendment was ;
promptly, heartily ratified by every State that
voted for Lincoln, ami subsequently by New '
Jersey, which voted against him. It is now
just as much in the Constitution as any other
section; and he who disregards or delies it is
just as disloyal to that instrument as though
he denied the right of the President to veto a
bill. And though it may be said that its rati
fication had not in . ; (. been perfected "at
the outset" of Mr. Johnson's rule, the pub
lic determination so to ratify it had been so
unequivocally, undeniably manifested, that
no functionary could then attempt to carry
on the Government "under the Constitution
as it existed before the war," without being
recreant to his duty, lie was not at
liberty to ignore facts as palpable as the
sun iu heaven; he was under the clearest
obligation to take note that the Con
stitution was in process of amendment, and
govern himself accordingly.
Now look at ;the Thirteenth section, and
note wellits elemental, transforming nature:
"ArticleXIlI. II. Neither sluvery norinvolun
tary servitude, except as a punishment for
crime, wtiereoi the party shall iiave beeu duly
convicted, shall exist witlnu Iho United States,
or any place subject to their jurisdiction.
"'yl. Congress shall have power to enforce this
article by appropriate legislation."
Did any man ever hear of a "Conserva
tive" canvasser quoting the section as part of
the Constitution, and insisting that it be re
spected and obeyed t We never did. Yet
they who ignore and practically nullify it are
always reproaching us who uphold and honor
it as reckless of the Constitution 1
Py "the Constitution as it existed before the
war," the States were the exclusive guar
dians of the liberties of their own people re
Bpectively; by the new Thirteenth section, this
important duty has been devolved on Con
gress. The Civil Rights .act, and nearly every
act of Congress denounced as usurping and
revolutionary, were absolutely required to
give due effect to that section. Not to have
passed them would have been to defy the
Constitution in the interest of slavery, instead
of invoking the unjust accusation that they
have subverted it in the interest of freedom.
"Which course is the better, the people have
already decided, and not in accordance with
the views of the Times.
Who Arc to Uule iu the South.
From the 7me.
We have received the following note in
reference to an article in the Times of a recent
date:
To the Editor of the New York Timer. In an
article iu to-day's Tinea, iieaded ".Southern
liOyally." you comment upon the action of
Hon. John M. Hons as a Southern loyalist, de
ny lull him any mlit, "either by ids services or
sacrifices, to absolute political control with
Other Unionists in the Government of Vlr
Rlnla." From the tone ot your article any one
would infer that Mr. liotts had had an easy time
of it all through the Rebellion, Instead of being
a prisoner for mouths in a louthsome negro Jail,
and tlie obleet of oppression and outrage at the
hands of l'tebels for years, simply because he
wan a tuoroughly Union man. and would not
leave his State for fear of the consuquences.
choosing rather to stay and light it out until
driven away. . .- ,
Will you please tell me, with Soutnern loy
alists who reud your paper, who me the right
meu to have absolute control of the Rebel
(State KOvernmenU jf me loyal native South
erners of the Holts school are not? TheBe men
tood by the Union cause when It was confisca
tion, imprisonment, or death to so prove their
fi.ielltv to the llait. When Mr. Jiolls wrote
against the Confederate Government and their
cause, while in their hands, the Times was
among the first to applaud his moral courage
and to praise his determined loyalty; now, it
would seem, they would prefer that such men
should not nave me control oi a loyal uovern
merit in their Htates.
- Vouis respectfully, II. 0.
Our correspondent asks a fair question and
ehall have a frank answer. The "absolute con
trol" of local Governments in the Southern
States rnust rest with the people of those States
lust as it does aud always must in the North,
and wherever else tlie principle of popular
coverunieut obtains at alii. Not with part of
the people, with any one olasa or party or con
dition, but with all-the pwipl, of all parties
and of all conditions. Any 'Jovernihent con
trolled otherwise is not a popular Government.
Any Government in tlie .South under the "ab
solute contitd"' ol those only who were loyal
throughout the war, would be an oligarchy,
and would be in Hat and llagrant contradiction
to every principle upon which our institutions
are based. Any State Government in Virginia
in which Mr. liotts. and those who acted with
him through the Rebellion, should alone be
permitted to vote, would be on of the worst
and most odious oligarchies the world ever
saw. It could not last an hour without the
support of Federal bayonets; and such min-
poit would only add to the severity of its op- ;
pression and the odiousness of its character. :
Governments In this country must be of the ;
people and fur the people: when wo make
them anything else, we abandon the only :
thing in vt Inch we diller from the nations of
the Old World. '
We understand perfectly the objections to
this view. Are Rebels and loyalists to be put '
on the same footing t Are they to have equal
power and authority f Is there to be no pun
ishment for crime against the Union, and no
reward for standing by it f Unquestionably
there ought but both should be bestowed
iu some other way than by overthrowing the
institutions which the Union was made to
preserve. Rebels may be debarred from office
they may bo held ineligible to all places
of power and authority under the Govern
ment which they tried to overthrow, and loy
alists alone may lie held competent to fill
them. Hut beyond this it is neither just nor
safe to go. The right to a voice in making
l.-iws belongs to all who are required to obey
them: this is the fuud.'inichtal principle of
our institutions, and it cannot widely or safely
be withheld.
Our correspondent favors the exclusion from
the ballot-box of every white man who took
part in the Rebellion. Wo need scarcely tell
him that this would put the absolute control
of many of the Southern States into the
hands of the blacks. The whites who were
loyal throughout are a very small minority,
and would be out-voted twice over by tlie
blacks. Is he in favor, for any reason or
under any pretext, of thus giving the abso
lute political control of the Southern States
to the blacks alone '! The people are not. j
There is not a single State in the Union, :
Massachusetts not excepted, which would favor
such a polioy.
Political authority, moreover, is not earned
by suffering, even in the cause of the Union.
It Mr. P.otts and his associates had suffered
tenfold what they did for the Union, they
would not be entitled therefor to a monopoly
of Government. Political power is to be dis- i
tributed with reference to the public good
not to the merit, necessities, or sacrilices of
individuals. The Union soldiers sulfcred in
the Union cause far more than the people who
staid at home: ought they, therefore, to have
a monopoly of political power in the Northern
States !
The Times did applaud the resistance of
fered by Mr. liotts to the Rebel Government.
It regretted his sulfcrings ami his losses
though neither would compare with those of
thousands of others both North anil South.
But they do not constitute any valid claim to
absolute political authority, nor ought they to
blind our judgments to the want s and interests
which all government, to bo permanent aud
sate, must consult.
Hniilhrm llecouxt r uetiou The Power
ui.(l tlie Piojjtuuuuii of Secretary
Stantuu.
Frun the Herald.
lias the age of miracles returned? One
would think so from the amazing political
events almost daily transpiring around us.
llow, for example, short of some miraculous
agency, can we account for the extraordinary
fraternization on Monday last, at Columbia,
the State capital of South Carolina, of whites
and blacks, at a political colored meeting for
the celebration of the enfranchisement of the
colored race ? This meeting, by invitation,
was addressed by General Vade Hampton
(the owner, only the other day, of over a
thousand slaves), XV. Y. Desaussure, and
other leaders of the ruling white class of the
Palmetto State, and by Rev. David Pickett aud
iieverly Nash, black men. That the best spirit
of harmony prevailed on this novel occasion
between these late white masters and black
slaves on this new platform of civil and poli
tical equality is evident from the fact that
the black speaker Nash, on behalf of his race,
promised a petition to Congress to repeal the
white Rebel disfranchisements in the laws of
Southern reconstruction which deprive the
blacks of the political services of those in
whom they have the greatest conlidence.
Now the question recurs, What cau lie the
secret of this wonderful fraternization of Wade
Hampton, the embodiment of Southern white
chivalry, and Beverly Nash, the representative
of Hampton's emancipated black slaves? We
think we have the explanation at hand. In
the ten excluded States (census of 1M!0) the
population of each was thus divided except
ing a rough estimate for Virginia deducting
the new State of West Virginia:
Whites
J'.lncks.
f:t7,!7U
lll.iit
ti,li77
tii j U'.lS
;!:i."),U73
i; t7,'iiii
:ttil,,v.'j
il2,:no
1S2,W.M
U,Sj.
Alatiainsi
Arkansas
Kloi Ida
Geoijili
Louisiana
M iHxlsslppi
Jti.r.tl
32 1. 101
77,7 IS
uin.iiss
::.,7,t)J!)
:t(,!n
ti.-ii.iir)
ISH.lisS
ii,'."ii
li'Jti.711
North Carolina
South Caroline
Texas A
Virginia
Totnl 4JJ71.USI :!,i27,UUU
At the present time, making allowances for
natural increase on the one h'ind and the
elfects of the war on the other, iu these ten
States, in cutting off the whites and in in
creasing the blacks by accessions from Ten
nessee, Kentucky, Missouri, ana Maryland,
brought down for security as slaves during
the war, the aggregate population is ) erhaps
now abtut 4,.r)00,0li(i whites against 3,7"0,lKii
blacks. The blacks are in the majority in
South Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisiana;
and they are probably about equal in num
bers to tlie whites in Georgia, Alabama, and
Florida: and with universal black suffrage,
they form a strong balance of power in the
ether lour States.
Oeneral Wade Hampton, then, is simply
leading off in behalf of the dominant Southern
white landholding class for this important
Southern black balance of power in this work
of Southern reconstruction. This is the true
policy for Hampton and all his class, and for
the South. But, under the regulations of
Congress the Secretary of War has a grand
game to play for the negro vote, and he has
also many advantages in his hands. The
President is the chief executive officer in this
business; but the military commanders ap
pointed by him are General Grant's nomina
tions, approved by Secretary Stanton. They
report Co General Grant, he reports to the
head of the War Department, through whom
all instructions leyond the usual routine of
military authority must pass. The President
may disagree with his Secretary of War in this
tiling, that thing, or the other; but if Mr.
Btauton will not yield there is no help for it;
because under the new Tenure of Oflioe lull
be cannot be removed without the commit ot
the Senate. The radicals of Congress, in short,
have thrown the protection of t lie Senate
around Mr. Stmitoii. i" or.ler to sccore throng),
bin., even against the President, if m-.-e,sarv,
a tho.ough eiilb.centent ot the terms ot South
ern reconstruction. In the event of a hitch
between the President and the .Secretary, we
need not be at a loss in guessing the decision
of Congress. The test ot these reconstruction
laws m ill settle one way or the other the im
pon hment question.
Piesident Johnson, therefore, on trial, has
no alternative of safety but that of leaving
this reconstiuetion business to the manage
ment of Secretary Stanton, through General
Grant and his five district commanders. We
know, too, lrom the experience of the unfor
tunate General Mc.Clollan and others that
Stanton, when he has an object in view and
sees his way clearly, is not a man of half-way
measures, but mi energetic and decisive man,
stopping at no impediments. He is accord
ingly the very man for Congress in this Sout h
ern woik; and that lie will so direct it as to be
gratefully remembered in the Republican
National Convention of lStiH we cannot doubt.
The prize for which he is to contend is the
Southern political balance of power now held
by the blacks. If ho can control this negro
balance of power so as to place the excluded
States in the hands of tho Republican party in
their reorganization, lie may dispute oven
with General Grant the honors of the succes
sion. The ruling Southern white class, the
landholdeis, to whoiii the laboring class, the
blacks, have mainly to look for work and
broad, can, however, if they w ill only follow
at once the example of Wade llatnpeon, se
cure their black voters iu the osganization of
a IKK Southern party, comprehending the
political and commercial interests of tlie Sitoith
in the Union, with the social interests of both
races blended in the same community. This
is to be the great contest in Southern recon
struction, and so it will more distinctly appear
as the work goes on.
Forty Ccutb' Worth of Candy.
Iom the Herald.
There has been a great deal of fuss made in
some of the newspapers over certain alleged
corruptions at the Custom House in this city
and the official conduct of Collector Sinythe.
A committee of Congress sat for thirty days
and thirty nights at the Astor House, collect
ing a fund of tattling and gossip and listening
to all the tales carried to them by disappointed
applicants for Custom House "plums," dis
charged officials, and politicil brokers and
jobbers. This trash they made up into a
lengthy report, written in the most approved
st vie of yellow-covered literature; which they
published with a flourish of trumpets in
tended to astonish the world, and make the
Collector of the port and the Presideut of the
United States shake in their shoes. Some of
the newspapeis seized upon the sensational
document with an avidity which at once indi
cated that Collector Sinythe hail not properly
appreciated their friendship and influence;
but the public soon discovered that there was
not in the whole report, from beginning to
end, one particle of evidence connecting the
Collector with any corruption or fraud or mal
practice of any description in relation to
money matters, excepting in one single in
stance, which, strangely enough, was stricken
out by the committee.
This solitary piece of bribery and corrup
tion, which was brought home to Collector
Sin the by his own admission, was the be
stowal upon one of the President's daughters
of forty cents' worth of candy. When asked,
upon his oath, if he had given money or any
article or thing of value costing money, to
any person in Washington, his reply was,
'Yes, sir; I once gave Senator Patterson's
lady forty cents' worth of candy." This was
the only instance in which the use of money
was proved against the Collector, and this
Whs ignored and stricken out by the com
mittee, together with another piece of evi
dence which connected a pious Republican
journal notorious for its abuse of the Presi
dent with tlie Custom House pickings and
stealings.
We are now furnished with a second edition
of this report in a terrible speech by Mr. Hul
burd, in the House of Representatives, in
which he seeks to alarm the Collector in the
true Bombast es Purioso style. But the speech
.s as trashy as the report. There is not a single
act in it, lrom beginning to end, which in aiy
way implicates Collector Sinythe in corrupt
practices. 1 here is rascality enough in the
Custom House, outside of the Collector, and in
tho forty thousand dollar job got up by a
iing who were anxious io secure lor them
selves the general order business; but either
Mr. llulburd and his committee were too
stupid to find it out or had no desire to do so.
The tact is, there is one very curious feature
connected with this investigation. While the
Hulburd committee was sitting at the Astor
House another committee was engaged in in
quiring into the enormous whisky frauds com
mitted in this city and Brooklyn, as well as
into other corruptions in the internal revenue
system. Nothing has been heard of the latter
committee or their labors and discoveries.
Yet it is an admitted fact that the Govern
ment has been robbed to the extent of mil
lions of dollars through tho negligence of reve
nue officials. Some developments have been
made which show that most gigantic frauds
are yet in the background, but scarcely a
w ord of the testimony taken by the committee
has been given to the public. What is the
meaning of this t Collector Sinvthe is no
politician, and the people laugh at his open
ness and candor. He probably believes that
he has committed some very heinous offenses,
bewildered as he has been by tho tricks of
political brokers and sharp Congres-men; but
of what public interest is his forty cents'
woith of candy as compared with the mon
strous frauds, involving millions of dollars, per
petrated in the Internal Revenue Department ?
It looks very much as if all this outcry made
by the llulburd Committee over the Custom
House humbug were designed to divers public
attention from the internal revenue frauds.
No doubt seme of the Republican managers
would be glad to cover up this matter anil to
raise a fuss over the llulburd report,, so that
the silence of the other committee may not
attract observation. But we insist that the
public are more interested in ascertaining
what officials are implicated in the gigantic
frauds in the Internal Revenue Denartmeut. by
which the Treasury has been robbed of mil
lions oi Hollars, than in all the Custom House
squabbles and intrigues put together, including
v Oiiectors, t ongressmen, Copperhead Senators
President's relatives, veteran lobbyists, politi
cal jobbers, forty cents' worth of candy old
airs. Perry and all.
Drake ot Missouri.
From the World. ,
Nething is calculated to make radicalism so
supremely ridiculous as the fact that the
fiercest fanatics, the most rabid ranters, the
men who try to out-radical Wade and Stevens
such fellows as Forney and such soldiers as
Butler are really qiiitf recent converts, who
joiiif-d the party leaustj it looked likel, the 1
lucrative paity( d wh.oe political record
will greatly belie tbmi if they are not ready to
sell tmt at any iuomiit to any other party
pioniising kcttor pay. f)nfi the latest and
most aidenl additions to the radical flock is
the new Senator from Missouri, Drake by
name, but ii Senatorial Ttperience the green
ent ot green goslings. Though late in the
Senatorial fielo, be is one of the foremost in
the scheme for Southern reconstruction, and
lie is ready to supplement with amendment
all the supplementary bill.- that Sumner or
V ilson or any other Senator may offer.
V bat might suit Sumner is by no means
strong enough for Drake, just as in the House
a i-otitheih subjugation scheme that would he
stilt and strong for Stevens would seem a mild
and sugar-coated dose to Doctor itutler. From
the amendments offered by Drake last week,
proposing something yet more stringent than
the latest plan or the most recent supplement.,
the opinion obtains widely that he is the
original proprietor of "Drake's Bitters," and
that he has gone into partnership with that
eminent piactitioncr, Doctor Itutler, and that
the two in com pony propose to thoroughly
diem h and purge the South with the bitterest
medicines that can be administered.
But Drake is not a doctor he is simply an
old (lisiinionist of the secession times, who is
laving the same ride iu the radical attempt to
disiupt and destroy the Union now. In lS'iO,
Drake was enough of a Unionist to say in a
speech at Palmyra. July 'S.l, that "he saw no
sa'ety to the country from the fanaticism of
the Black Republican party, except through
the pieat National Democratic party;" but on
the night of Mr. Lincoln's election, according
to the testimony of a respectable citizen of St.
Louis, Mr. Willey Rudolph, Drake said that
"the Southern people should now prepare to
resist the aggressions of the Black Republi
cans." On the 4th of January, I8lil, the Rev.
Dr. S. .1. P. Anderson, of St. Louis, preached
a sermon on the subject of secession, in which
lie said that "disruption may become at once
a patriotic and a Christian duty;" and C. I).
Drake beads the list of signers to a letter
calling for a copy of this discourse, to which
Drake and the rest had "listened with plea
sure," and "believed it would be gratifying
to many to possess a copy of it." It is also
upon recoid that in May, 18i;i, Drake made
"a violent disloyal harangue denouncing the
capture ot Camps Jackson, Lyon, and Blair
And when Drake was a member of tho Mis
souri Legislature he was notoriously the most
violent pro-slavery man in that body. As
lately as January 11, 1Ki;0, a bill in that Legis
lalure entitled "An act in relation to the free
negroes and mulattoes" was amended so that
every free negro or mulatto who had innni
giated to and settled in that State since May
1 1, ls4l, and should be resident there after
September, lSo'l, he and his descendants
"shall be reduced to slavery;" and the
House iournal for the session of lS.r)st-'tiO.
page '22, records Drake's name as voting for
tins measure.
it is quite fitting that Drake, with such a
re cord, should be prominent among the radi
cals of to-day. It is only paralleled by But
lei's prominence in the same party; and
Butler owes his position, probably, to the
persistency with which he voted for Jefferson
Davis as bis favorite candidate for the Presi
dency of the United States, a little before the
time when Drake was doing his best to reduce
to slavery the free negroes of Missouri.
MEDICAL.
' fit . tv.
tt..
Isold by all dniKglRtn at 11 per bottle.
I'lUM lKAL l.KPOT, KUOMKIt'8.
Nn, H(st ilKISNUT Street. fullaUelpbltt, Pa,
QONSUMPTION CURED
USE IIASTING'S
i
COMPOUND SYBUP OF NAPTIIA
BOLD BY
IHTOTT & CO., AUEMTN,
No. a:i3 North SECOND Htr
Mm
BILLIARD ROOMS.
illRO. BIRD. BIRD.
) Alier several months inepRrailon, Mr. C H1KU
1 1 us opeuert lim uw aud HptuMuus eHlnbliHiiiiieiil lor
Hie t-nlt-rUdiiiuuiit ot liin friends, autl the public lo
ui nt'iul, ui Nos. Bur and ti7 AJtCll Siti-tut.
'1 he tlrbt anil second Doom are tilted up as Billiard
Hhoius, aud luriilsbed wild twelve Wrbi-cluaH mniet,
while tlie appurtenances and adornments comprint
eervtlilnK w 'Well cum conduce lo Hie com lor t and
i niivViileiice til ibe Players. In tlie haueiuent are
our new aud Bplendld Howling Alleys, tor tliuse who
u ish to ilevelnpe their luuscli- In anticipation ot the
1,1 e ball seanon. A Jiestiiuraiil Is attached, where
l.rl.i vlhlns Iu the edible line can be bud of the bent
i i u hy and at the shortest notice. The IoIIowIiik
U I known Kentlenieu have beeu secured as Ashihl
?..iii mid will preside over the various department .
ants, anu " J.1IJ.;W. . WtJODN l.'TT,
SAMtiKL J)OUliLAS3
JOHN JlOOlJ,
WILLIAM K. OII.LMORE
HKNKV W. DUNCAN.
PHILIP UHUM liKKCJi T. iteHtaurateur.
While Mr. H1HD will bold a careful supervlnlou
over all. He ventures lo say that, taken all In all,
Ihere bus nothing ever beeu started iu Philadelphia,
approaching this eslabllHhmeut lu completeness of
airuiiKeuieul ud attention lo the cow lor I ot the
'"i'un O. BIRD. Proprietor.
PlTTI.AnPT PITTA 8 IT R (i E O N
SAMIASK INSTlTUTK. No. 14 N
NINTH Hirrftt. above Market. B. C
w i. u RTT nfiuv M.iviw vAura' nracttf-ul asnerieuos
fuaraiilees the skilful adjustment or bis Premium
'uleut UraduulliiK l'reesure Truss, aud a variety ol
i oilier supporters, kiumiio biovkuik". ouui
Kruiei, Crulches. KuRtienders, etc. Ladlen' apart
i nients conducted by a Lady,
1 KV NT
FINANCIAL.
PEN HOYLVANIA
STATE L0A1T.
PROPOSALS FOR A LOAN
or
$23,000,000.
AN ACT
TO CREATE A L0AW FOB THK REDEMfrtOBI
OF THE OVEBDUE B0BD8 OF TQB
COMMONWEALTH.
Whereat, The bonds of the Common wen Ith
and certain certificates of itnlebteOni'Hs,
tonou-nting to TWENTY-T11KEK MILMoNS
OK iiOLJLAttH, have been overdue and uupuld
fi some time imbi;
And whereat, It 1m tlosl ruble that, the surue
Ix.ulil Le paid, ami withdrawn lrom the niarttet;
llieieliiie,
f" el ion 1. Jte u mut lea oy we Menule ana Auumi
V Vi'Mitcm iifuitTA of the. mmnuHuiealth of Vm-
t.vi M w Otnerat Anstmhly met, and U ix hereby
nueiia oi ie uumm ui of ine tame, rum toe
Unveniui, Audllor-tM litrnl, and Htute Trea
siner lie, and are licieby, authorized and ein-
iiivit-d lo Imriow. on Die tnith of the Coin
uioii wealth, in such amounts aud Willi micu
tioilce (not leas than forty dnys) us they muy
dei in most expeoleiit for the interest of the
Mnlr, t entj -three millions of dollars, and
It-sue ceitiflcaUa ol loan or bonds of liiu Com
monwealth for the khi no, bearing interest at a
rule not exceeding six pi r centum per annum
piij slile 8 lnl-Hiitiiinll , on the 1st of Felirunry
aim 1M ot Auyiiht, In the city of Philadelphia;
u lilch eert itlenles of loan or bonds shall nol be
subject to any taxation whatever, for Htute,
inuiiU'tpHl, or local purpones, and shall lie paya
ble ax loliows, namely: rive minions ol dollars
payable at auy time after five years, and
witliln ten years; eight millionsof dollars paya
ble at any time alter ten yearn, and witliiu flf-
t i n eHiK: and 1411 millions of dollars at anv
time alter fifteen yeara, aud within twenty-five
yi nrs; n ml shall be signed by tlie Governor and
Stnte 'treasurer, and countersigned by the
Andlior-iit iieral, and registered lu the books ot
the Acitltor-Cieueial, nnd to be transferable on
the biM.kn ol the Commonwealth, at. the
1-iiimeiV end Mechanics' .National iimik ol
I'liiliiilelphla; the proceeds of the whole of
winch; loan, Including premiums, etcetera,
received h the sume, shall be applied to the
payment of the bonda and certificates ot in
debtedness ol t he Commonwealth.
heel Ion a. Tin.-bid lor the said loan shall be
ope in d in the presence of tlie Oovei nor, Audi
tor tiebeial, and State Treasurer, nnd awarded
to i he highest bidder: lrovidert. That noeertiU-
-a e berel.y authori.ed to be Issued shall be
negotiated for less than Its par Vulue.
Met ion !t 'ibe bonds ot the State aud eertifl
cntes of indebtedness, now overdue, shall .
reotvuble in payment o1 the said loan, uuder
such regulations as the Governor, Auditor
General, uim Slate Treasurer may pri-scrtoe;
and every bidder for the loan now authorized
ui be lssueo, shall state in Ids bid whether t he
same is payable in rash or in tlie bonds, or
certificates of Indebtedness of the Common
wen 1th.
Section 4. Thai all trustees, execntors, udmlu
lsnators, guardians, agents, treasurers, com
mittees, or other persons, holding, In a fidu
ciary capacity, bonds or certificates of Indebt
edness of the State or moneys, are hereby
authorized to bid for the loan hereby authorized
lo be issued, and to surrender tlie bonds or
certificates of loan held by them at the time of
muking such bid, and to receive the bonds
authorized to be Issued by this act.
Seel ion 5. Any person or persons standing In
the fiduciary capueity staled in the fourth sec
tion of this act, who may desire to invest,
money in their hands for the benefit of the
trust, may, without any order of court, invest
the same" in the bonds authorized to be issued
by this act, at a rale of premium not exceed
ing twenty per centum.
Section 6. Thut from and after the passage of
thin net, all tlie bonds of this Commonwealth
shall be paid oft in tho order of their maturity.
Section 7. Thut all louus of this Common
wealth, not yet due, shall be exempt from
Slnte, municipal, or local taxation, after the
interest due February 1st, one thousand
eight hundred and sixty-seven, shall have been
P Section 8. That all existing laws, or portions
thereof, Inconsistent herewith, are hereby re-
peKle,s1, JOHN P. GLA8H,
Breaker of the House of Hepresenutivea.
Lw W. HALL,
Sneaker of the Senate.
Approved the second day of February, one
thousand eight hundred aud sixty-seven.
JOHN W. GEAKY.
Ju accordance with the provisions of the
above act of Assembly, sealed proposals will
be received at tlie Ollice of the State Treasurer
in tlie city of Hal rlsburg, Pennsylvania, until
12 o'clock W of the 1st day of April, A. U. 17,
to be endorsed as follows: "Proposals for Penn
sylvania State Loan," Treasury Department,
Flarrlsburg, Pennsylvania. United States of
America.
Bids will be received for 46,)OO,UO0, reimbursa
ble in five years aud payable In ten years;
Jh,0CU,(Xi0, reimbursable in ten years, and payable
In fifteen vears; aud JIO.OOO.UOO, reimbursable in
fifteen years and payable iu twenty-five years.
The rate of interest to be either five or six per
cent, per aunuiu, which must be explicitly
stated In the bid, and the bids most advanla-
f cous to the State will be accepted. No bid for
ess than par will be considered. The bonds
will be issued in sums of $50, aud such higher
Bums as desired by the loaners, to be free from
State, local, and municipal taxes.
The overdue bonds of the Commonwealth of
Pennsylvania will be received at par in pay
ment of this loan, but bidders must stale
whether they Intend to pay in cash or in the
overdue loans aforesaid.
Mo distinction will be made between bidders
paying lu cash or overdue loans.
JOHN V. GEAKY,
Governor of Pennsylvania.
JOHN F. HAUTKANFT.
Auditor-General
W.H. KEMHLE,
SUite Treasurer.
N. B. No newspaper publishing the above,
unless authorized, will receive pay. 2 7
7 3-10s,
ALL SERIES,
CONVKltXKU INTO
Five-Twenties of 1865,
JANUARY AND JULY
WITHOUT CHARGE.
BONDS DEUVEBED .IMMEDIATELY,
DE HAVEN & BROTHER,
w o. 40 MUTH Y1HKD St.
fa U C U ti T '
BEVKN-THlItTV NOTES,
(lAlL'lil.U'll.tt'A ..Alt,K
NEW IIVE-XWKSTT UOU) IXTKBEMT
BOMDM.
Li u ti'iil delivered at once. Small Bonds fur
nletx 6con as received rroia Washington.
M CO''l- fi CO.,
'- i 1 1)111 i
i 1NANCIAL.
C W SX PER CENT.
IIIlGIKTKKKD loan
or m
11 HIGH (OAL AND iNAYlGATION CO,"
II'K IN IS97.
INTI KKf-l I'AYAllLK QUARTERLY,
FltfcK OF tMTJ- 1't-TATF.s AM) hTATF.TAXFS
t 4Hl NAI.K
AT THK OI'I 1 K OF THK COMPANY,
. isa Mil hi fc: M mtkeet,
1lit I.OAK IhKt-i'iircd tiy a Ftrnt Mortgage on
I'pmrmnj'i Halln art, constructed, nnd to be Co
stnieted, extendlim bom the snutbern boundary o
tlie horoiifth of Mnii li t'luink i0 tlie Delaware River
61 KitPtoi): iDclndli.f tl.elr bridge acmes thenaid river
now In prooeMof cf nvtrm tlen, toother with all the
IVaipanya rlglue. lltienlea, and Iranclilaes apjiertala
Inn to tt.esBld liallrimd and Bridge.
Ccplea ot tlienicriKHgen ay be bad on appllcallo
at the Ollice of the ( liipany.
MIMIHOK NIIKPI1KRD,
TREASURER.
2 2Nlf
112 and 114 So. THIRD ST. FHILAD'A.
Tf alert in all Government Secnritiei
OLD D -52 Os WANTED
IN EXCHANGE FOK NEW.
A I.llttltAl, Oil FUKF.Itd: ALLOWED.
CJiii!i;;m;(i .rtcmtKotcs Wanted,
IMIEISTAIUHVU) OM UEI'ONITS.
Collections msiie. Stocks bonght and sold bn
Commission.
fc-peciai buslnesHsccomiuodatlons reserved lor
1"U'N- lamSm-lp
P. S. PETERSON & CO.,
No. 39 S. THIRD Street.
UlUIBMIIKXT MlllKITlKM OF Ali
HIMM, AMI HTO KK,KONlN, ETC
BOUGHT AND 80LD AT TUB
Philadelphia and New York Boardi of Brokers.
t OJII'OlM) INTEREST MOTEN WANTED
Bit A FT OK NEW TOBK
Always for gale In snnm to unit pnrrhmmm, 112 1m
7 3'IOS. SEVEN - THIRTY NOTES
l'VERTE WITHOUT C1IABUE IMTO
THE KEW
d - O H.
BONDS DELIVERED AT ONCE.
COMPOUND INTEREST NOTEU wanted hi diu I
market rules,
WM. PAINTKIl & CO..
12 26 3m Ml. 86 WOUTII TIIIKD T
JJATIOKAL
BANK OF THK ItKPUBLIO
Now. 800 anti Mil IIIESMIIT Street,
FHILADKLPHIA.
capital, auo.ooo-rrxi. PAID,
1)1 RECTO KS
Job. T. Ttalley, IWilliuin KrvleuJHauVl A. lllspliaia.
Kdw. B. Orne. ( RKOiid WelMli, Fred. A. lloyt,
Nathan UllliM.lli. Rowluud. JrlWin. li. lUiawa.
PBKMIDKNT,
WILLIAM H. It II AWN.
CABH1KK,
JOSEPH K A1UMFOKD.
121 lm
HfcMOVAL.
DREER ic FLARS REMOVED TO NO.
FlltNK Ktruel. UKKER HKAKei, loruierl
ui UoUlsmllli'H Hull, l.ibrury xtreel. hare removed t
No. -112 i'RL'NE fein-el, belweeu Fourth and Fill
atreelB, where tlicy will continue their Manufactory
of Oolil Chains, Urucelets, etc, iu every variety. Also
the bill- ot hue Hold, bilver, and Copper. Old Uold
and bilver bonsht.
Jauuary 1, lb7. 1 l3m
HARDWARE, CUTLERyTeTCT"
B
UILDIUfl HARDWARE
...... -Ttn.nn It It 1 H 1 11 'U ItlltlH. &ll Hl7.M.
auo i'uzeu Kenriik'H Pulleys, l's. 1.2 Inch.
6im Dozen A uierlciin l'lilleys. I.1,, l, 2. 2,'4 inch.
tMii-ur it Jackson s J I ami und i'aiiiiul tiuwa.
buicher'b 1'luue iron, ull amen.
Ilutclier'K Firmer Chisels, all sizes.
KxceUlnrWhile Lend.
tity-niade ltlm und Mortice Locks.
Diiucuiinon aud AlviI Nulls, all sizes
f t-rews, Jiuobs, Dolts, Tuule Cutlery, Planes.
buw Files, Latolies. Axes, bhovels and Hpades.Shut
ter and ltlveal Mimes. Strap and T lilinjes. BUutler
J'.oltH. I'luil'orm uud other bcules, Wire, Cuiry Comb
vrc itc For salt' by
x.ic .ciu u AUBRI1MJEi BARR A CO.,
Importers ol and Healers In Foreign aud
Jjoujeatii; Hardware, Nails, and Cutlery,
37tlmtu?J No. MARKET Street.
CUTLERY.
A MnA odanrf ntonf if VflCVW HTlfl
T A Lll,K C'UTLKKVj KAZOHS, HA-
PArS lMJ TAILOIUs' fslIilARH, ETC.. at
J'Ai'Jitt ni' i L. V. itKLMOLU'8
Cheap Store, No. 135 South TENTH .
n v Three doors above Waluut.
LEGAL NOTICES.
ESTATE OF CIIARLES HEPBURN, DE
ceaped. Letteis n-siaiuentary upon I he Estate
oiCllARLKM H I'.FUL'RN, deceived, bvlJK been
Kriinteil to llieundeisiKiied by the Registrar ol "Ills or
Philadelphia, nil persons Indebted to the Estate will
niuke payment, anil thoso having claims will pleas
nreseul iheiu. immediately to
pitseui luciu im JAM K8 FARIKS, Executor.
No. ail CARPENTER blreet;
Or to hla Attorney. & MmmELLi
tio.frl WALJS UT blreet.
PhiladkiPHIA. February ai. 17. 2 21 tlttit
JOBERT SIIOEMAKER & CO..
WIIOLKSALE DKLtiUlSTS,
tlAXUFACTUXJUtX,
Wl' OUTERS,
AND DEALERS U
ratuts, Yarnlslics. and Oils,
No. 201 NORTII VOURTH STREET,
lillui CORN Eli OF RACK.
4TT I
WW1