THE DAILY EVENING TELEGEArl!. PfilLAtELPIIlA, THURSDAY, APRIL 5, 180C. CIVIL RIGHTS BILL. WHY ITSHOULD DE PASSED OVER THE VETO. j Speech or (be Hon. Lyman Trum bull, Senator from Illinois, j I The veto message being taken up, Mr. Trumbull Mill: Mr. President, I fully share with the President ; of the United States In the regret expressed that be is onable lo sign the bill to protect all persons la the United States in their civil rights, and to i furnish the means of their vindication. I regret it on my own acconnt because of the disappoint ment, and because the just expectations raised when this bill was presented to the President, tx-fore lis introduction into the Senate, hare been disappointed; I regret it on the President's ao count, because It is calculated to alienate him from tboe who elevated him to power, and who have gladly rallied around bis administration to sustain him In the principles upon which he was elected; bat above all, sir, 1 regret It for liberty's sake, to secure which, to ourselves and onr posterity, this , government was fouuded. Bat If the bill Is un constitutional and unjust to the whole people I ' ' would not have had the President sign ft. That Its provisions are not unjust to the whole or any portion of the people, nor unconstitutional, I shall endeavor to show by a candid and dispassionate review and examination of the President's various Objections. . He begins these objections with the very first ' lines of the bill, which declare that all persons born in the Unitttd States, and not subject to any foreign Power, except Indians not taxed, are de clared citizens of the United States. The bill as' originally introduced did not contain this pro- . -vision. It was believed by myselt and many ethers that all native born persons since the aboli tion of slavery were citizens of the United States. This was tho opinion the ofllcial opinion of Mr. ' Dates, tbe Attorney General of Mr. Lincoln's ad ministrationthe opinion adopted by his admin istration, and acted upon since by all the depart ments of the executive government, including the Secretary of State, who has issued passports to persons of color, recognizing them as citizens. It was the opinion expressed by Mr. Marcy, when Secretary of State, that all persons born in the United States were citizens of the United States; . k not referring, of course, to slaves slavery at tnat time existing in tbe country. The President does not object to this declaration in the hill as unconstitutional. He does, however, ay that it does not purport to declare or confer any other right of citizenship than Federal citizen chip. It does not purport, he says, to give these classes of persons any status as citizens of States except that which may result from their status as citizens of tbe United States. Tbe power, he adds, - to confer the right of State citizenship is just as exclusively with the several States as the power to declare tbe right of Federal citizenship Is with Congress. Now, sir, we all know that no State lias the authority to make a citizen of the United States. The Constitution of the United States -vests with Congress the sole power of naturaliza tion, and it may make a citizen of a foreigner, bat 7 so State can make a citizen of the United States ot v a foreigner. But Is it true, sir, that when a Serson becomes a citizen of the United States, that e is not also a citizen ot the State, wherever he v! jnay be residing. On this point I will refer to a decision pronounced by the Supreme Court of the United States, delivered by Chief Justice Mar shall, the most eminent jurist who ever sat upon the American bench, in the case of Oasse against Hallow, reported in the sixth of Peters' reports. The Chief justice; In delivering the opinion of the ., Court, says. "The defendant in error Is alleged in the pro ceedings to be a citizen of the United States, natu ralized in Louisiana, and residing therein. This is equivalent to an averment that be is a citizen of that State. A citizen of the United States residing in any State of the Union is a citizen of that State. This was the only point in the case." This is the opinion of the highest tribunal in the country, pronounced by the most eminent man that ever aat upon the Bench in America. ' ' Mr. Johnson, of Maryland Will the Senator ' give me the page? Mr. Trumbull Page 701. But, sir, unless this authority is to be disregarded, the President of the United States is mistaken in his law. It is not ' true that when a man is made a citizen of the ' United States he is not a citizen of every State. Tbe President next alleges that tbe right of Fede ral citizenship thus to be conferred on the several excepted races before mentioned Is now for the J , . Jirst time proposed to be given by law. Now, air, this is a mistake, not of the law, but a niisappre---bension of fact; and it will appears by references to which I shall call the attention ot the Senate in a moment, that the President's tacts are as bad as . is law. If the Senator from Maryland (Mr. .Johnson) wishes to take a note of the authority he i find it in Lawrence's Wheaton, on interna- V Jaw and various statutes of the United tiou. x read from page 607; ; fc''8, . been In tile United States severs! cases l "There hi. trJU.Uoa by the annexation of terri er collective m. article of the flrst convention of toriea. By the tti. .noo ,in the ce.wion of Loulsl April50.1R,w th ,i habitants of the ceded . SDt. it is provided that tnto the United States territories to be iicorporu ,,,..tble. according to should be admitted us soon a. v " 'ion, to the en the principle of the Federal OonB"1 'Timnntties of jomient of the rights, privileges ilu . -ilectisto . the United States. A provision to to same v s Spain le found In the sixth article of the treaty wit.. .ticle for tbe purchase of Y lorkla, and by tbe eighth a . v of tbe treaty of '.aia with Mexico; also, by the annex, tlcn of Te--.,'nder s resolution of Congress of March, Wit, in lt, admtBBion into the Union on an equal foot- t: ?$&&fVurtlfiiL. says the authority from Which 1 unote, "may also take place, r a class of per sons, natives of the country or otherwise, who, with out any act on the part of the individuals, may be niade citiieos. In the United States it is incorrect to suppose that aliens, as opposed to citizens, implies foriicners as respects the country. Indians are the subjects of the United States, but they are not there fore oitiKens, nor can they become citizens under the naturalization laws; but they may be made citizens liy lome competent act of the general government, by treaty or otherwise. " , By these various treaties, resolutions and acts or Congress, It will be observed that frenchmen, Span iards, Mexicans and Indiana have all been made citi zens of the United States some of the Very classes of persons rpoken of In this Lil; and yet the President tolls us that this right of Federal citizenship (as if ' -AUere. Si snch a thing as Federal citizenship as con ' tradistinguisbed from State citizuship)-he tells us that it is now for the first time proposed to be gov erned by law. "ir," says the President, "as is claimed fcy many persons, those who are native born already r' v .. ,...., tha donatttntion. citizens of the ' - Uni'ttd States, the passage of the peuding bill cannot . ..- in mftllA tllAIII .llftl .'' But.air.isthePreeidenttolearn now for the first time that that principle ia to be found in tbe very home-boobs of tbe law, that an act declaring what a law ia is one of tbe mont common acts pissed y legis lative bodies? When there is no question aa to- what the law Is, for ita greater certainty it ia the most common thing in tbe world to pass a statute declaring nltiAj. W v ..nlvitnn taw&nrl ailoh WU the ODinion of 1 the Attorney General and Ot the present Secretary ef fetato; auch was the opluinn of Mr. Lincoln's adminls- . t -II itm iloniLrtmAiita- ftnd Bllch I D6lleVe to be the prevailing opinion In the United I Btates-tbat all native lorn persons, not subject to foreign Powers, ! i hv irtn of their birth citizens of the United States. But aome disputed this. Mence, for greater It 1- itpnnAiHd t.t Ttaaa thlB lftW. lt IS - W - made an objection to the passage of the law, and a reason glvu by the President why he cannot approve it. that it is a declaratory act. "But if such Is not the law." says the President, "the irrave question presents itaelf , whether when eleven of the thlrty-sfx Btates are unrepresented in Uougre.s, at the present time it is sound policy tovnske onr entire colored population, and all other excepted -i " ri fi, United Btates." This ia the Undlug objection not urged against all bill", for the ' President tell, us in this message that he has signed some forty tills that have been presented to hlui. Uhilnii maris an objection to this bill? The Presi dent statea no objection aa applicable to thla oartlou larblll. It is a general objection iov Ulicable alike to all bllla; but If there ia anything In It uo bill can pass the Congress of the United Btates un ..i ihiiiiMranr.unuil. Wall. sir. whose fault I. it that eleven States are not representee? Whose .- x fault is it that twenty-five loyal States, which have - ..,..! l. ). TTninn atirl (Inmlltntinn. are to be de prived of their right to legislate? Sir.it Is not tbe Unit of the twenty-live loyal btaita,aud ir the reason urged by the President Is a good one now, it has been a good one all tbe time, lt the fact ot some States having rebelled against the government ia to take from tbe government the right to legislate, why, sir, then the criminal Is to take advantage of his crime, and the innocent are to be punished lor the guilty. within a few davs tha President has Issued a erode nation, not of peace, as the Seuator from Nevada (Mr Stewart) seems to suppose. by no means; not a vroclsuietion that tbe rebellion la over, but that In Ht.ta. it is over. The President does not tell s that Texas, one of the Btatea that were In rebellion. ia in a eondltlou to be represented bere. Sir, if we had to wait for tbe eleven 6tatea1mu.t we not wait for Texas? The same principle would require ns to wait . ir.-. u.,ri -i.a i,aa not vet reorganized nar Dtate government, aud these States whioh have reorganised have not yet bten recognized as having a republican form ot government, entitling them to reereMutation. I ha rl....,,tativea they have cho.en Iron most of those States that have undertaken to reorganize were persona tresh from tbe rebel Congress and from tbe 1 rebel armies; men who could not be admitted bere, u.u..ji.k.n.. nia. ta oath to entitle them to . . U4 ftil lit 19 WW (Us f tai bvia-BU legislation of a enMl character Are the loyal peo ple of this eoontry In he compelled to wait for necaa tary legislation until tbese Btates shall be admitted to representation here, when they refase to send men here txcept those whose bands are dripping with the blord ol loyal men. Are the Vice President of the rebel confederacy and his eolleagnel one of the Henatora In the rebel Congress, to oome here to legislate for the leyal people of thla country? Are the men who Or ganised the government that carried on a four yeara war, as tbe result of which thla nation has had to spend more than four thousand millions of dollars, and as a consequence of which morethan a quarter of a million of men. patriotic heroe. have laid down tbeir lives upon tbe battle-field and In the army hos pitals are ibeae men to come here to legislate for the loyal people of this country? ' Sir, these States can only be represented through State organisations. All members of this body can only be elected by State Legislatures. Members of the Other Borne can only be elected in pursuance of State laws. Dence as preliminary to any representa tion in olther Bouas of Congress it must be deter mined whether there Is a State government; whether there la a State Leeialatnre, having anthority to elect Senators, and having authority to provide laws under which representatives may be elected. There was a time, certainly, when there were no such legislatures In any of these eleven States. There was a time when the only kind of government In any of them was hos tile to the United States; when every member In It had abjnrned hia allegiance to the United Statea and sworn allegiance to a government hostile to thla. Will anybrdy pretend that while a State government Was in these hands it was entitled to representation in either Bouse of Congress? Jf not, ahall we not Inquire whether It has got out of theae hands into the hands cf loyal men? , ....... Sir, this proposition that no bill Is to be passed be cause certain Statea are unrepresented, when It is their own fault that they are unrepresented, would be utterly destructive of the government. Hut then, the President tells aa that tbe bill in effect proposes to discriminate against a large number of Intelligent, worthy, and patrlotio foreigners, and in favor of the negro. Nov, sir, is that true? What is the bill? Why. It declares that there shall be no distinction in civil rights between any other race or color and the white race. It declares that there shall be no different pnnishment Inflicted on a colored man in consequence of bis color than that which is Inflicted on a white, man for the same offence, ia that a discrimination !n favor of tbe negro and against the foreigner, In a bill tbe only object of which is to preserve equality of rights? But perhaps it would be replied to this, that the bill propones lo make a citizen of any person born In tbe United States, and therekire it discriminates in that respect against tbe fore ignera. But, Mr. President, la not a white child who ts born lu the United States a citizen? Ia it not to be pre sumed that there is a discrimination here in favor ot the w bite infant, who Is a citizen tbe moment of its birth, and against the worthy, Intelligent and pa triotic foreigner who emigrates to this country, and, as is suggested by a HeOator behind me, even the child of a foreigner? The Infant child of a foreigner, born in this land, is a citizen long before his father. The President, also, hs an objection to making citizens of Chinese and gypsies. I am told that but few Chinese are bcrn in this country, and where the gypslea are born I cannot toll. Like Topsy, it is questionable, for "They were not born at all. but just come." ( Laughter.) But, Mr. President, perhaps the beat answer to this objection that tbe bill proposes to make citizens of Chinese and gypsies, and this reference to foreigners, Is to be found In a speech delivered In this body by a Senator occupying, i think, the seat now occupied across the Chamber by my friend from Oregon, (Mr. .Wllliama.) less than six year ago. in renlv te a veto - message sent to this body by Mr. Buchanan, the then rreaiaent or the united states, returned with his ob jections what was known as the Homestead bill. On that occasion tbe t'enator to whom I allude said Mr. Sumner What Senator was it? (Laughter). Mr. Trumbull Be said "this idea about poor for eigners somehow or other appears to kaunt the imagi nation of a great many, I nm constrained to any," says the Senator alluded to, "that 1 look upon this objec tion of the bill aa mere quibble on the part ot the Pre sident, and as being hard pressed for some excuse In .withholding his approval of the measure. His allu sions to the foreigners in this connection looks to me more like the ad captandura of the mere politician or demagogue than a grave and sound reason tobeoflered by the President of the United Statea in a veto message upon so important a measure as the ilomestoad bill" Air. fcmnuer Who was tbe Senator? Mr. Titinibull That is tbe language of Senator Andrew Johnson. (Orent laughter.) It is. perhaps, the best answer, though I should hardly have ven tured to have usrd such harsh language in reference to tbe President of the United States as to acense him of quibbling and demogoglng, and playing tbe mere poli tician, in sending a veto message to the Congress of the United Statea. k The President also makes tome other .allusions In this bill of the same character. For Instance, he speaks of the impropriety of marriages between wbltea and blacks, lie 'lien goes on to say: "I dou't say that this bill repeals State laws on the subject of marriage," Well, then, for what purpose Is lt introduced in tlds bill? Not sorely as an "ad captandum argument,, to excite prejudice, or as tbe argument of a demagogue and politician." The President further says: "If it be granted that Ot ngrees can repeal all State laws discriminating be tween whites aud blacks on the subjects covered by this bill, why, it maybe asked, may not (JongreBs to- ?eal In the eame way ail State laws discriminating be ween the two races on the subject of suffrage and of fice. If Congress can declare ty law who shall hold lands, who shall testify, who shall have capacity to make a contract in a State, then Congress can also, by law, declare who.without regard to race or color, ahall have the right toaltaa a juror, or aa a judge, to hold at y off.ee, and finally, to vote in every State and terri tory of the United Statea." Perhaps the best answer, Mr. President. I could give to this would be the answer of Andrew Johnson him self. Be undertook to reorganize State governments in the disloyal States. When he did so, to whom did be extend the right of suffrage? To the blacks? Mo, sir, but be extended the right of suffrage to those au thorized to veto under the laws of those States before tbe rebellion. When nrged to allow the loyal blacks to vote, what was his answer? That he bad no power. That it was nnoonatitutional, but be had power to pro tec' them in their civil rights, aud he did protect them in their civil rights. "Then If lt be true that protection in civil rights car ries with it tbe right of anfliage, what becomes of the Position he assumed when be txtended oivil rights to the negro all through the south, as I ahall presently show, by orders issued by his authority ; and yet he re fused to give them the right of suffrage on tbe ground that he lield no constitutional power to do it that it was a right vested in tbe States with which he conld not interlere. But sir, the grant of civil rights does not, and never did in this country, carry with it political rights, or, more ptoperly speaking, political privileges. A man may be a citizen In this country without the right to vote or without the right to hold office. Tbe right to vote and hold office in the States depends upon the Legislatures of the various Statea; the right to hold cilice under tbe Federal government depends upon the Constitution of the Uuited Status, The President most be a natural born citizen. A Senator, a Representative, must have been a citizen of tbe United States for a cer tain number of years before he can be elected a member - either this or the other Bouse Of (Jpngreaa. So that V. 'act of being a citizen does not quality a person for holdht' oflice necessarily, nor does It necessarily au thorlai A'"1 to vote. Women are eit zens, children are chisel s,Vut they do not eierciee the elective franchise v- virtue ot their citizenship. Foreigners, as is stated f.t ,t 'ceident in his message, before tbeyare natural- OF the A - , I .M In t lio pink.. . . A 1 .... ..ill lzed are rro.. . the right to sue and most of the the right to contrac. -..r r... n v,-..". ihev ro.aea. these rights-the Ha. V mSX and to nold inna, wnicu is me case iu -. f. i ... - . . . . UJUBfc II QUI an the Btates at preaent 1 aay they do not tlK VWJ Tbe rights euumeratea in rue oiuaouot vmi.- " .. them the right to vote. But sir, what rights have elf., r.ena of the United Statea? They have aome. To b t a citizen of the United Statea carriea with it aome rights. W hat arethey ? Why, sir, they are those lnberer'ifcnd fundamental rights which belong to every cit ,I9nnd frAj.niiin in all mmrit riea . .nr.li as the righ t B e. A . Ar aid in this bill, and they belong to citizens i ku the States I ot tbe Union, The right of AmerlaB citizenship J means something, li uoes not uirn in the case oi a foreigner that when he is nature,,!,, he is to be left 1 10 the mercy or State liCgmcnrea. He baa a ngni-, when duly naturalized, to go into any State of tr.e U niteu PIve., , HMWM. illUK tuill law., iriiuo and tho United btates government would protect him In that right, lt would protect a citizen of the United Statea uot only IP one oi ine Biaiea oi iue uuiuu, uui it will protect Dim in foreign tanas, in uio uuicago of Marcy, when Secretary of State, "a citizen in a foreign country ia eutmea to mo iuui pruiecnuu i. CAieuucu vj -. erv.w. u ...... . w -- . In the great essential righte which I have enume rated, theae righta which bolong to citizens, and are kuown as ualuiai riguis,r" ueuueu uj r i,nu, in hia definition of civil liberty, to be no other than natural I berty, so lar reatraiueu oy uuuian iww, out nolorther.than Is necessary and expedient for the general advautage of the putilio. in mis ueuumou oi civil liberty it ought to be understood, or rather ex pressed, that the restraint nuruuucou ur iu iw , equal to all, or as much so as tbe uatoreof tbe law will admit. "K.iualily of rights is the basis of the com monwealth,'' as is said by Kent: and Kent himself, in Breaking of those righta. aaya that "me natural rigms of individuals may be said to be included iu tho right ot personal security, the right of personal liberty, and tti- -l. lt t mnA ai inv nrtinertv." Thnatl rights have moatly been considered and frequently declared by the people of this country to be natural, inherent and inalienable. What are they, air? The right of personal security, personal liberty, and the right to acquire and enjoy property. And these are declared to be inalienable rights belonging to overy citizen or tne unnea statea. no matter wnere ue may be aa a citizen of the United btatea. Kent, in tbe aecond volume of bis Commentariea, aaya: "The privi leges and immunities granted by the Constitution of the United Statea to tbe citlzena of the several States, were to be confined to those wbioh were in their nature fundamental, and belonged of right to tbe citizens of all free governments. " Such ae the rights of pro tection to life aud liberty, and the right to aoquire and enjoy property, . There la a case reported tn tbe lDth of Johnson which foes much further than thla which decldea not simply bat a citizen of the United States, aa auch, is entitled to protection In tbese rights, but his case goes further, -nA nnriiiaa that an alien enemy. Bermittail tn raaida in the country during a time of war, 11 he is allowed to reside here, is to ue protected iu an uiese rignis in oiwina the onlnion of the court In that caa. the eonrt says: "Lawful residence impliee protection and tbe capacity to aue aud be sued." I would like to in quire if the negro is lawfully in tbia country? If not, 1. !.... ha iielouff? Dy ub law oi oaiiuDi mu alien who goea to reaide In a foreign country, so long aa oouducta himself decently, is allowed to continue ...i.,. ti,,ra. nnder the public protection. In theai aa be ue to lame osinion the learned Chancellor aaya;"Tbla is tbe.eablio law of Europe, it ia International law," and any per- . . . . i i :.. ...... - 1 - .1.1... . ... u u rt aiding in iub uuihu uhupu w f.v- teotion of that law by tbe Federal government, be cause tbe Federal government bas jurisdiction olsuch questlona; and. air, if it were uot ao. American citi xenahip would be worth notbiug. What la it worth It it doea not protest the oitlzen In the aame right? How i. it air, that eveiy person boro iu these Uuited Slates aUegiauft Jo the luveruawut vf the United t Ptates? Fevervthlcif that be hM.'nls property. nls life, may be taken by tbe government of the United States In its defence or to maintain the honor of the nation; and can It be, air, that onr ancestors strug gled through a long war to set up tbia government, and that tbe people of our day have etrnggied throngh another war to maintain It, that after all the sacri fices we have made we have got a government which Is all powerful to command obedience of the citizen, but bas no power to afford him protection? Ia that all that thta boasted American citiaenshtp amounts to? So tell It air. to tbe father whose aon was starred to death at Anderaonvllle: to the widow whose husband was alain at Mission Ridge, or to the little boy who leads his blind lather through the streets in your city, who lost bis eyes on the gulf coast. So tell them that this government. In defence of which the aon and the husband fell and tbe father lost his eyea, la a govern ment which baa a right to call theae persons to Its de fence but baa no power to protect Ita frlenda In any right whatsoever. I Sir, It cannot be. finch la not the meaning of onr Constitution such la not tbe meaning of American citizenship. Thla government, which would go to war to protect ita meanest citlsen or Inhabitant in any foreign land whose righta were unjnstly en croached upon, has certainly aome power to protect Ita own oltizena In their own country. I pass from tbe consideration of this first section of the Dili to the second, which Is objected to by tbe Pre sident, as afiordlng discriminating protection to co lored persona. Sir, 1 will read that section, and let ua see if eny of ua can discover these discriminations: "Section X. And be It further enacted, That any per aon who, nnder color of any law, atatute, ordinance, regulation, or custom, ahall aubject, or cause to be anhjected, any Inhabitant of any State or territory, to the deprivation of any right secured or protected by thla act, or to different punishment, paina. or penal ties, on account of auch person having, at any timo, been held In a condition of alavery or involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, or by reason of his color or race, than is prescribed for the punish ment of white persons, shall be deemed guilty of a mis demeanor, and on conviction shall be punished by fine not exceeding oue thousand dollars, or imprisonment notexcetding one year, or both, in the discretion of the court," -Now, can human Ingennlty point ont wherein that section discriminates in tavor of colored persons? lt aaya that "no person shall subject a colored person to a different punishment than that Inflicted on a white f eriou for the aame offence." Does that dlaoriminata n favor? Why, air, the very object of the section is to prevent discrimination. The efleot of it is to pre vent it as well aa Its object, and tbe language, lt does seem to me, could not more plainly express that elfect. It may be said that it la tor tbe benefit of the black man becauae he is in some instances discriminated against by State laws; but that is the case with all remedial statutes. They are for the relief of persons who need relief, not for the relief of those who have a right already; and when those needing relief obtain It they stand upon the precise footing of those who do not need it. There are, however, other and serious objections made to this section, lt is said that It punishes by fine and Imprisonment legialatora wbo pass such con flicting lawa. Let us see if that la the language In the proper constrnctlon of the provisions. 1 will road again tbe first line: "I declare that any person who, under color of any law, ahall aubject or cause to be aubjected any inhabitant of any Mate or territory to the deprivation of any right secured or protected, etc" JNow. sir, wbo Is to be pnniBhed? Is the law to be punished? Are the men who make the law to be punished? Not at all. "If any person nnder color of any law shall aubject a person, "etc., he ia to be pun ished. Who? Why the person who, nnder color of law, commits the offence, not the men who make the law, "If any person under color of any law, atatute, ordinance, regulation or cuetom," etc. In sorue com munities of the aouth a custom prevails by which dif ferent punishment is inflicted upon the blacks than that which Is meted out to the whites for the same offence. This section proposes to punish the community, or to punish the person who under color of such custom commits the offence. It is a monstrous provision of tbe meaning of tbe aeotion to give it any other con struction. But it is said that nnder this provision judges of thecenrts may be punished, and ministerial oflirers may be punished who are engaged in the exe cu ion of any such statute as this; and this is made an objection to the law. Well sir, 1 admit that tbe minlst-rlal officer or judge, if he acts viciously and corruptly in the execu tion of an illegal law, may be and ought to be pun ished; l.nt it he acted innocently, the judge would not bepuniehed. V bet, sir, ia a crime? Why, it is a vio lation ot some public law, to constitute which there must be an aot, and a vicious will in doing the act; or, according to the definition in aome of tho law booka, to constitute a crime tbere must be a violation of a public law coupled with an intent or with criminal ne glect. There must be a uuion and a joint operation of act and intent in order to commit a crime; and the judge w ho, for the purpose of having this question de cided in the Federal courts, should give a decision that would a low the case to be brought up, who acted in nocently and not viciously or oppressively, would never be convicted before any court In Christendom. But, sir, if he afaat viciously and oppressively, I ro pes t be ought ta Im punished, and it ia no novel pro vision to put a statute book. Why, air, very soon after the organization of this government, in the first year of its existence, as long ago as 17U0, the Congress of the Uuited States provided for punishing men who, undercolor of State laws, vio lated the lawa of the United States. I will read from 26th section of an act passed In 17tH): "In case any per son or persons shall aue for or prosecute any auch writ or process, suoh person or persona, and all attorney a and solicitors prosecuting In such case, and all officers executing any such writ or process, and being convict ed thereof, shall be deemed violators ot tbe law of na tion i, and disturbers of tbe public repose, and shall be imprisoned not exceeding three years, or fined a thou eand dollars, at the discretion of the Court." Mr. Trnmbull, after discussing the objections of tbe President to the second section, reviewed other por tions or the veto message. In proof that conflicting legislation existed, and that danger was to be appre hended from conflicting legislation not yet effected, Mr. Trumbull cited official returns of military officers, connected with the Freedmen'a Bureau; of State lsVfa recently enacted in prohibition of the right of the negro to lease or to own land, and other righta secured to them in this bill. lie also referred to the military orders sanctioned by the President, showing the sanfb thing among tbem; those of Oeueral Sickles at Charleston, cautioning the law-making authorities against discriminating against any class of the popu lationdtclaring that all laws should effect alike all the inhabitants of the State, aud that they ahould ex pressly secure in all resptcts equal justice to freedinen aa to all other people. Bis order of the fourth of March declares the exclu sive jurisdiction In all cases affecting freedinen to rest with tbe superior aud circuit provost courts. lie con tinued in illustrations of the frequent exercise of tbese powers under authority of tbe President, and as sumed a radical change in the President's opinions and action upon this subject. lie also discussed the specific powers of the President, claiming that tho war power rented In Congress. He next proceeded to examine the objection ot the President to the third section of the bill lying against tbe extent of juris diction to Federal Courts granted In cases arising un der this act. Be claimed that tbe President had made a strained construction of lt, in assuming that all cases arising under its provisions must necessarily be VAUiuueu iruiu tuv Diatu iuurii, out ll It aid 8US'r , inch construction, and lt was found to be th , safeguard for the righta of the freedmen, -enly freely say that tbeir liberty should be me' wuld all hazards, and he would further say -"Jained at found essentially necessary fcr th-' tnat li it was would put in the bands of the f' ;'r JroVLci ', n.-, n" and the bayonet too, so far -"red man the ballot, connection with the fait ,h," w.aAi00Uceirn1e1J a ,,,. tin a who haK ' of the nation, pledged to Fhe nation he m-' ' - fouht to "tain the unity of that pledge: " - cease in his sffjrts to make ''To objection made to the number of officials and '"-Kit required by tbe bill, be replied that it was all F pied from the atatute known aa the fugitive alave aw marliinerv In Itself alwava held te be constitu tional ami nr. nar. and now used in tbe interest of free- V,m a. It nrlsfnaliv was in the Interest of alavery. As ur soldiers employed the weapons wrested from rebels In putting down tue reoeiuou, so ine weapona oi mat law were sanctified in the uses of freedom. Other ob jections to tbe aeventh and eighth aectiona be allowed to be taken verbatim from former lawa against which no objection had been made. That with reference to employment of tbe army aud navy in enforcing Its ex ecution, he explained, waa taken from a law.enacted in Van liuren'a administration in lf.'-W. In ci nclusion, Mr. Trumbull aaid Mr President, I have now gone through this veto message, replying with what patience 1 could command to its various object iocs to the bill. Would that I could atop here; that tbere waa no occasion to go farther; hut justice to myrelf, justice to the Slate whose representative I am, justice to the peoplo of the whole country. In legis lating for whose behalf I am called to participate, jus tice to the Constitution I am sworn to support, justice to the rights of American citizenship it securei, and to human liberty now imperilled, require me to go fur ther. Gladly would I refrain from speaking of the spirit of this message, of the dangerous doctrines it promulgates, of the inconsistencies aud contradictions of its author, of his encroachments upon the consti tutional rights of Convress, aud hia assumption of un warranted powers, which, if persevered in and not checked by ibe people, must eventually lead to a sub veiaiou of the government and the deatruction of liberty. 1 Congress, in the passage of the bill under considera tion, sought no controversy with the Presideut. So far from it, the bill was proposed with a vlow to carry out what men snpposed to o tbe views of the Presi dent, and was submitted to him before Its introduction into the Seuate. 1 am not able to relate private de clarat'ouaof the Presideut, but It Is right that the American people should know that the controversy which exists between htm and Congress, in reference to this measure. Is of hia own seeking. Soon after Congress nMpecame apparent that there was a dif ference ot 5 Jn betwten site President and some members of4gress in regard to tbe condition of tbe rebellious Statea and the righta to be secured to freed men. The President in his annual message had denied the constitutional power of the general government to extend the elective franchise to uegroea, but he waa equally decided In the assertion of the right of everv t i i, tn'-lifa lil.artT and the Buranit ot baDDlnesa." This was his language: "But while I have no doubt that now, after the cloae of tbe war, It ia not compe tent forthegeneral government to extend the executive frauchlse iu the aeveral States, it ia equally clear that good faith requires the security of the freedmen in their liberty aud In their property." ) Tbere were aome uiembera of Congress who ex pressed the opinion that In the reorgaulzataoq of the rebellions Statea tbe right of suffrage ahould be ex taiiiind to thaenliiriul man. Though thla was not tbe prevailing sentiment of Congress, all were anxious for a r sorgauisation of tbt rebellions States and tbeir admiaiion to full participation tn the Federal govern ment a ' aoon aa theae relatione could be reatored with kfult tn all rnnmrnMl l Feeling tbe importance of harmonious action between the .different departments of tbe government, aud an anxious de.lre to sustain tbe President, for whom I had alwata entertained the highest respect, I had fre eiieut Interviews with blm during the early part of tbe tessioB. Without -tueuttouiug anything said by him, S may, with perfect aalety, state that, acting from the conslderatlone 1 have stated, and believing that the passage of a law by Congress seenrlag equality Inclvll righta when denied by Ctate authorities to freedmen and all o h.r inhabitants of the United Statea, would do much to relieve anxiety in the north, and induce the southern States to secure these righta by their own action. and thereby remove many of tbe obstaclea to an early reconstruction, I prepared the bill substantially as it Is now returned with th. f resident's objections. After the bill waa Introduced and printed a copy was furnished Mm, and at a en bseqnent period, when it was reported that he waa hesitating abont signing the Freedmen'a Bureau Mil, he waa Informed ot the con dition of the Civil ilighta bill, then ponding In their House, and a hope expressed that If he had objection to any of Ita provisions he would make them kuown to ita friends, that they might be remedied, if not de structive of the measure; that there waa believed to be no disposition on the part of Concrete, and cer tainly none on my part, to have bllla presented to him which he could not approve. Be never Indicated to me, nor, ao fares I know, to any of its friends, the least objection to any of tho provisions of the bill tilt after ita passage. And how could he, consistently with lilmselt? The bill was framed, aa was supposed. In satire harmony with hia views, and certainly in har mony with what be waa then aad haa since been doing in protecting freedmen In their civil righta all through tbe rebellious Btatea. lt was strictly limited to the protection of the rlvll rights belonging to every freedmen-the birthright of every American citizen and carefully avoiding con ferring or interfering with political rights or privileges of sny kind. The bill neither confers nor abridges ine rights of any one. bnt simply dec ares that, In civil rights, tbere ahall lie an equal'ty among all claaaes of oltizena, and that all alike she'.! be subject to the aame pnniehmont, Xach State, s it doea not abridge the great fundamental righta belonging, nnder the Con atltutlon.to all citizen., ma; grant or withhold such civil rights sa It pleases. All that is required is that, In this respect, its laws shall bo Impartial: and yet this is the bill now returned with the President's ob jectlona; and anch objections! What arethey? That "in all cur history, In all onr experience as a people, Hvii.g under FeJeral and Stale laws, no such system a a that contemplated by tbe detatla of this bill Las ev r before teen proposed or adopted ." Have 1 not already shown Ih the action of the Presi dent himself, throngh General tickles, declaring that "all laws shall be applicable alike to all Inhabitants," aud in various acta of Congress, a precedent for every provision of thla bill. "The details of the bill. "aaya the President, "establish for the eecurity of the co lored race safeguard a which go Infinitely beyond any that the general government bas ever provided fur the white race." W iih what troth this can be aald of a bill which declares that the civil righta and the pun ishment of all races, including of course the colored, sknll be the same as those "ot white persons," let au inte'llgent public judge. , i . "They. "(the detailal aaya the President, "Interfere with the municipal legislation of the States; with the relatione existing exclusively between a State and its citizens, or between tbe inhabitants of the same State; an absorption and assumption of power of the general government which, acquieaced in, must aap and de stroy our federative system of limited powers, and break down the barriers which preserve the righta of the btatts It ia another atep, or rather atride, toward centtali.atlon, and the concentration of all legislative powera in the national government. " All this is aald by a President wbo by hia own fiat, Issued through General Ueward, aet aside an act of the Legislature of Mississippi, aud by another order, throrgh General Terry, au act of the Virginia Legis lature, and forbade any magistrate or civil officers from attempting to execute it; who. through Gen. I'anby .or dered tbe State courts in his department to suspend all suits against persons charged with offences for which w bitcpersona were uot punished and all know the pen alty wblch would have beed visited upon State judgea or officials for a violation of any of these orders a President who, after vetoing a provision of tbe Freedmen'a Bureau bill because it secured to the occu pants of land under Major General h Herman's order possession for tbe limited period of three years, hlm aelf Issued an order, within less than thirty days after wards, through H. W. Smith, assistant Adjutant Gene ral, declaring Ibat i rants of land, to iLo freed people, in compliance with General Sherman'e special field ordera No. IS, dated January lt3th, 1,-iGS, will be regarded aa good and valid ! Well may we exclaim, in view of these acta of tbe Preeldent, in bis own language, when discussing a veto of President ltncbanan, "Oh, con sistency, thou art a jewel much to be admired, but rarely to be found !" in view of these tacta,who Is it that is breaking down the barriers of tho Status, and making strides toward centralization? Is it Cougress, by the passing ol this bill, or the President, who, without law, is arrogating tobimpelflar greater powers than anv conferred by this bill? Let It not be said that tho Presidont exer cises these vast powers by virtue of the war power. Be told us in his aunual message that the war was over; and whether over or not.no incidental powers are vested by the Constitution in the Presideut, either aa President or commander iu chief of the army. The inatrument gives Cougreas power to make all laws ne cessary and proper lor carrying into execution all powers Vested by the Coustltutiou in the government of the United States, or iu any department or officer thereof. The Presidont Is -required, in carrying out his pow ers, to act in obedience to law, the very tiling which he refuses to do. He aaya: "Tbe tendency of this bill mnat be to resuacitate the Spirit of the rebellion." . What assumption in ono who deniea tbe authority to punish those who violate United States lawa. under color of State authority, a doctrine from which the re bellion sprung, and In entire harmony with the decla ration of Mr. Buchanan that "there was no power to coerce State." But, air, out of the month of Senator Andrew Johnson 1 will prove that President Andrew Johnson haa violated the spirit of the Consti tution la ita letter lu vetoing tbia bill. It will be re membered that the bill passed both Houses of Congress by more than a two-thirds majority, tbe voto iu tbe Senate being yeas 31 to nays 12, and tn tho House yeas 111 to nays 3a. 1 will read irom the remarks of Senator Andrew Johnson on the veto of the Homestead bill by Mr. Buchanan: "The President of the United Ftates presumes yes, klr. 1 say presumes to dictate to the American peoplo and to the two Houses of Congiesa, in violation of the spirit if not the letter of the VOiistitQlPn, that thin measure shall not become ft law. W hy do T aay tbia? 1 ask, ia there any difference in theapiritof tbe Con stitution whether a measure Is aanctioued by a two thiids vote betore ita passage or attorward? When a measure has been vetoed by the President the Consti tution requires that It shall be reconsidered and passed by a two-thirds vote in order to become a law; bat bere, in tbe teeth of the Executive, there was a two tblrda vote in favor of this bill. The vote waa .18 to 2 in thta body. The two Uonsea have aaid that this measure la constitutional and right. In the other Bonse. reflecting the popular sentiment of the nation, the vote wsa 113 to M ten more than the two thirda majority wblch the Constitution requires. And when there ia a two-thirds vote for a mea.ure, I tay, it is against the aplrit of the Constitution for tbe Execu tive to aay. 'Nol you ahall not have thla meaanre; I w ill take all the chances of vetoing It.' " Apply this language to the faota connected with this bill, and then say who has violated the spirit of the Constitution? This bill io ao maumr Interferes with the municipal regulations of any Htate, which protects all ".lite in tbtir rights 'of person and property, lt c"n!d have no operatiou In Massachusetts, New York, Illinois, or moat ol ins eiares oi iue uuiuu. now pre posterous then to charar. that unless some State can have and exercise tbe right to punish somebody or to deny somebody a civil right on account of hie color, that Ita rignis aa a Dtio win uuuw.wiju. ,m mtm ft at that unle. this bill can be passed nothing can be doneto protect tbe freedinen in their liberty Uud their L' !l ! " i .1,- -Mintftn . tk. D...i. iwnatever uir h,iiiiviuivvi ... V. at mia time as to "good tuith rCunirfiig the secu rity of the fredmen in their liberty ama" their proper ty ." it is now manliest from the ohamcter of bis ob jections to this bill that be will approve no measure that Will aCCUUipilBU IU udjci.. . u. mo DDvi.un Olause Of tue constitutional nmerauieut give. tin. power tbere can be no questloD. Borne have contended that it gives tho power even toAinfer the right of suf frage. X nave not inougril S3, ueuiu.e un iii-tcr thought suffrage any more n. cesaary to the liberty of ir.uim.n ilian of a nun-voting white, whether obild or Itnrale. But bia liberty, under tbe Constitution, be is entitled to, aud whatever is necessary to secure it to him be is entitled to nave, uou uiBMiiukwrmo bayouet. If the bill now before us, aud w Ulcu goes no (nrih.r than to secure civil rights to the freedinen. cannot be passtd. then the constitutional amendment declaring freedom to all the iubabitauta oi tue lauo ia a cheat and a delusion. .-.nr,t hntiur mticimla what I nave to ear than, in the language of Mr. Johnson, on tho occasion of tbe veto OI the iiomeaieau uui, .urn, th. fart thai, the President waa Inconsistent, and changed his opinion in reference to a great measure and a great principle. mere wh. uo rpanuii w urn wuowi i.-u,,tt.u vim had arted understandly snould change ois opinion, ue.aiu. upo tup c"n w House of Hepreaeutativee, who have sanctioned thia ..in i.t n,nr il.an a iwn-third, maioritv. will, accord ing to the ConstitfTllon exercise their privilege aud power, and let i tie bill become a law of tbe land, ac cording to the high behest ol the Aniericau people " The further consideration of the subject was post poned till to-mc.rrow, on motiou of Mr. Johusou, of Maryland, who desires to addreaa the Seuate on it. C A 11 P E T I N O S. a laege stock m p 11 II- ADELPHI A MANUFACTUBE In Btoie and constantly receiving, AT VEKY LOW TBICKS. GEORGE V. IIII.L, 2 1 thstuSm Ko. 126 Nona THIRD Street. BKVENUE STAMPS, REVENUE STAMPS KJiViMK STAMPS, , Ot oil detcrlptiovs, O. all deacribtiona. Alw.v. o. ham, A ways on hand. AT FIOEKVCB fEW;G MACHI1SE t O.'H OKriOK, AT FLOKLUCK SKW1NO M At 111N E CO. S Oil ICE, Ko. 630 CHKSNUT 6tret No. (WO CHKBNUT Btieet, One door below Seventh street. Cue door below Seventh street. The most liberal discount allowed. -The moat liberal discount allowed. T J. M c 0 u I a A N, Importer and Wholesale Dealer n FAMCT GOODS, KOTlOBa. ETO, FIREWORKS, FLAGS, Eto MATCHI8 AND BLAC1UBG, NO. a HTKAWHKKRY KTRKET, First Stret aboy Second btM Marketand Chesnot. I . faUJLAIiaM'aUAt CARPETINGS, &o CJAKrETINGS ! CA11PETINGS I AT ItETAIL. McCALLOIS, CREASE & SLOAN, No. 519 CIIESNIT Street, OPP08ITJ IKDEFBTSnXKCZ BALL, Beg leave to inlorm the public that thoy bare now open their , v SPRING STOCK OP C A RPETIN Ci S, 1SEW AKD CHOICE DESIGNS OF Foreign and Domestic Manufacture, Which they oiler at prices corresponding with THE DECLINE IN COLD. FRENCH AND ENGLISH AXMlXSTEli. ENGLISH ROYAL WILTON. VELVETS, ALL WIBTUS. SUTEB10B ENGLISH BRUSSELS. TAPESTRY ENGLISH BRUSSELS. ROYAL WILTON, VELVET, BRUSSELS, AJND TAFEMRY CARPET. We offer tho above in all widths, with brders for Balls raid fclaiis. Also4 Imperial Three-l'ly Carpet Kxtra Superilne Inyvaiii. " JUST DECEIVED, WH1IE, If ED, CHECKED, AND FANCY . Canton Mattings, OF ALL WIDTHS, '' McCallunis, Crease & Sloan, No. 510 CIIESNUT Street, OrrOSITE INDEPENDENCE HAIL. L3211tnrp JUST UECEIVED, tfARD-AND-A-lIALF-WIDE VELVET CARPETS, NEW DESIGNS. J. F. & E. ft. 0R3VE, No. 904 ' t CIIESNUT STREET. 3-4, f"8' 4"4 5-4, C-4, WHITE, RED, AND FANCY I CANTON MATTINGS. J. F. & E. 13. OUNE, No., 904 CIIESNUT STREET. ENGLISH BRUSSELS, FOR STAIRS AND HALLS, WITH EXTRA BORDERS. J. F. & E. B. ORNK, No. 904 CIIESNUT STREET. 500 riBCEs NEW PATTERNS ENGLISH TArESTRY BRUSSELS. J. F. E. B. 0RNE, No. 904 C3 20 3uirp CIIESNUT STREET. "QLEN ECHO MILLS," GERMAN TOWN, PA. lilCALUMS, CREASE & SLOAN, MunfacturrM, Importers, and Wbolo vale Dealers lu CAHPETIJTGS, OIL CLOTHS, MATTINGS, Etc. WAREHOUSE, Ko. D09 CHESNUT STREET, ' orroBiTX the state nocsH, , rtnladolphia. llETAIIw DEPARTMENT, 3 6 8mrp No. 610 CHESNUT STREET. Q A lt P ' B T I N G S 1 . LEE DOM & SHAW Ar now opening htll assortment ot Foreign and Domestic Carpets, Thfas foods will tS sold St th LOWEST CASH l'lUCES, to coi respond wltb the PALL OT GOLD. No. GIO ARCH Street. 1 2im AbOVBWHTU INSURANCE COMPANIES "TVELAWAItE MUTUAL SAFETY INSURANCE J.t ( OMPAN y, lUCORrOBATFI) BY THE Lf filSLATCBX I-ENNKYLVAMA. 1HM. OFFICE 8. K. t ORJ.F R mrRI AND WALK t BTKr.KI H. FJMLA DF.LrfllA. . . . M A RISK ib)JILACi CARGO. rRi.ii.nT To all parts of tnsw IK LAND INKTTKANCIB On Goods by Elver t'snal, Lake, nnd Land rrtag t all pans o' th Union. FlftK INSCKANCKS On Vsrrhsnrtlse nnrrailv. On f tores, Dwelling Houses, sta, A88ETB OF THE COMPAST J.ovemtr 1, 1H0.V 100 oo United Btatea S per cent loan, ,71....l'o-ao 20O.0W " 7 -10 per cent, loan, Treasury Notre 04 tmot 100 000 8t"t ot k ennaylvanla Five Per Cent Loan 90,651- 64,000 State of Pennsylvania blx Per Cent. Loan M.290 12S.0OO Clt.v of Philadelphia ix Per Lent. Loan 11 RI7 53 20,000 Pennsylvania ttnhrond First Mort- gate Blx I'er Cent. Honda tt.OOO'Oa 21,000 Pennsylvania Railroad Hecond Wort- pane Blx Per Cent. Hnnds....v SS.TSO'M 23 004 cstrtrn l ennsvlvsnla Kal.road Mort irge Six Per Cent, ltonda 2J.75 15,000 il0 Mi are Stock (Inrniantown Gas Compsnv. principal and Inter guaranteed by the City Oi I'll 11- . 'pl l 1J63TM 7,150 14 Shares Stock Pcnnsv.vai-U Rail- ' n .-.J""1 comnsnr 8.W0-9 ,000 1C0 Bliares stock North Pennsylvania e0.0t)aDCr,o!H with United Btates Gown- "v an rna n.r!,,''."i.,',''ct lo ,cn aV' ra l 40,000-Ot TO,! 00 State ot Tennessee Five Per Cent. Loan 18 90009 170.700 Loans on Honda and MOrtgaVel 'fli'st lions on Clly Property 170,700-0 l.OStf.MO Far. Market valne.. ..(HW.MlO-00 rival r.sinre ltalanceadueat Asrencles.-Promloms on Marine Policies. Accrued Inte- rcii., auu ouici aeots aue the Com- tiinv B c rl i) "a nd ft t ock of ' s u n dry i n u Van ci 40 Ml-4 ...... uui.r luuipames, , ISO, Juitl Can In Bank."' Cash la Drawer.. umiru vnnie...... ........ 2,910-0 1 ..M,9.V5 89 1.2M,M0-u) I lit LC TORS. Thorn a. C n m . . John C. Davis. Fdninnd A. Sunder, Theophl,us Psnldina, John K. Penrose, Jamea Traquair, Henry C. Kallett Jr., lamea C. Hand. William C. Ludwlg, JosrpnU. Seal, Geome C. Lelner, JlUKh CralR. . ltoh.rt l'tirrnn nanmeiK. p rotes. J. . Penlatan, rienry moan, William G. Monlton, Krtward DarllnKton, . H. Jpnee Brooks. Fdwarfl I afrniri.-ita James B. Met' art and, JOMhna. P r.m Spencer Mcllvaln. J. B. Bemole, Plttsbnrs;, JohnD Taylor, n. nerirnr. r-iirjtimra. T. T. Mort'sn, Plttsbnrit HAKD, Fresloent, JOHN O. DA VIH. VIM-Pinalilant hekky i.TLnt7iiij, ftecretarv. 12 i 1S29-CIIAR perpetual FRANKLIN FIRE INSURANCE COMPANY OF 1'IIILADEI.l'IIIA. Assets on" January 1, 18GG, 83.50G,8519G. Capital Accintc Surplus Premiums LSSETTLED CLAIMS,' 11.467 53. 400 000 00 W4M3 1& 1,1W,308 81 LNCOME FOB 1800 110 000. LOSSES PAID SINCE 18SO OVER 65,000,000. , ' Terpctual and Temporary Policies on Liberal Terms. DIKLCTOBf). Charles N Bnncker, Tol.lns W apner, t'dwaril r TtalA George Falea, ' Ahr.,1 I'm... Oleoma W. Itlchards, Francis W. Lewis, M. D. nmi.nn I eirr mci an. I'm inrvo r i. . . .-.... . JAS W HUi t "ALE. Vice-President w' MCALLI81LB. Secretary protein. JIU231 NORTII AMERICAN TRANSIT INSURANCE COMPANY, No. 133 S. FOURTH Street PHILADELPHIA, Annual Policies Issued against General Accidents o descriptions at exceedingly low rates, Insurance eflected tor one year, In any .am rrbm IIOO to 10.000, at premium of only one-half per cent, sec a ring the full amount Insured In case of death, and a comV pensatlon each week equal to the whole premium paid. BhorUlma Xlckett for 1, 2, 1, t. 7, or 10 days, or 1, 3, or 6 months, at 10 oents a day, Insuring In tbe sum of (3000 or giving SIS per week It disabled, to be had at the Gene ral Oflce, No. 1S3 8. FOURTH Street Phlladulphla, or at the T.nrtoni Railroad TIcVet offices. Be sure to purchase the tickets of tbe North American Transit Insurance Company. j , .For circulars and further Information fcppiy at th Co?r.ny0a'C, " f T 0rth "uthortgenti ot , Li. WIN L HOUPT. President V JAMH Af. CONRAD, Tressurer. HKNRY C. HKOWN, Secretary. JOILK C. BULLITT. Solicitor. DlKLClOlid. L. Xj.Honpt. late ol Pennsylvania Bali road Cci rany.. M. Isi., ot M. m . lialuwin & Co. s, ' Samuel C. Palmer, Cashier oi Comine clal lilchard Wood, lie. Stilt Market street. James M. tonrso, So. 621 iisrkei atxee J. t. Kinpely. Continental lioteL. II. G. Lelsenrlng, Nob. 237 aud iW Dock Samuel Work, ot Work. Met ouoli & O Georce Alanin Ko. 3Vi Cbe.nut atiee THE P R O V I D EN Life and Trust Co., Of PHILADELPHIA. Incorporated by tbeStote of PrnnsvlvanfaThir Hu. Ibt.S, St HI.H LIVKS, ALLOW IMHUSSI DEPOSIT. aKD GBaUTS ANNUITIKS. CAPITAJ. apl&O.OOO. SIKKCTXIB. Samuel H. fchlpley, Itichard Cadbujy, Jeremiah UftCkci, It enry Haines, Joshua II luoiris, T WiHiar Drown, " kichard Wood, William V. LouiMtreth. Char'es F. toftiu. SAltl EL B Mil PLXY, President Rowiakd Pabst, Actuarv. office. 7 No. Ill S. l OUItTlI Street. plKf'X i.NSURAXCE COMI'ANY 1 O X IL'IADKLPIilA. IMOKPOHAl'tD lbt)4 CHARTKB PERPETUAL. ' Ho. 2V4 WiULT Sirvei oon site the I.xchanve. lntddiileu ioaJABIKK aud 1M.AM) iSLB.KCB thla Comptiuy insures irom losa or aaiuaue by 11 UK. oq liberal itiina. on buildlLus, uieicbii.lls lurnitur-j, etc. tor In. I ied perloua. .aud permanently on bul dines, or aepoaitot premium. 1 tie l ompany Das bean tn active ooeration tor more than SIX V YL.. KK. durlug .bieh all iossvs have keea prcmpUytadjuattd aud paid. DlSKOToaa. Iiwrenot Lewis, Jr ' David LeaU. Jobn L. Hodxe, i&. U. Walioney, Job . T. Lewis. William rt. Urant, Iiotert W Learning, J. Clurk Wtisrton, Hamuel Wilcox. benlHinln jetting, Thomaali. Powers, A. U. Ale Henry. Kdmond I astll'.on, Louis I '. J orni. WlyCUtRKB, President, Bamokl Wilcox, se.retarr 2H T.1RE 1KSU1UMCE EXCLTJ6IVELY.-THE J; PKKii(YLVAlA FIBK lr.BUBANC UOMPAltr -Id corvorsted Charier Perpetual alo, MM W AL II VT Street, opposite lndeuendeuca Hquaie. ThlaCouipaiiV.iavorabyknoHn to the community for over fort' yeara. continue to insure agaluat loss or damage by tire on Puu loor Private Butidinga, elthw peruiauent y or lor a Uinlted time. Also un furniture, 6iocka of floods and alerubanuise generaily, ea hbarai thrill a. , t beir Capital, together with a large Sorplu. Fund, la Invested In the moat oaroful manner, whioh nntiUe mem to oiler to tbe Insure! aa anduubtcd asearti; 1 the ease oi loss. PiaiOToas. Daniel Hmlth. Jr, , John Deyereux. ' , Alexander Beuson, I Tbomaa MuiliU, Vaac Bar ehnrat, I f. vry Lewis, thomaa Kobtns. I (tilllngham Fall, Daniel Raddot k Jr. IUN1K.L ballTH, Jn., President, Wiu.uk O. Citowtaii. sieoietavy. 1 1
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers