THE HEW YORK PRESS. EDITORIAL OPINIONS OP TUB LKADIKO JOURNALS UJTON CURHKNT TOPICS CUMI'ILKD EVKUY DAT FOB TUB EVENING TBLKOHYPH. Th Tivr Bill of Reconalrnrtlou The I'rospect la the Soutji, JFVom the Herala. Jlintorians liave boon sorely puzzled to de leftnino the fate of the ten lost tribes of Israel; uid our political, philosophers are as much Jorplox,liutf','i1' efforts to forecast the destiny Of ;Our ten outside Rebel States. The general drift of passing events therein, the prevailing tone and temper of their leading organs, poli tical managers, and ruling classes, the evidence Of Generals Grant, Thomas, Sheridan, Howard, Ecliofield, and other intelligent Union soldiers, all declare that the spirit of the Rebellion still lives, and that the dream and the purpose of Southern independence are still predominant from Bull Run to the Rio Grande. Tho de feated associate conspirators of Jeff. Davis Utill recoil w ith horror from the idea of subor dination to "the Yankees," and with un Sningled disgust from the other idea of negro Suffrage. Kvery one of tho ten Legislatures Sot up by President Johnson in those Rebel fcitates has rejected the easy terms of the pend ing Constitutional amendment with scorn, Contempt, and something of deilance. "What, then, is the prospect of their submission to find co-operation with the Government upon Ibis new bill this ultimatum of Congress 1 Very much, in the answer to this question, vill depond upon the course of President Johnson. ' It is clear that the ruling white class of the South expected, until our North Cm elections of last fall, a restoration to Con press under Mr. Johnson's policy, placing the Jtebel States substantially as they were before the war, and with the door open through the Supreme Court for the re-establishment of Jiegro slavery. We know, too, that after those elections the confidence reaffirmed by Mr. Johnson in the llnal success of his policy still encouraged the deluded leading politicians of the South to hold their ground, and that they Still looked to the Supremo Court for adelive jahce. With this new bill, however, hanging over the excluded States, and with tho sword cf impeachment hanging over President John eon as ,by a single hair, Southern indifference, contempt, and defiance in reference to Congress are giving way to convictions of helplessness against the will of Congress. Southern leaders H the old track of Calhoun are beginning to See that the incoming will be quite as radical as the outgoing Congress; that they must accept the terms proposed by Congress, or that they will have no voice in the next Presidential election, and that, if excluded from that elec tion, they may be held indefinitely in their present helpless and ruinous position. In this dilemma they are, doubtless, still looking to Mr. Johnson for instructions. He, too, by falling back upon Congress, may recall , them to reason and common sense. The simple admission that he can no longer help liimself will suffice. It is rumored, and with an air of confidence in some quarters, that he "will probably send in to-day a veto of this Jleconstruction bill, and for the purpose of giving the two Houses an opportunity to pass the bill over his head, so that he may save his consistency without appearing still to stand in an unyielding hostility to Congress. This alternative may save him, provided the tone of 3iis message be not offensive, but conciliatory. he Judiciary Committee of the House are Jrobably waiting the upshot of this thing, in crder to make up their decision of impeach 3Bont or a free pardon. Assuming that there will be a veto, but that It will be conciliatory in its tone and argu ment, and submitted in season to secure the l)ill by a two-thirds vote in each House, and that it will so become a law before the close of this session, we may expect in due time to witness a wonderful reaction in the South. "With the old leaders of the Rebellion thrown into the background, and with tho universal jiegro vote brought into the elections, a new class of white leaders from tho young men of the South will appear in the foreground. The suffrage will give the blacks respect and con sideration among the whites in proportion to their political strength; and thus tho two races, as the land owners and the laborers, will be lrought into relations of mutual support, liut a revolution so tremendous and compre hensive from the old Southern order of things under the Dred Scott decision is not the work of a day. A transition so radical and unexpected, even from Mr. Johnson's policy, must create a temporary effervescence and a cooling down before the wine will be ready to Jottle. This new bill of reconstruction continues the State establishments set up by Mr. Johnson as provisional Governments subject to the will of "Congress, and leaves it to the people of each State concerned whether they shall proceed at once to reorganize on tho terms laid down, or wait a little longer under the supervision of martial law. We presume that the present Southern Governors and their Legislatures, Under this discretionary power, will prefer to liold on yet awhile until they can take their soundings and make their arrangements con cerning the negro vote, so that we may hear of no Southern movement under this bill for the election of an reorganizing State Conven tion until after the crops of tho coming sum mer shall have been secured. Meantime, from the re-establishment of martial law and the submission of the Southern people to their "manifest destiny," we may expect Northern enterprise and capital to be invited to the development of Southern resources in the way f cotton, corn, rice, sugar, and tobacco, and on such terms as will give a great impulse to Southern industry and profitable harvest to U concerned. . With the last vestiges of slavery and the old Slavery epoch cleared away the revolution inaugurated with the secession of South Caro lina, seven years ago, will bo complete the last remaining barriers against Northern emi grants, Northern enterprise, skill, and capital, Will be removed, and the great Northern tide cf emigration will be diverted from the West to the more inviting soil anil climate of the South. 3'his bill will open the gates, and with the pates opened the tide will roll in upon the South and down to the Gulf of Mexico, far more reviving and fertilizing than the annual Swellings of the Nile. Taxation and From the Timet. Debt Their Influence BuilDMI, on The high-tariff men and the currency infla tionista rarely condescend to discus the causes Cf the depression that prevails in all branches Of business.' They accept the fact, and pre Scribe their favorite specifics as soveroign reme dies. "Issue more egal-tender paper," say the currency doctors, "and prosperity will jeturn;" forgetting that the amount in circu littion vastly exceeds the requirements of legitimate trade, and ignoring the terrible col THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH. PHILADELPHIA, WEDNESDAY, lapse which experience shows to bo.the end of protracted inconvertibility. "Impose higher duties," cry tho prohibitionists; V shut out' foreign trade, and all will be well;" as though a people impoverished by high prices and re stricted intercourse could long be profitable customers to the protected classes. Not in inflation, not in prohibition, is the remedy to 1 found. Either would make matters worse rather than better. Applied conjointly, as seems not lmprobablo considering tho com plexion of Congresp, only a special Providence could avert distress and ruin. The anomalous condition of the Southern States lias unquestionably much to do with the business depression. Impoverished and dis organized, their industry paralyzed and thoir trade nearly extinct, they contribute little to the adjustment of our foreign trade, and con sume still less of the goods we have to sell. The sources of our richest products and the market for our largest sales before the war, they are now unable to buy or sell. That this circumstance contributes to the difficulties of the commercial situation, does not admit of doubt. Nor is there aught in tho Congressional policy of reconstruction that justiflos hopes of early improvement. Until the harmony of the States shall have tieou in some manner re established until the new labor system shall run Klnoothly, and renewed confidence shall invite capital until law and order shall pre vail, and the last vestige of military dominion disappear it were idle to look for business activity in or with the South. And since reconstruction, as now pursued, promises to be slow and its results uncertain, we must look elsewhere than to the South for the means of securing relief to business. Of the causes of tho depression that are within our reach none is more potent than tax ation. The speculation begotten of an inflated currency has been a fruitful source of evil, and it is one that only a firm policy of contraction will cure. But though speculation unsettles and demoralizes, it does not crush after the manner of taxation. It drags down trade to the level of gambling; taxation puts an end to. many forms of industry and cripples all. Mr. Wells' exposition of the destructive effects of the present syBtem tallies with the knowledge of every observant man. Mr. Hatch, in his report, has illustrated the same fact by a refer ence to the extinction of the ship-building trade, and its transfer to tho Hritish Provinces under the pressure of our taxes. And with more or less force the same argument applies to other branches of industry. From no other single cause does the country suffer so seriously as from its fiscal system; and no single measure which it is in the power of Congress to enact would operate so beneficially as a measure largely reducing the annual aj'i'regate of taxes. the scheme of the Ways and Means Com mittee is good so far as it goes. Its lessening of the income tax will bring joy to multitudes, and its exemptions will aid industry to an ap preciable extent. But its scope is not equal to the emergency. Instead of fifty millions, the country should be aided by a reduction of at least a hundred or a hundred and fifty mil lions; and this vastly greater reduction might be effected if Congress would be consistent enough to associate the revision of taxes with the diminution of Government expenditures. The proper mode of procedure would be to apply the pruuing-knifo unsparingly to ex penditure, with the view of rendering the largest possible amount available for the lightening of taxation. .The practice of Con gress is the very opposite. By some unex plained process, it determines the amount of taxation to be stricken off", and at the same time so swells the expenditure that further taxation will be unavoidable. Upon this point the Financial Chronicle has some sensible remarks. . "With the exception of Hon. Justin S. Mor rill, we do not remember any member of either House to have enforced upon Congress the ob vious neeessity for a liberal reduction of the expenditures of the Government. The ease wiUi which revenue is raised begets an indiffer ence about expenditures, and large sums are voted away apparently without any thought for trie consequent drain upon the pockets of the people; instance, the Bounties bill, proposing nu audition to the debt estimated at $75,000,01)0 to S200.000.000. It is true that a curtailment of some brancln s of internal revenue is proposed; but it is sought to compeusule for the conse quent loss 01 income by increasing; the reve nue Irom imports. What the country desires and vitally needs is not a seeming reduction of revenue, but a very materlul curtailment of expenditures, a thorough retrenchment in every branch of the public service, to be fol lowed by a simplification of our revenue sys tem, so as to supply the e'.clioquer from the fewest possible sources, and thereby relieve industry and trade of much unnecessary an noyance and embarrassment. True, measures of that f mraoter have been talked of by Mr, Wells, and the Committee on Ways and Means, but almost nothing is proposed to be done im mediately, and little can be done while new expenses and debts are being Incurred, The most unsatisfactory aspect of the case is that our legislators do not appreciate the necessity fer prompt action in this direction; and In the meantime trade is left to struggle and languish under wholly unnecessary burdens, Eveu State anu ouy uovernmeuts seem;to oe launcning into extravagances. Appropriations are made, cities and towns are bonded with a freedom which would never have been for a moment allowed previous to the war, and all this In the lace 01 me iaci mat we are already sunonug under our accumulated taxes. This certainly should be stopped; a system of rigid economy be at once adopted, and a thorough reconstruct ion of our tax system effected, If we would seek' to rcvivny me industries ot the country.". Between the wants of the people and the action of Congress there is an astounding dif ference. The people crave relief so far as it may bo obtainable by a reduction of taxation. And Congress, while amending the Tax bill to the extent of perhaps lif'ty millions, adds more than a thousand millions to the national debt. We are not exaggerating. General Schenck's Bounty Equalization bill will take five hum dred millions out of the Treasury, and at a moderate estimate a thousand millions more will be absorbed in the settlement of the claims of States made on account of the war. And we seem to be but at the beginning of claims arising out of the war. Damages lor property destroyed are sought with an urgency which bodes "no eood; for under the guise of compen sating "loyal sufferers," there is a prospect of schemes of the most dazzling proportions. Where these things will end none can tell, un less public opinion sliall bring Congress to its senses. At' present there is not even a pre tense of retrenchment. Tho paper-money bub ble has its worshippers, and a prohibitory tariff as a means of nreventing trade has its advocates. But economy has hardly a cham- vion on the floor: and all the attention be stowed upon taxes is limited to the last few days of the session, when thorough, careful work is well-nigh impossible. "Can These Dry Bones Llvet" From the Tribune. Quite a number of dilapidated and : seedy Democratic politicians, who hold office under bygone Administrations, and would like to hold, better offices under the next, have been urging Mr, August Belmont, Chairman of theii National Committee, to call a National Con vention as he wa3 empowered at Chicago to do; . but Mr. Belmont ; shrewdly refuses to comply. He Is doubtless familiar with the anecdote of Bias, one of the Beven Wise Men of Greece, who being at sea when a violent storm arose, and a, decidedly hard lot of fellow lassengers iset, up a. vociferous discord of i lowltng to the gods fr rescue, bogged them to I bush their tumuli, as the ohauce of coming"1 safely to land Would bo decidedly improved by keeping the. gods oblivlouaof the. fact that such characters were on board. Mr. Belmont doubtless feels tho wisdom and pertinenco of the old Greek's caution. Yet the utmost' circumspection- can but partially avail. "Murder will out," and trea son is usually gifted with a perilous volu bility. We defy any one to read any promi nent Democratic journal for three months continuously, and not perceive that its editor's real belief is that the Rebels in our late strug gle were and are the true Unionists, and that thoBe who pu t down tho Rebellion were the real disunion party. Thus, the World character izes thoso members of Congress who were always opposed to secession and its oonse qhenoes as "disunion," and does tho same honor to the only party in Kentucky which never faltered in its fidelity to the nation, nor urged any surrender to treason. . , ' The Democrats of St. Louis have just held a meeting preliminary to a State Convention, and therein gravely resolved that the Federal Government is a mere agent of the States, and that any Attempt of said Government to im pair or abridge the authority of the States should be met and defeated, This is the pre cise doctrine whereon secession (which Jeffer son Davis officially pronounced merely "the dissolution of a league") was based and justi fied. "I see no necessity for, no wisdom in secession," said in substance Robert E. Leo, Alexander II. Stephens, and ever so many others; "but, if my State decides to go out, I shall go with my State.". So they went. And if the Federal Government was, and is, a mero agent of the States, why not ? May not a prin cipal discard or change his agent? How is secession to bo resisted, save on the assump tion that Federal and State Governments are alike agents, creatures, or instruments of the American people. The present Constitution of Missouri re stricts the right of suffrage to such whites as can swear that they gave no voluntary aid to the late Rebellion; denying the elective fran chise to Rebels and negroes alike. This the Democracy of Missouri consider all right, so far as the blacks are concerned, but ii nullity so far as it affects Rebels. Hence it is by them . "Resolved, That every white man in Missouri, of lawful age and sound mind, has the right t vote, nnd should exercise that right at all hazards, and snbjeot to all the consequences which an unlawful assumption or power might invoke." This is either rebellion or nonsense proba bly both. Apart troni the Constitution, a white has no more right to vote than a black; ana when these Democrats declare that so many of them as have been Rebels shall vote "at all hazards," in defiance of their State Constitution, they in effect justify blacks in doing the very same. In other words, they substitute force tor law. The Democrats of Kentucky held - their State Convention on the 22d instant. There was never a moment when Kentucky Demo cracy was not in sympathy with the slave holders' Rebellion, though individual mem bers of the party were not. When President Lincoln called on the loyal States for volun- teer militia to aid in defending , the threatened capital of the ' republic, this was the response ot Kentucky Democracy: "Fkankfokt. ADril 10. 1801. Hon. Simon Cameron, (Secretary of War: Your despatch is received. In answer I say, emphatically, that Kentucky will furnish no troops for the wicked purpose oi suouuiug ner siBier sour.nern m nuns. "B. Magoffin, Governor of Kentucky." Mouths elapsed before the first Kentucky regiment was organized in Indiana for the defense of the Union, though four days pre vious to' the above Democratic manifesto, the following telegram had flown all over the country: s "I-ouisvii-iX Ky April 12, 1801. Despatches nave come tiere 10 noia tne Kentucky volun teer regiment in readiness to move at a mo input's notice from the War Department at Montgomery," And now Kentucky's Democracy assembles to nominate on its State ticket two Rebel colonels in our late war: Hon. William C, Preston, a Confederate leader throughout, having concluded to decline the Governorship, while General John ,C. Breckinridge's name was hailed with general and rapturous cheers. Of course, General Preston was called out in a speech; and of course he declared that "There is not a fair-minded man within the sound of my voice that does not feel that Ken tucky has been peculiarly the creature of op pression and humiliation during the last six years. I was willing to do much to shield her from the storm that threatened, uudam willing, to-dny, to do as much; but then, my words were all for action," (in the Confederate army, to wit). And of. course he protested asainst the action of Con-1 gress throughout, rejoiced that the late. Demo cratic Legislature of Kentucky had restored to him' and his fellow.Rebels the right to vote and hold office, and demanded for ,his follow Rebel, m the States further South "instant admission into the covfiicils of the' nation." Of course, he "could not reencrnizn the name Rebel "in an ofl'eusive sense hi Kentucky;" and why should he, when her Democracy chose a fighting Rebel to the only State office filled at her last' election by forty thousand majority ? When Rebel Colonels are thus chosen over Union Generals, who can say that there is anything "offensive" in the term neuei r General Preston closed with this neat but needless appeal to his fellow, Democrats, in behalf of those among them. who had been Rebel soldiers in our late struggle: "You need not be ashamed of thoe boys who were with me. Don't discourage your rou, who went away with your private approbation, though prudence may have prompted you to silence. Take back those Confederate boys, and let them see that the v are not discarded; and, while 1 retire from the front, I want von to take my youngcomradesiutoyourcare. I beg yon not to turn away your children. They have done nothing to be ashamed of. . (Great applause,)" Mr. Belmont is quite right in not succumb ing to the demand for a Democratic National Convention. Democratic State Conventions display quite as much treason as the public is yet ready to stomach. In What Ilesperts the Situation has From the World. thaugtd, If the Southern people should resist the exe cution of martial law by force, they would bo fighting in as rightoous a cause as any in which a patriot ever drew his sword. Armed resistance is the natural and appropriate mode of redress for such flagrant injustice as is now meditated against the South. "Resistance to tyrants is obedience to God." The only good reason for not appealing to arms in this con juncture is the hopelessness of success. When the Southern Stat. determined ' on war, six years ago, they were without justification, be cause the Injuries complained of were only uv prospect, not actually experienced; and because they had other efficient means of checking and foiling the Republican party, . The Democratic party 'had, at that time, a majority in both Houses of Congress. The whole bench of the Supreme Court was Democratic. But at pro- unless tbp Sortthj ran find redress by hof redress is iiosslbln. ilf t.hnv had the. polittinal . -machinery wbch they could have tontrollod in a resort to forco would be . ,.jhuio, mra unctor such outrages on their rights as are now ripe for execution. But w.uir inimical enwienoy and their military re sources are at an equally low ebb, at a time When they have tho sorest need of both. , W0 suppose that such Southerners as can sufficiently control their honest indignation to make an estimate of the situation, will perceive that the only duties which rAmoi-. A.. them lies between a dogged, sullen submission, and reorganization under the now gospel of negro suffrage. In such a pitiable choioe of alternatives we do not offer advice; but we can perhaps explain the actual situation more dispassionately than those who are stung int6 justifiable rage by this fresh aggression. We advised and approved of tho rejeotion by the South of tho Constitutional amendment. If we hesitate, as yet, to give similar advice respecting the reorganization proposed in Sher man's bill, it is because circumstances have. in-essential respects, so totally changed, that a new and comprehensive survey of the situation is a necessary prerequisite to intelligent action, The two chief features of Sherman's bill are outrages which bafllod political foresight, be cause it was not supposed or supposable that such a stretch of perfidy and inconsistency could be ventured upon. Sherman's bill pro vides for the overthrow of the Southern State Governments, and for putting the whole sec tion under the rigors of martial law. We had what seemed to be solid reasons for supposing that neither of these outrages would be per petrated. In relation to the State Govern ments, we supposed that the Republican party would be bound by its own recogni tion of those Governments. The Importance which they attached to , the , Emancipa tion amendment, and the fact that they recognized the Southern ratifications of it as valid, precluded them, in logic ana consist ency, from afterwards calling in question the competency of the ratifying btate Govern ments." Congress has acknowledged the validity of tho Southern ratifications of that amendment, in a dozen different ways. It has repeatedly made it tho basis of legislation, and even in proposing the amendment now pend ing, it recognized its validity by numbering the -proposed amendment as the fourteenth, which it could not be unless there was a thir teenth, and the thirteenth is , precisely the Emancipation Amendment. It seemed against all antecedent probability that a Republican Congress would displace this amendment irom the Constitution, by declaring that the ratity ing States which made up the three-fourths were not competent to act upon it. Even the pending amendment was submitted to the Southern States and their ratifications asked. Was it to be expected that Congress would so stultify itself as to declare illegal the very Governments it had thus recognized f Putting the South under martial law was as little to have been expected, in any reasonable calculation. Martial law, by its very nature and definition, is a suspension of the habeas corpus; and the Constitution declares, with as much emphasis as it says anything, that the habeas corpus shall not be suspended except in times of rebellion or invasion. There being no rebellion, it was not to have been expected that the south would be again put under mar tial law. If these two outrageous and unexpected measures had not been resorted to, the South would stand on strong vantage-ground lor baffling the radicals. The worst that could be done was to exclude the Southern members of Congress an evil that might be borne with composure so long as the South held control of its internal affairs through the State Gov ernments, freely chosen by its white citizens. The extent of the evil was payment of Federal taxes without Federal representation. But with the State Governments abolished, or ex isting on mere sufferance, and the whole peo ple subject to martial, law, the situation is so changed, and the consequences of resistance so stupendously magnified, that it is impor tant to take new observations and bearings before deciding on tho future direction of the voyage. , , We suppose it will be found, when the South can abate i.ts just indignation sufficiently for a carelul survey, that it possesses no machinery or resourcos, either political or military, for iencung on tins atrocious oppression. It no such machinery or resources sliall be disco verable, the practical question will then be whether the South sliall accept the situation under protest or disdainfully submit to it. vv ere it not lor the negro element of the pro blem, the latter would undoubtedly be the true course, as alike consistent with safety and self-respect. But tho negro element compli cates the question, and renders the solution more diracult. It is possible that the Repub licans , may, through Government patronage and appeals to ambition, bribe and demoralize Southern whites enough to make, with the ner groes, a majority of the inhabitants. If they can succeed in this they will reorganize and admit the States, and the South will there after be under negro rule, and will become in tolerable as the residence of white men. . Ad mitting (at least by hypothesis) -that this danger is not fanciful, the question arises (and a very grave one it is) whether it is not better to "light the devil with fire," by accepting the .negro suffrage which is inevi table, and controlling the negro vote, instead of allowing it to be alienated to the Republi cans, as it would pretty certainly be by resist ance. Whether the negro vote could be managed by the planters, and whether whites enough could be seduced to makp tlifi radical plan work, are questions that cannot bo answered without more local knowledge than we possess; but we suppose all intelligent Southerners must allow that these questions ought to be well considered before taking an irreversible resolution. ' . COAL. COALl COAL! QOALl r J. A. WILSON 9 ft (Successor to W. L. foulk.) ' , FAMILY COAL YARD ko. Jan cAixowmuLi t., piiila. ' Attention is ' eallert ' to my HONEY BROOK LKHhill and KK-ilUOKKN bCll V YXJ&ILL, botU huueriur and unsurpassed Coal. . 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HOSIERY, GLOVES, , ' UNDERWEAR ETC 1 ' ' v. VARIETY THE LARGEST AT :JOHN C. ARRISON'S. Nos.l and -3-.North SIXTH Slrcct, J.. PHILADELPHIA.! Also invitee attention to hia , . k ' IMPROVED PATTERN SHIRT, ' Which has Riven tuoh 'general satisfaction for uuaU tiesH 01 fir 011 the breast, comlort lu the neck, and ease on the khonlder. Made of the best materials, by hand. 122j A PEBFXC1 FIT GUARANTEED. CUTLERY, ETC. , C TJ ,TL A fine assortment of Pnrwuvp on,i TAHLK CUTLKRY, RAZORS, RA ZOR cTKOPti. LAW KW HClHhOlul PALJi AND TAlLORb' bllK A list, ETC.. at Cheap Store, No. 1S8 South TENTH 8treet 118 Th rue doors above Walui i V. ilKl.MOLirH ut. HOUSE AND SIGN PAINTING. THOMAS A. FAHY, 1IO USE AND SltiW, PAINTEtt. .' ' . (Late Fahy & Bro.), No. 31 North' THIRD Street. City and country ttada solicited, auteed on all work. - ' 1 Satisfaction guar - SUlut i ARD VD UNN, (Late of the Firm of FAHY & BRO.) ' ,j ', 1.IOINE ' AVp'j IOW ,; PAlSiTEU,', . Glazing, Graining, Gliding ,eta ., i , , r Mo. 03 SOVTM roi'KT.I WTKEET, ' I, . Philadelphia. VVATCKE3. JE WELTI Y, ETC. o 4pf JEWELER S . S. E. Corner TENTH and CHESNUT. Great Reduction, in Prioen. Ml DIAMONDS, WATCH KS, , JF.WEXRY, , SILVER-WARE, BRONZES. CASH PEIUCIPLE. Watcha , and Jewelry Carefully Repaired. Tartirnlar attention paid U manufacturing all article in our line. N. RULON. ITavftiB enpnsed with KITCHEN A Co., will be much plcaeeo to ce hl iriendt and customers. Slim VtWIS LADOKUS & CO. 'DIAMOND DEALERS & JEWELERS.) W ATC1IKS, JK1VKM1Y MLVKR Willi. WATCHES and JEWELEY REPAIRED. J02Chestnnt StJM Have on hand alarce and splendid assortment ot DIAMONDS, , WATCHES, ' JtWELBY, AMD tUXVEB-WABH, OF AIX KINDS AND PRICES. Particular attention In requested to our large atook or DIAMONDS, and the extremely low prices. BRIDAL PRESENTS made Ot Sterling and Staa dard Silver. A large assortment to select from. WATCHES repaired In the best manner, and war ranted. 31P Diamonds and all precious utonea hough t for cash. WATCHES. JEWELttY. W. W. CASSIDY, No. IS SOUTH SECOND STREET, Offers an entirely new and most carefully selected stock of AMERICAN AND GENEVA WATCHES, JEWELRY, SILVER-WARE, AND FANCY ARTICLES OF EVERY DESCRIPTION, suitable for BRIDAI. OB HOLIDAY PBESENTS. 1 . An examination will show my stock to be uusur juiBsed In quality and cheapness. Particular attention paid to repairing. 8 16 COWMAN & LEONARD, MANUFACTURERS OF AND WHOLESALE AND 11EIAIL DEALERS '. IN Gold and Silver-Plated Goods, No. 704 ARCH Street, PHILADELPHIA. . ' Thone In want of SILVER or SILVER-PLATED WARK: will hud it much to their advantage to visit our STORE before making their purchases. Our long experience In the tnuimtuciure of the above kinds of goods enables us to dely cum petition. We keep no goods but those which are of the FIRST CLASS, all eur owu make, and will be sold at reduoed prices. B2ti SILVER-WARE FOR . ' BRIDAL PRESENTS. G. RUSSELL & CO., . No. 23 North SIXTH St., Invite attention to tbelr CHOICE STOCK OF SOLID . PILVEh-WARE, suitable lor CMRISTMAd AND BRIDAL PRLfeENTS. 5 2i HENRY HARPER, No. CQO ARCH : Street, Manufacturer and Dealer la WATCHES, FINE JEWELUT, SH.VEK-EX.ATED WARE, AND 81! NOLIH SIX.VEB-WABE. STOVES, RANGES, ETC. QULVER'S NEW PATENT DEEI NAND-JOINT HOT-AIR FURNACE. in i l BANOES OE ALL SIZES. Also, Phllegar'a New Low Presbure Steam Heating Apparatus. For sale by 1 1IAKI.ES wiluahs, , B 108 No. 1182 MARKET Street. THOMPSON'S LONDON KITCHENER, OH i-UKOPKAN RAN UK, for families, Ho tels, or Public Institutions, In TWENTY DIF J-'KRUNT blZli. Also, l'lillttilellilila IUiikoS, Hol-AlrFuruaces, portable Healers, Lowdowo Grates, Flreboard fcitoves, Bath Boilers, Htewliole Plates, Boilers. Cooking btoves, etc., wholesale and retail, by the manufacturers. hHARPK A THOMSON. I117siuthi)m No. N. bKCKJNDbtreeU AWNINGS! AWNINGS! MILDEW-PROOF AWNINGS, : W. F. SHEIBLE, No. 40 South THIRD Street AND , ' , . No. 31 South SIXTH Street, . Manufacturer of MILDEW-PROOF AWN INGS, VERANDAHS. FLAGS, BAGS, TESTS, and WAGON COVERS. Btencll Cutting aud Canvas Prlotlcg. 273mrp TTNITED STATES ,'KEVENDK , 8TAMPS.-T . U Prlnolpal Depot, No. 304 CHEHNUT S'" .n cSutral Dapoi, No. hi 8. FIFTH Btre.1. oue iloor below Ssvenne Btaiuu. ot every desunptiuu. constantly o Jisud in auv amount. .J .n.niind o Vitltx) tr iiatl or Express promptly sttenaoa io.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers