6 HIE KEW OEK TRESS. InORlJ.iU CPINIOK OPTtlB LEADING ' JC,VNA18 VtoH CURRENT TOPICS. What Shall W e Do to toe Saved t from the Tribune. Following the depression of defeat that seised the hearts of the Rebel citizens of the South, ame arrogant ami orei reaching confldence, based cn the old dogma that by cotton the South ontroiled the woild. In the autumn of 1865, the declaration that "the -world must have cotton, and the South alone can supply it," was m frequently and emphatically repeatod as during the winter of 18fi0 at d the spring of 1861, when lhe assumption of British intervention was teased on the prediction of a cotton famine In Manchester. The rush of speculators from all parts of the world into the Southern States to gather up the cotton that had escaped the de struction of the Rebellion, the leasing of planta tions by Northern men, the Influx of capital and applies Into all of the Southern cities, ihe offers ot lactors to advance means to plunters to mate crops, and tho anxiety ol Jreedmen to moor, combined to inspire the belief that, notwtta standin his poverty and defeat, the cotton planter still ruled the nations and commanded In the spriuK of 1806, the disheartened, de moralized plnnters o He red to sell plantations for from $6 to $20 per acre that before the war would have commanded irem $50 to $120 per acre; but in the winter of the same year, en couraged by tho events of the summer and full, they advanced their prices to $25 and $50, and many who had been exceedingly anxious to tcli at any price, however low, subsequently refused to sell for any reasonable consideration. When tho plnntinz season opened, the whole region of tbe cotton-pro wing sone was bisr with hopeful efforts, and it was confidently predicted that, in defiance of the disorganization of the labor and the poverty of the planters, nearly a full average crop of cotton would be produced. Millions of capital were invested in tbe pur chase ol stock and supplies, laborers were em ployed at high rates, plantations were leased at jrices per aunum exceeding what they could nave been purchased at ten months earlier, and every effort was put forth to produce cotton. Every other crop and enterprise were sacrlfleed to cotton. The whole South was devoted to one purpose, in the firm belief that the produc tion of a large cotton crop would aaain place them independent ot the Norlii and the world. The old spirit ot intolerance again took posses sion of the land, and no Northern man, who did not lend money to Rebels or damn Yankee without stint, was tolerated in the society of "Southern gentlemen." A terrible calamity, which threatened Irre trievable ruin on all, soou loll upon tbe over confident plauters. Tbe old cotton seed ttiat had remained in the gin-houses since 1860 failed to germinate. A second aud a third planting were made, and still no stand was obtained. The price of good seed advanced to $5 per bushel, and could be obtained only in small quantifies from planters who had planted cot ton during the war. This misfortune threw the whole crop fully a month late, and this mude it eubtect to later casualties. In some portions of the South the lands were Inundated, and the, entire crop was swept away by the floods. When the waterj subsided, many of the over flowed plantations were replanted. In otber places tbe early and long-continued drouth stinted the plant and cut short its production of fruit Still, there was con8dence in the vigor of the plants and the propiiiousncss of the later sea son; and, during the month of August, it was confidently believed that nearly 3,000.000 bales Of cotton would be picked and marketed In the United States. Early in the month of Septem ber, however, the destructive millions of the army-worm made their appearance, and swept across the entire Gulf belt of the Cotton States trom the Rio Grande to the Atlantic, seriously damaging the most advanced plants, and totally destroying tbe late planted and backward crops. Hud the worthless seed, the late frosts, tbe floods, and the drouth not belated the growth of the plant, the appearance of the worm in Scp t .nber would not have materially reduced the yield of cotton; but all these combined made it a most disastrous year, such as 13 not experienced once in a quarter of a century. Planters who had employed borrowed capital pledged their crops for its payment. Inmost cases the proceeds will not reach, and tbe planter remains in debt to his factor, and is without means to continue planting next year, or to support himself in idleness. To add t the misfortunes of the situation, but little corn was planted, and that, too, has failed through out the entire South. It will, therefore require an immediate outlay to purchase forag lor the stock aod food for tne laborers. In many caes the freedmen had contracted to labor tor an interest in the crop, and during tbe year were credited for such articles as they chose to purchase, so that the failure of the crops gives them but a pittance lor their year's service, and that, with mor, is swallowed up in payment of what they have already re ceived. Merchants, factors, and capitalists, who sup- filied the funds to the planters, have received so ittle in return that they are not in a condition to advance additional sums next year. There seems thus to be a dead-lock in the industrial affairs of the South. As an example of the condition ot merchant, we cite the case of a gentleman in New Orleans, itronply backed by Northern capital, who this year advanced over $COO,000 to plauters in the Culf States, and now expects to receive only $2u0,000 in return. In view of these circumstances, and the poli tical discouragement suffered in the defeat of President Johnson's policy, the South just now is more seriously depressed in spirit and mate rial resources than it was in the spring of 1805. Again, land is offered for sale at exceedingly low prices, emigration schemes are agitated, and men and money are besought to come to their relief, no matter from what State or nation they may emanate. Misfortune and poverty are often the most Sotent teachers of virtue and common seuse. o in this case, men who swore that not one foot oi Southern soil should be sold to Northern men, now pray that Northern men, "Aboli tionists and all," shall come and buy freely and cheaply. Even Irom the State of Mississippi, where Legislatures enact most cruel laws against laborers, and Executives umo mt vindictive proclamations and make most foolish speeches, wo bave an agent and a pamphlet offering for sale to Northern men. without hu. Unction of political creed, over one hundred plantations. It therefore a?ain liicomi n privilege, if not the duty, of capitalists, farmers, and mechanics in the North to determine hnw speedily and in what manner the late Rebel raiaies snan do reconstructed and redeemed. Tk Fresldcut aud Chief Justice Chune ou negro aunt-age. Snm the Herald. "Chief Justice Chase coincides with tho Pre sident as we are Informed from Wafihlnfrtan 'in the recommendation he is about to make to congress" on southern restoration. PhrPin general amnesty to persons involved in the lato wepeiuon, at an equivalent for nexro Bufftage. It further appears that "strong influences have been brought to bear on the Pi esideut to Induce him to modify his views" in relation to this suffrage-amnesty plan, but that "he has posi tively declined to aceede ta such influences." The whirligig of politics brings together strange bedfellows, as in the case of Captala Botls and Captain Tyler sleeping together under the sama blanket; but not even the most vision ary politician ot 18ti5 dreamed that Chief Justice Vlwe, .on the question of nero euifrage, would THE DAILY EVENING TELKGKAFD.-tiliLADELFIIlA MONDAY, DECEMBER 3, ' 11860. "coincide.'' with PicsUent Johnson in 1866. We accept the Present's now departure as an ap proach to a reconciliation witn Congress, and perhaps the Cbinl Justice may be alftneg at this object. It must not be forgoitiu, however, thit hough thrown in the bacSarrouud by rnident Lincoln's superior claims and popularity in 8G4, Chief Justice Chase is still supposed to be rooking, to the Presidential succession; and that In this view, in 1865, wltn the collapse, of the 1 Rebellion, bo was first in the field as mis sionary in the Sonfth, in favor ot universal suf frage, negroes and all. We must not forget that General Grant stands on the amendment plat form, and that the Chief Justice may be aiming to et up another. ' 1 As to Southern restoration, it is a matter ol no material Importance whether the Chief Jus tice coincides with the President or opposes his plan, lnai-much as the plan or Congress hns been approved by the reponsible States and people of the Union, thus making It the duty or Congress to co-operate with said States and people to engraft this plan upon the Constitu tion as tho supreme la of the land. Tbe plan of a general amnesty in exchange for universal or impartial suffrage does not reach the case, and unless put into the Federal Constitution w ill amount to nothing; and so with every other plan. Virginia or South Carolina, lor examole, may aeree to anything and everything you pro- fose as terms of restoration to-day; but unless bis agreement be fixed in the supreme law of the land, she may reject everything the day alter her restoration to Congress. Tbere is no security lor the future short of a reconstruction of the Constitution ttself, and this is the secret of tbe astonishing unanimity and (orce witu which tbe loyal States have endorsed the plan of Co ogress. It is as plain, too, as any conclusion from the rules of logic, lnw, maiUematics, or common sense, that 11 the States excluded from Congress have no right to a voice in Congress as they stand, they have no rleht to a voice In revising the Constitution. Their ratifications of the amendments abolishing slavery amount to nothing, notwithstanding Mr. Seward's otlicinl proclamation ot their validity. They are null and void, because, if those States were not legally restored, they had no right to be Included in the ratification; and, If leaally restored, the Presi dent had no right to coerce them to a ratifica tion. Rut this does not affect the amendment, which, by the approval of three-fourths of the States de facto and dejtwe constituting the Gov ernment of the United states, has been made part and parcel ot the Constitution. We presume that one of tho first acts of the two Houses ol the approaching session will be a declaration to this effect. It is fully authorized by the overwhelming popular verdict of tbe States holding the Government. With such a declara tion, too, resting upon a judgment concerning the status of the late Reoel States wbich has been rendered by the Supreme Court since the war, we can have this Constitutional amend ment ratified and this controversy thus substan tially settled, before the final adjournment of this Congress on the 4th of March next. Thus settled, if the excluded States do not choose voluntaiily to accept the amendment in the re organization ol their local governments, they will become subject to Congress as unor&auized territories, and thus subject to a reeoustruition even in the matter of their boundaries. From the Southern iournals, from the letters of our Southern correspondents, and from all other sources of information from the outside States, it is apparent that their ruling classes have settled doivn into tbe dogged resolution to do nothing to help themselves lo a readmision into Congress. They have lallcn into the serious mistake, that if they do nothing Congress can do nothing with them. But let South Carolina inirtiiQa that by this pol'cy of "ma-terlv in activity" sue may be mArpcr ty onnm. part of a vast unorganized territory into tbe new territory of North Carolina, and she will be apt to realize the dangers of doing nothing to regain her character aud to retain her boundaries as a State. Danerers, we say; tor tbe power and the authority are with Congress, aud the will may next appear if no other remedy is offered the will to reconstruct the 8tates concerned as a part of a vast unorganized ter ritory recovered by arms from a hostile Gov ernment and occupied by an Intractable people. The controversy Is drifting in this direction, and whatever may be the individual opinions of the President or tbe Chief Justice, tne all-important facts still stand out in bold relief that the Thirty-ninth Congress, which pased the pending amendment by a two-thirds vote in each Ilonse, and the Fortieth Congress, just elected, are substantially the same, and that between them tbe power of Congress over the excluded State is fixed to the end of President Johnson's term of office. IVUcre tlic Plncli Hurts. From the World. We have contended steadfastly that the Demo cratic party holds the strength of tbe political situation. Now that our opponents begin to realize that fact, we shall hope to see soma slightly terrified Democrats at the West and East pluck up their drowning honor by the locks. We hold the strength of the political situa tion, because to-day a large majority of all the people of the United States are Democrats; because in the Northern States Democrats, although in a minority, are so near to a ma jority that a trifling change would shift the balance of power; because that minority has maintained Itself steadfast and immovable against the persecutions of a lawless adminis tration; against a uemuruii&iug lunuuou oi paper money; against the influence of a system of national bunks; against the power ot patron age distributed in every part oi tue country; aeainst the tide of fanaticism which bas re peatedly submerged its unmoved phuluuxes. We hold the strength of the political situation, because tbe principles tnus steaiiiasiiy held, ot a liberal and progressive Democracy, are tho only recourse which the nation has from the difficulties into which it has (alien. Republi canism has been tried and lound wanting. It neither gives union nor peace to the people, nor desires to give them, nor can. Upon all the issues of the future free trade, a sound currency, and what not it is unques tionable that a liberal progressive Democracy will command the hope and confidence and trust of tbe people of tho North as well as of the people of the South. All the progress of all the peoples ot the earth is in the direction whither Democracy leads tho way. Upon the issues of the present hour Demo crats, although unable to be victorious, are able to checkmate their opponents utterly. The complete political dead-lock to which we have to often pointed the attention of the country, long denied, is now confessed, even by the leading radical organs. Says the Jri wine: "The loyal North has demonstrated her ability to keep the Rebels out of Congress; the Rebel South has likewise proved her power to prevent indefinitely the due ratification of the Constitutional amendment. This dead-look affords to tne more penerous aud lur seelng minds of cither section an opportunity which, once lost, may never return." Heie the fact ot a complete dead-lock: is ad mitted, although not fairly represented. The North is not "loyal" when it excludes the Southern States Irom their ri;:ht to be repre sented. The South is not "Reoel" when it has laid down its arms, renewed its allegiance in every manner of public and responsible avowal; and Kentucky, Maryland, and Delaware, always "loyal" States (not to mention Oregon, whoso assent to the Howard amendment was procured bv a radical fraud), join the ten "Rebel" Slates in refusing their assent to that botched, inequitable scheme for a re-distribu-tion of political power. But the point to which we ask attentiou is that the dead-lock is, bv the radicals themselves, confessed to be complete. But it is the radicals upon whom it is incum bent to move or perish. Theirs is the affirma tive, the Initiative; and what can tbey do 1 What can Congress do! The Democrats have only to standstill. The South has only to stand s til. They have no administrative responsibilities; tbey have no duty, as they have to power to do anything else but stand itdl. And what will be the consequence of thatf la the first place, they have nothing to fear Control of the suffi age cannot be forced out of the hands of Hie States, nor grasped by Con errss, axcrpt by an amendment to tbe Consti tution, which tblrteeu States can and will check mate. New penalties for treason are iuinossibie -from the prohibition to pass ex pott faalo laws. The old penalties have been remlued by tne L President's proclamation Of amneslv and bla Individual pardons. j.ne Biuinero (state uov ernments cannot be upset, because Congress never comes in contact with them except in Judging ot their Competency to furnish creden tials to members of tnat body. In the next place, the radicals may undertake to impeach Mr. Johnson. The attorn pt would fail of succors. The requisite malorities could haTdly be dracooned Into line for such a pur pose, in either House, were the markets of tbe nation, were the public tranquillity, were our system ot commercial credit, were our foreign relations, able to be" indifferent to, and unat fected by, its undertaking. But they are not. Tbe mere attempt would impart tbe wildest fluctuations to prices, would blight, with a freez ing chill, our commercial credit, and exhibit internal weakness to tbe world, which, in the delicate state of our international relations, more than one foreign power would hasten to avail itself of. In every personal and partisan point of view. Mr. Johnson has reason to pray lor an attempt at bis Impeachment. It is In no otber sense than as a patriotic citizen and Pre sident that he has it to lear. The country would uphold him, and be as one with him, and would feel itself to be Impeached. Finally, every hour this dead-lock is prolonged does no harm to the South beyond tbe continu ance ot its present deprivations. But to tbe radicals the prolonged dead-lock Is ruin. Thev must do something. They are responsible for dhuidon; they can only rid themselves of tho responsibility by permitting the Union to restore itelf. They are the sole impediment. Disunion is defeat to them. The Union is death to them. Multiplying ami Replenishing. From ihe Timti. An evening contemporary assures us that in the forthcoming Report of tho Geucral Land Office, it is shown conclusively that in thirty-four years from the present date the population of United States will hare grown to 100,000,000. One would think this a moderately extensive glance into the future of the country, even for a buieau officer who makes annual returns, But the Commissioner goes much further in summing up the unborn millions that are to people these States. He finds that by the time we have got as far into the next century as we arc Into the present, this Republic will have an actual population of 300,000,000; and that, a century beyond that again, there will be a sjlid mass of 2,000,000,000 human beings jammed into our ratnor nmitea territory, sometuin?, we sup pose, abiul the density of a Tammany ratifica tion meetine. If this is intended as a compliment or consola tion, either to the present generation or to pos terity, wo take leave on the part of both to say, "No, thank yel" A belief in tho possible cor rectness ol the Commissioner's figures would in volve the agreeable contemplation of the immi gration into tbe United States of every sort of numnn creature from the three continents and all the islands ot the Eastern hemisphere; and even with that assistance in replenishing this comment, the reproductive process would havo to go on, we take it, at a rate which eveu the sagacious Maltbushad not computed. The Governor of Colorado, taking this esti mate of the national growth for his guide, need have no fear that the immeasurable wealth of 0,r?r,r:Jr"4.""C'.bI.wUL Inn remain uuueveiuueu: aim iiooaoiy do is one ot me few men in the country that will not be more or less surprised to nearot tne pace at which we are driving towards a general absorption et the human family. There is some cause of thank fulness to those of us who are not enamored of crowds, m the reflection that the jam will not occur just Immediately. We shall still have breathing-room fora few years longer, even if tne pe pung ot tne Holy ijauo by New England rarmers makes out stow progress. "Universal Suffrage aud Universal Aiu- ut-Hty." From the Nation. The question what is to be done In case the South persists, during the coming winter, in rejecting the Constitutional amendment, derives additional importance from the results of tha elections in Delaware and Maryland, rendering the passage of the amendment by the Northern States, properly so-called, lor the present Impos. sible. Are we to wait lor the admission of new , States, governing the South meauwbile as a dependency, and leaving the controversy as tj its reorganization to rage, as it now rages, for an Indefinite period ? Not if there be any other possible road out of the difficulty. Are we, then, to give up the amendment aud propose something else which the South may find less hard to swallow ? To this tbe Irihune and several other journals seem ready to answer ?es, and the something they propose is what bey call "universal amnesty in return for unl veisal suffrage," that is, an act of general par don and oblivion in exchange for a general bestowal of the suffrage on the blacks. The objections to this which suggest them selves at first blush are, that it would leave us without any guarantee for tbe acquiescence of the South in the payment ot tbe Union debt and the repudiation ot the Confederate debt; that it would permit tbe return to Congress and to office ot every man, still alive and well, who figured proounently in the Rebellion, not ex cepting Wade Hampton and scores of others who never lose an oppoitunity of declaring that the allegiance they owe to the United States is of the same nature and binding on their con sciences to the same degree, as that which a traveller owes to a band of brigands who h.tvo carried him off, and are holding bim for ransom; that not only would tho public credit bo thus seriously shaken, but the immediate return to Congress of the old Southern set would pave tho way lor a renewal ot tbe alliance between the Secessionists and the Northern Democrats, who, as the late elections have shown, have not aban doned any principle or pretension tbey ever put forward. To these arguments the Tribune replies by the assurance that if we give tho negro the ballot, be will not only take care of himself, but take care of tho Union; will not only see that tha public debt Is respected, but that the enemies of tbe Union are not returned to Congress; and will, in fact, display such intelligent and effec tive devotion to our Governmeot as will enable us at once to leave the Soutb to itself. It Is hardly necessary for us to repeat here the opinion we have so often expressed, that, taking the lowest possible view of the question, tbe Federal Government is bound by every con sideration of justice, honor, and decency either to see that the freedmen enjoy complete secu rity, or to furnish them with the means of pro tecting themselves. In other words, we are bound either to give the freedmen a police to see thut every man of whom we claim alle giance can eat or sleep in peace or we are bound to see that he enjoys a fair share in the laws and the selection of tha officers who are to execute them. There is no way of escaping from this dilemma. Tbe plan which Mr. Beecher and the Evening Post have been pro- Eounding, of leaving the fate or tho blacks to e decided by the progress ot civilization and the "laws of political economy," Is, to speuk plainly, ftlitterfng absurdity. No civilized government can dare to look in the face a man ot whom it claims allegianoe, taxes, and military service, and tell him he must trust for the safety ot his life and limbs, and ot the fruits of bis industry to the geueral la v of human progress. It might as well tell him to trust to the attraction of gravitation ot Spencer's law ol evolution. If the Union be a nation, and not a confederation, as the blacks have helped to prove by the most conclusive of all argu ments, our Government owes to thoee who can aet it in no otber way that one thing for which, all rovernmcnts exist, and for which no national government in Christendom ban ever yet denlei its responsibility-security for person and pro- i pe rty. Tbt, as wo have said, we can supply either by tbe provision of a rood, police, or by me aomission ot tne Diae.KS tosucna suaraiu tbe management of State affairs that the; ian provide a police for themselves. The former, of these courses is not strictly in accordance with the spirit of our institutious; tbe latter is. lnt it we refuse to follow either, we acknowledge, plainly as possible, the soundness of the seces sionist theory, that the claim of the Stite on the allegiance ot its citizens is paramount, and that tbe Union is a mere agent for the distribution ol letters, the regulation of oommcrce, and the transaction or Dusincss with foreign powers, I wniie acknowledging, noever, that tne bestowal of the franchise on the blacks, igno rant or degraded though many of them no, would provi le them with that security which is the basis of all progress and civilization, We think tbe notion that It would of Itself do much more than this that it wonld protect our Gov ernment or our credit against assaults in the lorum at the bands ot thoe whom we nave defeated on tbe field is a delusion; and we arc satisfied that, it acted on in settling tbe ques tion ot reconstruction, our children's children will find abundant reason to mourn over it. Long advocacy ot the claims of the negro to tbe common rights of humanity, and long resistance to the base attempts which have been made lor centuries, and are still made, to place him not only lowest In the scale of humanity, but even below It altogether, bave not unnatu rally begotten In tbe minds of many of his jrienos a tendency to rate mm even nieuer tnan the average ot other races, to treat him as an exception to the rules by wnich other races are coverned. and to affirm his abifitv to resist influences under whioh white men hav9 suc cumbed. We see this now in some of the arguments put forward in deleose of negro suurage. Ttte franchise is constantly spoken of as if, in tbe nana ot the ncgio, it would possess an occult power of somo kind, like a talisman, that would enable tho most ignorant and benighted black to do with it what no ignorant or be nighted white has ever succeeded in doing. It is treated, in short, to use a well-known simile. as If, in the hands of tbe black, it would be a cross bow Irom which the weakest could send a bolt as far as the strongest, while it is acknowledged In the same breath that in the bands of a man of any other race it is an ordi nary bow, from which the flight of the arrow is regulated by the strength of the arm which has pulled tbe string. How, we maintain that the ballot will do for the negro what it docs for tho poor Ignorant Irishman, or German, or Englishman, but no more. It will secure him againbt flagrant clas legislation, or cruel or unusual punishments, and against all oppression which is on its face opprecsivc. It will do more than this; it will cause politicians and public men sheriffs, policemen, and the whole race of functionaries, actual and expectant to treat him with civility, even with deference. It will put a stop to out rages and assaults of various kinds on negroes, and to all open expressions of contempt for them or dislike ot tbem. They would have It in their power to Inflict so much Injury on their open enemies, in one way or another, that it would become the habit, even ot good society, to be careful about reviling tbem. Aud it would have tbe effect of raising tbem in their own esti mation, of giving tbem a sense of their roan hood, ol their importance as members of civi lized soaiety, and although we admit they would not for some time possess this sense iu a very high degtce, they would acquire it, and in acquiring it make an immense step In advance along tbe path of civilization. But more than this the ballot will not do for the Legro. It will not make him a good Judge of the value or importance ot measures not bearing directly and patently on his personal comfort or codiiki it iii BOt enable him to tell tbe difference between etateaaeu and demagogues; between honest public men and knavish public men; between his own real frienJs and his real enemies; to distinguish laws contrived by scoundrels lor his spoliation, under a show of immediate benefit, and schemes contrived by statesmen for his peimanent ad vantage, though entailing temporary inconve nience; and it will give him no sense whatever of the importance of the public credit or of the sacredness of national pledges. This sense is one of the lost results of political and moral training. Moreover, to maintain that the ballot alone would do all these things lor him, would be not simply to fly In the lace of all history, of all our own experience of human nature, butot the very doctrine which has been preached from tbe earliest period down to the year 1861 as the very foundation of our political system the doctrine that democratic Institutions must rest on education. The doctrine of the all-sufficiency of the ballot was invented last year, and until we hear something better in its defense than mere declamation, we must regard "universal suffrage and universal amnesty" as a mere quack remedy, roost ot the virtue ot which, like some of tbe popular "bitters" and pills, lies in tbe sound of the name. "Universal suffrage" has been tried at the North, we think, with eminent success; but it has nowhere prod uced the effects which some people expect it to produce at the South, unless when coupled with education. The interest of the poor whites ot the slave States has always been opposed to that of tbe great planters, and there was not a very cordial leelmg between them either, aud yet that did not prevent the slaveholders from dragging the poor whites to the polls, year niter year, to vote for their own degradation, and irom liDally dragging tbem into a bloody war lor the main tenance ot an institution in which they had no sort of Interest. We all acknowledged, until very recently, that in this instance, at least, the ballot of itself did not preserve men even of our own race the only race, be it remembered, which bas long succeeded in maintaining popu lar institutions from being made tbe instrument of their own oppression. Pennsylvania was for many years the great Northern stronghold of. pro-slavery Democracy. There was no State in which an old pro-slavery politician was surer of a hearing and a welcome. The ignorant whites voted the proslavery ticket, year alter year, wit h blind constancy ; and no change was effected until the common school system lor which Thaddeus Stevens, who for this only, if ho had done nothing else, onght to be loved and honored, had labored for a quarter of a century was first established in 18&4. Since then tbe redemption of the State has steaoily advanced. Whatever there is of excel lence in the society or government of Massa chusetts, is undoubtedly due to thejtact that she has not relied on tbe ballot only to elevate her citizens or purify her politics.. In New York city tbe foreign population all vote; and Fer nando Wood and John MorrUsey do not go about cudgelling, robbing, or murdering the lrisb, or burning their shanties down. On tho contrary, they treat them with great deference; are never weary of nattering them, giving them office, and distributing money or jobs amongst them; but they find no difficulty, nevertheless, io securing (he support of the Irish, year after year, for the worst schemes aud worst func tionaries that ever afflicted a civilized com munity, and for tbesuccessful conduct of cor rupt oreanUaiious irom wbich the Irish suffer, pei happ, more than any other clas in the city. Tbe demagogues know perfectly well thut it Is lar easier to rob and maltreat an ignorant voter by making him speechess than by putting a pistol to his head. In short, we might go over the whole Union, county by county, aud show that the ballot iu tbe hands of an untaught population furnishes no protection whatever eveu against the worst enemies of the electors, those who make a trade of cheating them with flattery and falsehood. It cures voters against personal outrage, but it does not always secure them even the nieuns of learning schools were almost forced upon tbe Ignorant counties of Pennsylvania and It does not secure them againbt the wiles of dema gogues. Now. if we absolve the Southern leaders from all their sins, and arm tho blacks with the bal lot, the first result will be that the persecution of the freedmen will instantly cease. So far, so good. But at the same time the Southern poli ticians will go to work diligently to cultivate the good-will of the negroes to practise on tLeir preludlces, on their ignorance, on their weaknesses ot all kinds. At this game they will cenhinly beat all competitor. Tbey will be on the soot, at everv tavern, at every crcs road, on every plantation, bring lug to near on a population bound to tbem by varions sorts ot lus nil the aits ol the most adroit and accom- plUhed canvassers. ' 1 They have the lelrure, the training, and the experience tecespsry lor the work, and will do it thoroughly. Our orators will not go down to confend with them. Probnblv tbelr lives would not be iaie it they did. By way of countei actinv their schemes, and keeping alive the fidelity of, the treedmen to the Union and to liberty, we shall deliver lectures at lvccnms In 'Jiew. ..Euglaud .and ..the . Northwest, stirring naranpue at tne uooper instttnte, new xork, and publish ardent editorials in the Tribune and Ind pendent, which ha f a million of Northern whiles will read, but never a Southern black. Docs my calm and candid observer suppose that; alter five years ot this sort of regime, wo tbould not have completely lost the new con etltuency we are now calling Into existence; that the negroes would not be driven Into the Southern net just as complctclv as the igno rant whiles of the South and tbe Ignorant Irish of tbe North have been T We must, when tho negro Is enfranchised, if we mean to "Notlbernize" the Soutb, keep him wllhvn the reach of our Influence, of our news- tapers, of our book, of our speeches and ser mons. Tbere is only one way of doing this, and that is by insistit g tnat, wncn allowed to vote, he shall be taught to read, so that, when he lis tens to the sophistries of the local demacrotrues. he may be able to receive also our antidote, to enter into tbe public life ot the Xorth, keep the, run ot our ideas, learn to judge men and inci sures bv our standard, and. in short, become ia fact, aid not in form only, a member ot our body politic. Much may bo done, and is done, towards educating bim by the volunteer efforts of the freedroen's aid associations; ten times as much might be done if these bodies received a fair amount of public support. But we profit aeainst any grant of a general amnesty in return for a universal suffrage which does not require, as part and parcel ot the arrangement, that the Southern States shall provide their poor. of all classes and colors, with a good system of education. This oueht not to be left optional. We eo further,- and say that we believe It to be now possible, ior the first time in our historv it mav be never so again to make Federal voting dependent on ability to vote intelligently. The South would very probably fall in with it. The class which such a qualification would exclude at the North would be very small, and the dis qualification would be only temporary, A short tcim might De allowed to the dunces to learn, and, as far as tbe negroes are concerned, all that the Immediate possession of the IrancliUe would do lor their comfort and security would be done quite as effectually by the ceitalntv that they were to possess It at a certain fixed time in tbe future, say not more than two years hence. And the formal legal adoption before the world of such a basis for our institutions; the abolition of every test, or distinction, or discrimination, except the ability to follow in telligently the workines of public opinion, the processes by which it is shaped, enuoblcd, aud made fruitful, would make the struggle from which we Lave just emerged tbe most complete as well as most splendid contribution to human progress eve"r witnessed. We do not sav that an educational test of this kind would be effectual in excluding all the ignorant or corrupt from the polls, or filling congress witn sages ano saints, rue millen nium cannot be introduced even bv an amend ment to the Constitution. Nor do we say that such a test could be worked without difficulty, because nothing which is intended to make the world any better or purer than it i, ever worked without great oitucuity. SHIPPING. -rpH STEAM TO LIVERPOOL CALLING aUiIUM.st tjueemtown The Inuian Line, aauliuT mu-i-Ktikly, earn Iiih tbe United Mates mul l "criY Or BJlLTlHbKti Saturday, December 8 CITY OF COKK" Wednesday, December 12 t l'IY OKPAR18" Miurux, December 18 1111 01 jsj.v 1 nn rtaiuruay. iieceuiuer a and fath succeeding i-atnrday and Wednesday, at K-slKS OK PSSAUE Ht tbe malt steamer a.illnff atmt fiafnrdav. Fbst Cabin, Hold ,$90 bteerage urrency f la lo London 95 1 To London 40 To Pans 10ft I To Paris flfl Passaae by tbe M tdnefdny steamers : First cabin, 00 1 steerage, S30. l ar able In l ulled Btates cur rency. l'assengersa'so forwarded to Havre, Dambarg, Bre n en, etc., at moderate rates. bteerage passage Horn Liverpool or Oneenntown, S4V cuirency. J kktts can be Lougat here by persons send in? fur tbelr friends. For mriher inioimatlon apply at the Company t O flees. JUilS G DALE Afrent. 8 7 Ho. IU WALNUT Htreet, 1'bUada. ffffr STAR LINE TO NEW ORLEANS. Tbe Sew York "it ail Steamship Company'slne ocean steameis wUl leave Pier 46 NOKTU RIVER, Sew 1 ork, at S o'clock P. 11., as follows WOltMKO bTAR On Saturday MOTE KEY On Wednesday HAVANA On Haturoay illSbOCKi On Wednesday All bills of lading signed at tbe effloe upon tbe pier, lor freight or passage apply to C. K. GABRISON. President, - QAJU.H I WltlW ALLKy, 10 19 4p Ho. 5 BOWLl-NG UREEN, Hew York. H. L. I.KAF, Agent. Office Adams' Expresv, So. SO) C'besnut street. rffffo ATLANTIC COAST MAIL STEAnjjrjilXES, B EMI-WEEKLY, FOR ' ' ' NORFOLK AKD RICHMOND, cabins........ Sfi and S8 t HAhLtHlON, cabm econdcia8 SlU BA VAMAH, cabin 25. Second class. 13 Every BATVRDAY, bur line for , -XfcW ORLEANS Direct NEW ORLEANS First ca bin . .b0 Si cond uUln..t40. -lec id clans. .si) 1 trtt cabin.. 10. Second cabin.. 40. Second olaaa.. Aj VV tin UDSurp arecd accommodations to either oiaaa. . Fol lreikbt or patsage, apply to ALLEN K. 1 IIOHAg CO., 10 19 4p Ko. 6 EOWL1SG GliEfcS, 'ew York. 9LflZZs FOB NEW YORK. PHILA DEL' ar?isai7iiil 1 deU.bJa bteam Propeller Company Do .f t.icu t-wiiinure Lines.vla Delaware aud Karllau Canal, le a log dai y at 1'i 11. and 6 p. M., connecting with all tiortl.i rn and tlaatern lines. For freikbt, which wl" be taken upon aocommodaiins terms, atply to WILLIAM 11. it A IUD ic CO., lid ho W2 8. DELA WAR Avenue yPfSL TO SHIP CAPTAINS AND OWNERS. JLikti Ibe uuden-lgned having leased the K.K.N- ti,xoiUJ otKIW DUCK., news to Inform bis ftienas ana tbe pations 01 tbe Dock ibat be la prepared wtib liiereaBed lacllitles to aooonimodute those having vessels to be talsed or repair", and being a mactlcal sblp-rar-piuier and cau.ker, will give personal attention to the vessels entrusted to him lor repairs l aptalua or Avents. bhlp-Carpentets and UacblnlsU bavUig vessels to repair, a.e solicited to cail. llaviug tbe agency fur tbe sal of "Wettrrstedt's Patent Wela.lo Composition" lor Copper paint, tor tne preservation of vessels' bottoms, for this ci . 1 aw pre ptred to lumlsb Utesaine on lavomble terms. John u haukitt, Kenslnxton Screw Dock, 11$ DELAWARE Avenue above Laurel street HARD RUBBER ARTIFICIAL UUbh, Arms, Legs, Appliances tor . ueioniiiiy, eio. eio. j nese LiaiDsarei tranmerred from lire In lonn andnt; are tbe lluhtesL. most durable comfort able, oerieot. and artisuo substitutes 1 yet Invented '1 bey are approved and adoDted bv the United Stales Govern ment and our principal Sumeous. Patented August loNii Atay W, ibta; May 1, ibob. ?" Ho. (38 ARCH btreet, Philadelphia. Pamphlet free. 8 27tfn ALEXANDER O. C ATT ELL & CO FBODCCI COMMISSION MERCHANTS, to. M SORTH WHABVXd, , AMD I KO. 17 KORTB WATER STREET, PHILADELPHIA. 1 AUXISDM O. OAXTKU. .. ; UMAaT ft. CAT PRIVY WELLS OWNERS OP PROPERTY-. The only place to get Privy Weill cleaned and 4 s nfected at very low price. . A. PEYSOW, i ., . , MiMiufaetarei of Poadretie - 101 '.' CQLDSmiiia' UAiX,, liAX stmt , rrsv 18. FINANCIAL. BANKING HOUSE OS? TayiTV. okr &(fo J O 4 - UC 112 and 114 So. THIRD ST. PHILAD'A, Dealers in al Government Securities 1 OLD D-20s WANTED IN EXCHANGE FOR NEW. I A LIBERAL DIFFERENCE ALLOWED. Compound Interest Notes Wantei nriEREST ALLOWED OJT DEPOSIT. Col'ectlor.sruaJe. Kt Oct a bought d Bold on Com oils cn 0 Mlm tie .'a tuilcc i aeccmmoda"v"s tarred lor ladle),' 5-203, 7 3-lOs, 1881s, ; 10403, COUCHT AKD SOLD. ; DE HAVEN & BROTHER; Ko. 40 SOOTH THIRD ST. NATIONAL EXCHANGE BANK Capital $300,000, Full Paid, HAS REMOVES TO ITS 1 NEW BANKING HOUSE, Nos. 633 and 635 CHESNUT St. A. EOD rmident Jobs W. CiLr.ctGB, Cashier. 117 yiLLIAM PAIXTER & CO.,' BANKERS, No. 3G South THIRD St; Government Securities Bought and Sold) August 7. 30s, And Old 5-QOs?, CONTESTED INTO FIVE-TWENTIES OE 1865, And Uie no k D.ud delivered Immediately. cm loans BouaaT and sold. A r fci'i J5 Kill 1 : rb gfc. 3d gft., in. f)J . ?P. Stfriit!l!fiA and clelryz ipxclixuiQe, cmxt trtemjLtU af flarc and .c& QxcfiangeA i'jx Lati cUlcA. -W JhxauntA. af gxtnlcX and. t&anlicU. ieceuued an. iiueiQl teUnA. 3, )A VIES brothers; No. 225 DOCK Street, BANKEIIS AND BROKERS. BUI AH SS1L ' UNITED STATES BONDS, ALL 13 tfCS. , AUGUST, Jl'JSE, and JOLT 7 -10 BOIES. COMPOUND IHTEBKBT NOTES. u AUGUST 7 -10 MOTES COMMUTE IK TO TO W s-MBO-'-DS, ; it eroaotlle F aper and Loans on Collateral negotiate Buck Bought sua Bold a Commission. 1 QOMPOUND INTEREST NOTES, ' jantjaey coupons, bought and sold. , STERLING, LANE & CO, BANKEKJS, ' 9 6 tflSp No. 110 Soutb THJJU) BUttU ' WHISKY, BRANDY, WINE, ETC. NATHANS & SONS IMPORTERS or BRANDIES, WINES, QINff, ' ' Etc Etc. ' : ' " No. 18 North FRONT Street, tmLAVKWUlA MOflSB KATHAUB, HORACa A. XATHAMB, OXLAMPO P. HA'iBASS. M 2f ' JpRED. BALTZ & CO., , IMF0RTEBS OF WINES, GINS, Eto SOLE AGENTS FOB ' T " Riviere, Cardat &. Co.'a. COGNAC , , ' ' Ho. 11 WALNUT ttTIlKUT; i -HILl FBI. ' iiH ",,'
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers