THE DAILY EVENING TELEGEArl!. PfilLAtELPIIlA, THURSDAY, APRIL 5, 180C.
CIVIL RIGHTS BILL.
WHY ITSHOULD DE PASSED
OVER THE VETO. j
Speech or (be Hon. Lyman Trum
bull, Senator from Illinois, j
I The veto message being taken up,
Mr. Trumbull
Mill:
Mr. President, I fully share with the President
; of the United States In the regret expressed that
be is onable lo sign the bill to protect all persons
la the United States in their civil rights, and to
i furnish the means of their vindication. I regret it
on my own acconnt because of the disappoint
ment, and because the just expectations raised
when this bill was presented to the President,
tx-fore lis introduction into the Senate, hare been
disappointed; I regret it on the President's ao
count, because It is calculated to alienate him from
tboe who elevated him to power, and who have
gladly rallied around bis administration to sustain
him In the principles upon which he was elected;
bat above all, sir, 1 regret It for liberty's sake, to
secure which, to ourselves and onr posterity, this
, government was fouuded. Bat If the bill Is un
constitutional and unjust to the whole people I
' ' would not have had the President sign ft. That
Its provisions are not unjust to the whole or any
portion of the people, nor unconstitutional, I shall
endeavor to show by a candid and dispassionate
review and examination of the President's various
Objections.
. He begins these objections with the very first
' lines of the bill, which declare that all persons
born in the Unitttd States, and not subject to any
foreign Power, except Indians not taxed, are de
clared citizens of the United States. The bill as'
originally introduced did not contain this pro-
. -vision. It was believed by myselt and many
ethers that all native born persons since the aboli
tion of slavery were citizens of the United States.
This was tho opinion the ofllcial opinion of Mr.
' Dates, tbe Attorney General of Mr. Lincoln's ad
ministrationthe opinion adopted by his admin
istration, and acted upon since by all the depart
ments of the executive government, including the
Secretary of State, who has issued passports to
persons of color, recognizing them as citizens. It
was the opinion expressed by Mr. Marcy, when
Secretary of State, that all persons born in the
United States were citizens of the United States;
. k not referring, of course, to slaves slavery at tnat
time existing in tbe country.
The President does not object to this declaration
in the hill as unconstitutional. He does, however,
ay that it does not purport to declare or confer
any other right of citizenship than Federal citizen
chip. It does not purport, he says, to give these
classes of persons any status as citizens of States
except that which may result from their status as
citizens of tbe United States. Tbe power, he adds,
- to confer the right of State citizenship is just as
exclusively with the several States as the power to
declare tbe right of Federal citizenship Is with
Congress. Now, sir, we all know that no State
lias the authority to make a citizen of the United
States. The Constitution of the United States
-vests with Congress the sole power of naturaliza
tion, and it may make a citizen of a foreigner, bat
7 so State can make a citizen of the United States ot
v a foreigner. But Is it true, sir, that when a
Serson becomes a citizen of the United States, that
e is not also a citizen ot the State, wherever he
v! jnay be residing. On this point I will refer to a
decision pronounced by the Supreme Court of the
United States, delivered by Chief Justice Mar
shall, the most eminent jurist who ever sat upon
the American bench, in the case of Oasse against
Hallow, reported in the sixth of Peters' reports.
The Chief justice; In delivering the opinion of the
., Court, says.
"The defendant in error Is alleged in the pro
ceedings to be a citizen of the United States, natu
ralized in Louisiana, and residing therein. This
is equivalent to an averment that be is a citizen of
that State. A citizen of the United States residing
in any State of the Union is a citizen of that State.
This was the only point in the case." This is the
opinion of the highest tribunal in the country,
pronounced by the most eminent man that ever
aat upon the Bench in America.
' ' Mr. Johnson, of Maryland Will the Senator
' give me the page?
Mr. Trumbull Page 701. But, sir, unless this
authority is to be disregarded, the President of the
United States is mistaken in his law. It is not
' true that when a man is made a citizen of the
' United States he is not a citizen of every State.
Tbe President next alleges that tbe right of Fede
ral citizenship thus to be conferred on the several
excepted races before mentioned Is now for the
J , . Jirst time proposed to be given by law. Now, air,
this is a mistake, not of the law, but a niisappre---bension
of fact; and it will appears by references
to which I shall call the attention ot the Senate in
a moment, that the President's tacts are as bad as
. is law. If the Senator from Maryland (Mr.
.Johnson) wishes to take a note of the authority he
i find it in Lawrence's Wheaton, on interna-
V Jaw and various statutes of the United
tiou. x read from page 607;
; fc''8, . been In tile United States severs! cases
l "There hi. trJU.Uoa by the annexation of terri
er collective m. article of the flrst convention of
toriea. By the tti. .noo ,in the ce.wion of Loulsl
April50.1R,w th ,i habitants of the ceded
. SDt. it is provided that tnto the United States
territories to be iicorporu ,,,..tble. according to
should be admitted us soon a. v " 'ion, to the en
the principle of the Federal OonB"1 'Timnntties of
jomient of the rights, privileges ilu . -ilectisto
. the United States. A provision to to same v s Spain
le found In the sixth article of the treaty wit.. .ticle
for tbe purchase of Y lorkla, and by tbe eighth a . v
of tbe treaty of '.aia with Mexico; also, by the annex,
tlcn of Te--.,'nder s resolution of Congress of March,
Wit, in lt, admtBBion into the Union on an equal foot-
t: ?$&&fVurtlfiiL. says the authority from
Which 1 unote, "may also take place, r a class of per
sons, natives of the country or otherwise, who, with
out any act on the part of the individuals, may be
niade citiieos. In the United States it is incorrect to
suppose that aliens, as opposed to citizens, implies
foriicners as respects the country. Indians are the
subjects of the United States, but they are not there
fore oitiKens, nor can they become citizens under the
naturalization laws; but they may be made citizens
liy lome competent act of the general government, by
treaty or otherwise. " ,
By these various treaties, resolutions and acts or
Congress, It will be observed that frenchmen, Span
iards, Mexicans and Indiana have all been made citi
zens of the United States some of the Very classes of
persons rpoken of In this Lil; and yet the President
tolls us that this right of Federal citizenship (as if
' -AUere. Si snch a thing as Federal citizenship as con
' tradistinguisbed from State citizuship)-he tells us
that it is now for the first time proposed to be gov
erned by law. "ir," says the President, "as is claimed
fcy many persons, those who are native born already
r' v .. ,...., tha donatttntion. citizens of the
' - Uni'ttd States, the passage of the peuding bill cannot
. ..- in mftllA tllAIII .llftl .''
But.air.isthePreeidenttolearn now for the first
time that that principle ia to be found in tbe very
home-boobs of tbe law, that an act declaring what a
law ia is one of tbe mont common acts pissed y legis
lative bodies? When there is no question aa to- what
the law Is, for ita greater certainty it ia the most
common thing in tbe world to pass a statute declaring
nltiAj. W v ..nlvitnn taw&nrl ailoh WU the ODinion of
1 the Attorney General and Ot the present Secretary ef
fetato; auch was the opluinn of Mr. Lincoln's adminls-
. t -II itm iloniLrtmAiita- ftnd Bllch I D6lleVe to
be the prevailing opinion In the United I Btates-tbat all
native lorn persons, not subject to foreign Powers,
! i hv irtn of their birth citizens of the United
States. But aome disputed this. Mence, for greater
It 1- itpnnAiHd t.t Ttaaa thlB lftW. lt IS - W
- made an objection to the passage of the law, and a
reason glvu by the President why he cannot approve
it. that it is a declaratory act.
"But if such Is not the law." says the President,
"the irrave question presents itaelf , whether when
eleven of the thlrty-sfx Btates are unrepresented in
Uougre.s, at the present time it is sound policy tovnske
onr entire colored population, and all other excepted
-i " ri fi, United Btates." This ia the
Undlug objection not urged against all bill", for the
' President tell, us in this message that he has signed
some forty tills that have been presented to hlui.
Uhilnii maris an objection to this bill? The Presi
dent statea no objection aa applicable to thla oartlou
larblll. It is a general objection iov
Ulicable alike to all bllla; but If there ia anything In It
uo bill can pass the Congress of the United Btates un
..i ihiiiiMranr.unuil. Wall. sir. whose fault
I. it that eleven States are not representee? Whose
.- x fault is it that twenty-five loyal States, which have
- ..,..! l. ). TTninn atirl (Inmlltntinn. are to be de
prived of their right to legislate? Sir.it Is not tbe
Unit of the twenty-live loyal btaita,aud ir the reason
urged by the President Is a good one now, it has been
a good one all tbe time, lt the fact ot some States
having rebelled against the government ia to take from
tbe government the right to legislate, why, sir, then
the criminal Is to take advantage of his crime, and the
innocent are to be punished lor the guilty.
within a few davs tha President has Issued a erode
nation, not of peace, as the Seuator from Nevada
(Mr Stewart) seems to suppose. by no means; not a
vroclsuietion that tbe rebellion la over, but that In
Ht.ta. it is over. The President does not tell
s that Texas, one of the Btatea that were In rebellion.
ia in a eondltlou to be represented bere. Sir, if we had
to wait for tbe eleven 6tatea1mu.t we not wait for
Texas? The same principle would require ns to wait
. ir.-. u.,ri -i.a i,aa not vet reorganized nar Dtate
government, aud these States whioh have reorganised
have not yet bten recognized as having a republican
form ot government, entitling them to reereMutation.
I ha rl....,,tativea they have cho.en Iron most of
those States that have undertaken to reorganize were
persona tresh from tbe rebel Congress and from tbe
1 rebel armies; men who could not be admitted bere,
u.u..ji.k.n.. nia. ta oath to entitle them to
. . U4 ftil lit 19 WW (Us f tai bvia-BU
legislation of a enMl character Are the loyal peo
ple of this eoontry In he compelled to wait for necaa
tary legislation until tbese Btates shall be admitted to
representation here, when they refase to send men
here txcept those whose bands are dripping with the
blord ol loyal men. Are the Vice President of the rebel
confederacy and his eolleagnel one of the Henatora In
the rebel Congress, to oome here to legislate for the
leyal people of thla country? Are the men who Or
ganised the government that carried on a four yeara
war, as tbe result of which thla nation has had to
spend more than four thousand millions of dollars,
and as a consequence of which morethan a quarter of
a million of men. patriotic heroe. have laid down
tbeir lives upon tbe battle-field and In the army hos
pitals are ibeae men to come here to legislate for the
loyal people of this country?
' Sir, these States can only be represented through
State organisations. All members of this body can
only be elected by State Legislatures. Members of
the Other Borne can only be elected in pursuance of
State laws. Dence as preliminary to any representa
tion in olther Bouas of Congress it must be deter
mined whether there Is a State government; whether
there la a State Leeialatnre, having anthority to elect
Senators, and having authority to provide laws under
which representatives may be elected. There was a
time, certainly, when there were no such legislatures
In any of these eleven States. There was a time when
the only kind of government In any of them was hos
tile to the United States; when every member In It
had abjnrned hia allegiance to the United Statea and
sworn allegiance to a government hostile to thla. Will
anybrdy pretend that while a State government Was
in these hands it was entitled to representation in
either Bouse of Congress? Jf not, ahall we not Inquire
whether It has got out of theae hands into the hands
cf loyal men? , .......
Sir, this proposition that no bill Is to be passed be
cause certain Statea are unrepresented, when It is
their own fault that they are unrepresented, would be
utterly destructive of the government. Hut then, the
President tells aa that tbe bill in effect proposes to
discriminate against a large number of Intelligent,
worthy, and patrlotio foreigners, and in favor of the
negro. Nov, sir, is that true? What is the bill?
Why. It declares that there shall be no distinction in
civil rights between any other race or color and the
white race. It declares that there shall be no different
pnnishment Inflicted on a colored man in consequence
of bis color than that which is Inflicted on a white,
man for the same offence, ia that a discrimination !n
favor of tbe negro and against the foreigner, In a bill
tbe only object of which is to preserve equality of
rights? But perhaps it would be replied to this, that
the bill propones lo make a citizen of any person born
In tbe United States, and therekire it discriminates in
that respect against tbe fore ignera.
But, Mr. President, la not a white child who ts born
lu the United States a citizen? Ia it not to be pre
sumed that there is a discrimination here in favor ot
the w bite infant, who Is a citizen tbe moment of its
birth, and against the worthy, Intelligent and pa
triotic foreigner who emigrates to this country, and,
as is suggested by a HeOator behind me, even the child
of a foreigner? The Infant child of a foreigner, born
in this land, is a citizen long before his father. The
President, also, hs an objection to making citizens of
Chinese and gypsies. I am told that but few Chinese
are bcrn in this country, and where the gypslea are
born I cannot toll. Like Topsy, it is questionable, for
"They were not born at all. but just come." ( Laughter.)
But, Mr. President, perhaps the beat answer to this
objection that tbe bill proposes to make citizens of
Chinese and gypsies, and this reference to foreigners,
Is to be found In a speech delivered In this body by a
Senator occupying, i think, the seat now occupied
across the Chamber by my friend from Oregon, (Mr.
.Wllliama.) less than six year ago. in renlv te a veto
- message sent to this body by Mr. Buchanan, the then
rreaiaent or the united states, returned with his ob
jections what was known as the Homestead bill. On
that occasion tbe t'enator to whom I allude said
Mr. Sumner What Senator was it? (Laughter).
Mr. Trumbull Be said "this idea about poor for
eigners somehow or other appears to kaunt the imagi
nation of a great many, I nm constrained to any," says
the Senator alluded to, "that 1 look upon this objec
tion of the bill aa mere quibble on the part ot the Pre
sident, and as being hard pressed for some excuse In
.withholding his approval of the measure. His allu
sions to the foreigners in this connection looks to me
more like the ad captandura of the mere politician or
demagogue than a grave and sound reason tobeoflered
by the President of the United Statea in a veto message
upon so important a measure as the ilomestoad bill"
Air. fcmnuer Who was tbe Senator?
Mr. Titinibull That is tbe language of Senator
Andrew Johnson. (Orent laughter.) It is. perhaps,
the best answer, though I should hardly have ven
tured to have usrd such harsh language in reference to
tbe President of the United States as to acense him of
quibbling and demogoglng, and playing tbe mere poli
tician, in sending a veto message to the Congress of
the United Statea. k
The President also makes tome other .allusions In
this bill of the same character. For Instance, he
speaks of the impropriety of marriages between wbltea
and blacks, lie 'lien goes on to say: "I dou't say that
this bill repeals State laws on the subject of marriage,"
Well, then, for what purpose Is lt introduced in tlds
bill? Not sorely as an "ad captandum argument,, to
excite prejudice, or as tbe argument of a demagogue
and politician."
The President further says: "If it be granted that
Ot ngrees can repeal all State laws discriminating be
tween whites aud blacks on the subjects covered by
this bill, why, it maybe asked, may not (JongreBs to-
?eal In the eame way ail State laws discriminating be
ween the two races on the subject of suffrage and of
fice. If Congress can declare ty law who shall hold
lands, who shall testify, who shall have capacity to
make a contract in a State, then Congress can also, by
law, declare who.without regard to race or color, ahall
have the right toaltaa a juror, or aa a judge, to hold
at y off.ee, and finally, to vote in every State and terri
tory of the United Statea."
Perhaps the best answer, Mr. President. I could give
to this would be the answer of Andrew Johnson him
self. Be undertook to reorganize State governments
in the disloyal States. When he did so, to whom did
be extend the right of suffrage? To the blacks? Mo,
sir, but be extended the right of suffrage to those au
thorized to veto under the laws of those States before
tbe rebellion. When nrged to allow the loyal blacks
to vote, what was his answer? That he bad no power.
That it was nnoonatitutional, but be had power to pro
tec' them in their civil rights, aud he did protect them
in their civil rights.
"Then If lt be true that protection in civil rights car
ries with it tbe right of anfliage, what becomes of the
Position he assumed when be txtended oivil rights to
the negro all through the south, as I ahall presently
show, by orders issued by his authority ; and yet he re
fused to give them the right of suffrage on tbe ground
that he lield no constitutional power to do it that it
was a right vested in tbe States with which he conld
not interlere.
But sir, the grant of civil rights does not, and never
did in this country, carry with it political rights, or,
more ptoperly speaking, political privileges. A man
may be a citizen In this country without the right to
vote or without the right to hold office. Tbe right to
vote and hold office in the States depends upon the
Legislatures of the various Statea; the right to hold
cilice under tbe Federal government depends upon the
Constitution of the Uuited Status, The President most
be a natural born citizen. A Senator, a Representative,
must have been a citizen of tbe United States for a cer
tain number of years before he can be elected a member
- either this or the other Bouse Of (Jpngreaa. So that
V. 'act of being a citizen does not quality a person for
holdht' oflice necessarily, nor does It necessarily au
thorlai A'"1 to vote. Women are eit zens, children are
chisel s,Vut they do not eierciee the elective franchise
v- virtue ot their citizenship. Foreigners, as is stated
f.t ,t 'ceident in his message, before tbeyare natural-
OF the A - , I .M In t lio pink.. . . A 1 .... ..ill
lzed are rro.. . the right to sue and most of the
the right to contrac. -..r r... n v,-..".
ihev ro.aea. these rights-the Ha. V mSX
and to nold inna, wnicu is me case iu -. f. i
... - . . . . UJUBfc II QUI an
the Btates at preaent 1 aay they do not tlK VWJ
Tbe rights euumeratea in rue oiuaouot vmi.- " ..
them the right to vote. But sir, what rights have elf.,
r.ena of the United Statea? They have aome. To b t a
citizen of the United Statea carriea with it aome rights.
W hat arethey ? Why, sir, they are those lnberer'ifcnd
fundamental rights which belong to every cit ,I9nnd
frAj.niiin in all mmrit riea . .nr.li as the righ t B e. A . Ar aid
in this bill, and they belong to citizens i ku the States I
ot tbe Union, The right of AmerlaB citizenship J
means something, li uoes not uirn in the case oi a
foreigner that when he is nature,,!,, he is to be left 1
10 the mercy or State liCgmcnrea. He baa a ngni-,
when duly naturalized, to go into any State of tr.e
U niteu PIve., , HMWM. illUK tuill law., iriiuo
and tho United btates government would protect him
In that right, lt would protect a citizen of the United
Statea uot only IP one oi ine Biaiea oi iue uuiuu, uui
it will protect Dim in foreign tanas, in uio uuicago
of Marcy, when Secretary of State, "a citizen in a
foreign country ia eutmea to mo iuui pruiecnuu
i. CAieuucu vj -. erv.w. u ...... . w -- .
In the great essential righte which I have enume
rated, theae righta which bolong to citizens, and are
kuown as ualuiai riguis,r" ueuueu uj r i,nu,
in hia definition of civil liberty, to be no other than
natural I berty, so lar reatraiueu oy uuuian iww, out
nolorther.than Is necessary and expedient for the
general advautage of the putilio. in mis ueuumou oi
civil liberty it ought to be understood, or rather ex
pressed, that the restraint nuruuucou ur iu iw ,
equal to all, or as much so as tbe uatoreof tbe law will
admit. "K.iualily of rights is the basis of the com
monwealth,'' as is said by Kent: and Kent himself, in
Breaking of those righta. aaya that "me natural rigms
of individuals may be said to be included iu tho right
ot personal security, the right of personal liberty, and
tti- -l. lt t mnA ai inv nrtinertv." Thnatl
rights have moatly been considered and frequently
declared by the people of this country to be natural,
inherent and inalienable. What are they, air? The
right of personal security, personal liberty, and the
right to acquire and enjoy property. And these are
declared to be inalienable rights belonging to overy
citizen or tne unnea statea. no matter wnere ue may
be aa a citizen of the United btatea. Kent, in tbe
aecond volume of bis Commentariea, aaya: "The privi
leges and immunities granted by the Constitution of
the United Statea to tbe citlzena of the several States,
were to be confined to those wbioh were in their nature
fundamental, and belonged of right to tbe citizens of
all free governments. " Such ae the rights of pro
tection to life aud liberty, and the right to aoquire and
enjoy property, .
There la a case reported tn tbe lDth of Johnson which
foes much further than thla which decldea not simply
bat a citizen of the United States, aa auch, is entitled
to protection In tbese rights, but his case goes further,
-nA nnriiiaa that an alien enemy. Bermittail tn raaida
in the country during a time of war, 11 he is allowed
to reside here, is to ue protected iu an uiese rignis
in oiwina the onlnion of the court In that caa. the
eonrt says: "Lawful residence impliee protection and
tbe capacity to aue aud be sued." I would like to in
quire if the negro is lawfully in tbia country? If not,
1. !.... ha iielouff?
Dy ub law oi oaiiuDi mu alien
who goea to reaide In a foreign country, so long aa
oouducta himself decently, is allowed to continue
...i.,. ti,,ra. nnder the public protection. In theai
aa be
ue to
lame
osinion the learned Chancellor aaya;"Tbla is tbe.eablio
law of Europe, it ia International law," and any per-
. . . . i i :.. ...... - 1 - .1.1... . ...
u u rt aiding in iub uuihu uhupu w f.v-
teotion of that law by tbe Federal government, be
cause tbe Federal government bas jurisdiction olsuch
questlona; and. air, if it were uot ao. American citi
xenahip would be worth notbiug. What la it worth
It it doea not protest the oitlzen In the aame right?
How i. it air, that eveiy person boro iu these Uuited
Slates aUegiauft Jo the luveruawut vf the United
t
Ptates? Fevervthlcif that be hM.'nls property. nls
life, may be taken by tbe government of the United
States In its defence or to maintain the honor of the
nation; and can It be, air, that onr ancestors strug
gled through a long war to set up tbia government,
and that tbe people of our day have etrnggied throngh
another war to maintain It, that after all the sacri
fices we have made we have got a government which
Is all powerful to command obedience of the citizen,
but bas no power to afford him protection? Ia that all
that thta boasted American citiaenshtp amounts to?
So tell It air. to tbe father whose aon was starred to
death at Anderaonvllle: to the widow whose husband
was alain at Mission Ridge, or to the little boy who
leads his blind lather through the streets in your city,
who lost bis eyes on the gulf coast. So tell them that
this government. In defence of which the aon and the
husband fell and tbe father lost his eyea, la a govern
ment which baa a right to call theae persons to Its de
fence but baa no power to protect Ita frlenda In any
right whatsoever. I
Sir, It cannot be. finch la not the meaning of onr
Constitution such la not tbe meaning of American
citizenship. Thla government, which would go to
war to protect ita meanest citlsen or Inhabitant in
any foreign land whose righta were unjnstly en
croached upon, has certainly aome power to protect
Ita own oltizena In their own country.
I pass from tbe consideration of this first section of
the Dili to the second, which Is objected to by tbe Pre
sident, as afiordlng discriminating protection to co
lored persona. Sir, 1 will read that section, and let ua
see if eny of ua can discover these discriminations:
"Section X. And be It further enacted, That any per
aon who, nnder color of any law, atatute, ordinance,
regulation, or custom, ahall aubject, or cause to be
anhjected, any Inhabitant of any State or territory, to
the deprivation of any right secured or protected by
thla act, or to different punishment, paina. or penal
ties, on account of auch person having, at any timo,
been held In a condition of alavery or involuntary
servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof
the party shall have been duly convicted, or by reason
of his color or race, than is prescribed for the punish
ment of white persons, shall be deemed guilty of a mis
demeanor, and on conviction shall be punished by fine
not exceeding oue thousand dollars, or imprisonment
notexcetding one year, or both, in the discretion of
the court,"
-Now, can human Ingennlty point ont wherein that
section discriminates in tavor of colored persons? lt
aaya that "no person shall subject a colored person to
a different punishment than that Inflicted on a white
f eriou for the aame offence." Does that dlaoriminata
n favor? Why, air, the very object of the section is
to prevent discrimination. The efleot of it is to pre
vent it as well aa Its object, and tbe language, lt does
seem to me, could not more plainly express that elfect.
It may be said that it la tor tbe benefit of the black
man becauae he is in some instances discriminated
against by State laws; but that is the case with all
remedial statutes. They are for the relief of persons
who need relief, not for the relief of those who have
a right already; and when those needing relief obtain
It they stand upon the precise footing of those who do
not need it.
There are, however, other and serious objections
made to this section, lt is said that It punishes by
fine and Imprisonment legialatora wbo pass such con
flicting lawa. Let us see if that la the language In the
proper constrnctlon of the provisions. 1 will road
again tbe first line: "I declare that any person who,
under color of any law, ahall aubject or cause to be
aubjected any inhabitant of any Mate or territory to
the deprivation of any right secured or protected,
etc" JNow. sir, wbo Is to be pnniBhed? Is the law to
be punished? Are the men who make the law to be
punished? Not at all. "If any person nnder color of
any law shall aubject a person, "etc., he ia to be pun
ished. Who? Why the person who, nnder color of
law, commits the offence, not the men who make the
law, "If any person under color of any law, atatute,
ordinance, regulation or cuetom," etc. In sorue com
munities of the aouth a custom prevails by which dif
ferent punishment is inflicted upon the blacks than
that which Is meted out to the whites for the same
offence.
This section proposes to punish the community, or
to punish the person who under color of such custom
commits the offence. It is a monstrous provision of
tbe meaning of tbe aeotion to give it any other con
struction. But it is said that nnder this provision
judges of thecenrts may be punished, and ministerial
oflirers may be punished who are engaged in the exe
cu ion of any such statute as this; and this is made an
objection to the law.
Well sir, 1 admit that tbe minlst-rlal officer or
judge, if he acts viciously and corruptly in the execu
tion of an illegal law, may be and ought to be pun
ished; l.nt it he acted innocently, the judge would not
bepuniehed. V bet, sir, ia a crime? Why, it is a vio
lation ot some public law, to constitute which there
must be an aot, and a vicious will in doing the act; or,
according to the definition in aome of tho law booka,
to constitute a crime tbere must be a violation of a
public law coupled with an intent or with criminal ne
glect. There must be a uuion and a joint operation of
act and intent in order to commit a crime; and the
judge w ho, for the purpose of having this question de
cided in the Federal courts, should give a decision that
would a low the case to be brought up, who acted in
nocently and not viciously or oppressively, would
never be convicted before any court In Christendom.
But, sir, if he afaat viciously and oppressively, I ro
pes t be ought ta Im punished, and it ia no novel pro
vision to put a statute book.
Why, air, very soon after the organization of this
government, in the first year of its existence, as long
ago as 17U0, the Congress of the Uuited States provided
for punishing men who, undercolor of State laws, vio
lated the lawa of the United States. I will read from
26th section of an act passed In 17tH): "In case any per
son or persons shall aue for or prosecute any auch writ
or process, suoh person or persona, and all attorney a
and solicitors prosecuting In such case, and all officers
executing any such writ or process, and being convict
ed thereof, shall be deemed violators ot tbe law of na
tion i, and disturbers of tbe public repose, and shall be
imprisoned not exceeding three years, or fined a thou
eand dollars, at the discretion of the Court."
Mr. Trnmbull, after discussing the objections of tbe
President to the second section, reviewed other por
tions or the veto message. In proof that conflicting
legislation existed, and that danger was to be appre
hended from conflicting legislation not yet effected,
Mr. Trumbull cited official returns of military officers,
connected with the Freedmen'a Bureau; of State lsVfa
recently enacted in prohibition of the right of the
negro to lease or to own land, and other righta secured
to them in this bill. lie also referred to the military
orders sanctioned by the President, showing the sanfb
thing among tbem; those of Oeueral Sickles at
Charleston, cautioning the law-making authorities
against discriminating against any class of the popu
lationdtclaring that all laws should effect alike all
the inhabitants of the State, aud that they ahould ex
pressly secure in all resptcts equal justice to freedinen
aa to all other people.
Bis order of the fourth of March declares the exclu
sive jurisdiction In all cases affecting freedinen to rest
with tbe superior aud circuit provost courts. lie con
tinued in illustrations of the frequent exercise of tbese
powers under authority of tbe President, and as
sumed a radical change in the President's opinions
and action upon this subject. lie also discussed the
specific powers of the President, claiming that tho
war power rented In Congress. He next proceeded to
examine the objection ot the President to the third
section of the bill lying against tbe extent of juris
diction to Federal Courts granted In cases arising un
der this act. Be claimed that tbe President had made
a strained construction of lt, in assuming that all
cases arising under its provisions must necessarily be
VAUiuueu iruiu tuv Diatu iuurii, out ll It aid 8US'r ,
inch construction, and lt was found to be th ,
safeguard for the righta of the freedmen, -enly
freely say that tbeir liberty should be me' wuld
all hazards, and he would further say -"Jained at
found essentially necessary fcr th-' tnat li it was
would put in the bands of the f' ;'r JroVLci ', n.-, n"
and the bayonet too, so far -"red man the ballot,
connection with the fait ,h," w.aAi00Uceirn1e1J a
,,,. tin a who haK ' of the nation, pledged to
Fhe nation he m-' ' - fouht to "tain the unity of
that pledge: " - cease in his sffjrts to make
''To objection made to the number of officials and
'"-Kit required by tbe bill, be replied that it was all
F pied from the atatute known aa the fugitive alave
aw marliinerv In Itself alwava held te be constitu
tional ami nr. nar. and now used in tbe interest of free-
V,m a. It nrlsfnaliv was in the Interest of alavery. As
ur soldiers employed the weapons wrested from rebels
In putting down tue reoeiuou, so ine weapona oi mat
law were sanctified in the uses of freedom. Other ob
jections to tbe aeventh and eighth aectiona be allowed
to be taken verbatim from former lawa against which
no objection had been made. That with reference to
employment of tbe army aud navy in enforcing Its ex
ecution, he explained, waa taken from a law.enacted in
Van liuren'a administration in lf.'-W.
In ci nclusion, Mr. Trumbull aaid Mr President, I
have now gone through this veto message, replying
with what patience 1 could command to its various
object iocs to the bill. Would that I could atop here;
that tbere waa no occasion to go farther; hut justice to
myrelf, justice to the Slate whose representative I am,
justice to the peoplo of the whole country. In legis
lating for whose behalf I am called to participate, jus
tice to the Constitution I am sworn to support, justice
to the rights of American citizenship it securei, and
to human liberty now imperilled, require me to go fur
ther. Gladly would I refrain from speaking of the
spirit of this message, of the dangerous doctrines it
promulgates, of the inconsistencies aud contradictions
of its author, of his encroachments upon the consti
tutional rights of Convress, aud hia assumption of un
warranted powers, which, if persevered in and not
checked by ibe people, must eventually lead to a sub
veiaiou of the government and the deatruction of
liberty. 1
Congress, in the passage of the bill under considera
tion, sought no controversy with the Presideut. So
far from it, the bill was proposed with a vlow to carry
out what men snpposed to o tbe views of the Presi
dent, and was submitted to him before Its introduction
into the Seuate. 1 am not able to relate private de
clarat'ouaof the Presideut, but It Is right that the
American people should know that the controversy
which exists between htm and Congress, in reference
to this measure. Is of hia own seeking. Soon after
Congress nMpecame apparent that there was a dif
ference ot 5 Jn betwten site President and some
members of4gress in regard to tbe condition of tbe
rebellious Statea and the righta to be secured to freed
men. The President in his annual message had denied the
constitutional power of the general government to
extend the elective franchise to uegroea, but he waa
equally decided In the assertion of the right of everv
t i i, tn'-lifa lil.artT and the Buranit ot baDDlnesa."
This was his language: "But while I have no doubt
that now, after the cloae of tbe war, It ia not compe
tent forthegeneral government to extend the executive
frauchlse iu the aeveral States, it ia equally clear that
good faith requires the security of the freedmen in
their liberty aud In their property." )
Tbere were aome uiembera of Congress who ex
pressed the opinion that In the reorgaulzataoq of the
rebellions Statea tbe right of suffrage ahould be ex
taiiiind to thaenliiriul man. Though thla was not tbe
prevailing sentiment of Congress, all were anxious
for a r sorgauisation of tbt rebellions States and tbeir
admiaiion to full participation tn the Federal govern
ment a ' aoon aa theae relatione could be reatored with
kfult tn all rnnmrnMl l
Feeling tbe importance of harmonious action between
the .different departments of tbe government, aud an
anxious de.lre to sustain tbe President, for whom I
had alwata entertained the highest respect, I had fre
eiieut Interviews with blm during the early part of tbe
tessioB. Without -tueuttouiug anything said by him,
S may, with perfect aalety, state that, acting from the
conslderatlone 1 have stated, and believing that the
passage of a law by Congress seenrlag equality Inclvll
righta when denied by Ctate authorities to freedmen
and all o h.r inhabitants of the United Statea, would
do much to relieve anxiety in the north, and induce
the southern States to secure these righta by their own
action. and thereby remove many of tbe obstaclea to an
early reconstruction, I prepared the bill substantially
as it Is now returned with th. f resident's objections.
After the bill waa Introduced and printed a copy was
furnished Mm, and at a en bseqnent period, when it was
reported that he waa hesitating abont signing the
Freedmen'a Bureau Mil, he waa Informed ot the con
dition of the Civil ilighta bill, then ponding In their
House, and a hope expressed that If he had objection
to any of Ita provisions he would make them kuown to
ita friends, that they might be remedied, if not de
structive of the measure; that there waa believed to
be no disposition on the part of Concrete, and cer
tainly none on my part, to have bllla presented to him
which he could not approve. Be never Indicated to
me, nor, ao fares I know, to any of its friends, the
least objection to any of tho provisions of the bill tilt
after ita passage. And how could he, consistently with
lilmselt? The bill was framed, aa was supposed. In
satire harmony with hia views, and certainly in har
mony with what be waa then aad haa since been doing
in protecting freedmen In their civil righta all through
tbe rebellious Btatea.
lt was strictly limited to the protection of the rlvll
rights belonging to every freedmen-the birthright of
every American citizen and carefully avoiding con
ferring or interfering with political rights or privileges
of sny kind. The bill neither confers nor abridges ine
rights of any one. bnt simply dec ares that, In civil
rights, tbere ahall lie an equal'ty among all claaaes of
oltizena, and that all alike she'.! be subject to the aame
pnniehmont, Xach State, s it doea not abridge the
great fundamental righta belonging, nnder the Con
atltutlon.to all citizen., ma; grant or withhold such
civil rights sa It pleases. All that is required is that,
In this respect, its laws shall bo Impartial: and yet
this is the bill now returned with the President's ob
jectlona; and anch objections! What arethey? That
"in all cur history, In all onr experience as a people,
Hvii.g under FeJeral and Stale laws, no such system
a a that contemplated by tbe detatla of this bill Las
ev r before teen proposed or adopted ."
Have 1 not already shown Ih the action of the Presi
dent himself, throngh General tickles, declaring that
"all laws shall be applicable alike to all Inhabitants,"
aud in various acta of Congress, a precedent for every
provision of thla bill. "The details of the bill. "aaya
the President, "establish for the eecurity of the co
lored race safeguard a which go Infinitely beyond any
that the general government bas ever provided fur the
white race." W iih what troth this can be aald of a
bill which declares that the civil righta and the pun
ishment of all races, including of course the colored,
sknll be the same as those "ot white persons," let au
inte'llgent public judge. , i .
"They. "(the detailal aaya the President, "Interfere
with the municipal legislation of the States; with the
relatione existing exclusively between a State and its
citizens, or between tbe inhabitants of the same State;
an absorption and assumption of power of the general
government which, acquieaced in, must aap and de
stroy our federative system of limited powers, and
break down the barriers which preserve the righta of
the btatts It ia another atep, or rather atride, toward
centtali.atlon, and the concentration of all legislative
powera in the national government. "
All this is aald by a President wbo by hia own fiat,
Issued through General Ueward, aet aside an act of the
Legislature of Mississippi, aud by another order,
throrgh General Terry, au act of the Virginia Legis
lature, and forbade any magistrate or civil officers from
attempting to execute it; who. through Gen. I'anby .or
dered tbe State courts in his department to suspend all
suits against persons charged with offences for which
w bitcpersona were uot punished and all know the pen
alty wblch would have beed visited upon State judgea
or officials for a violation of any of these orders
a President who, after vetoing a provision of tbe
Freedmen'a Bureau bill because it secured to the occu
pants of land under Major General h Herman's order
possession for tbe limited period of three years, hlm
aelf Issued an order, within less than thirty days after
wards, through H. W. Smith, assistant Adjutant Gene
ral, declaring Ibat i rants of land, to iLo freed people,
in compliance with General Sherman'e special field
ordera No. IS, dated January lt3th, 1,-iGS, will be regarded
aa good and valid ! Well may we exclaim, in view of
these acta of tbe Preeldent, in bis own language, when
discussing a veto of President ltncbanan, "Oh, con
sistency, thou art a jewel much to be admired, but
rarely to be found !"
in view of these tacta,who Is it that is breaking down
the barriers of tho Status, and making strides toward
centralization? Is it Cougress, by the passing ol this
bill, or the President, who, without law, is arrogating
tobimpelflar greater powers than anv conferred by
this bill? Let It not be said that tho Presidont exer
cises these vast powers by virtue of the war power.
Be told us in his aunual message that the war was
over; and whether over or not.no incidental powers
are vested by the Constitution in the Presideut, either
aa President or commander iu chief of the army. The
inatrument gives Cougreas power to make all laws ne
cessary and proper lor carrying into execution all
powers Vested by the Coustltutiou in the government
of the United States, or iu any department or officer
thereof.
The Presidont Is -required, in carrying out his pow
ers, to act in obedience to law, the very tiling which
he refuses to do. He aaya:
"Tbe tendency of this bill mnat be to resuacitate the
Spirit of the rebellion."
. What assumption in ono who deniea tbe authority to
punish those who violate United States lawa. under
color of State authority, a doctrine from which the re
bellion sprung, and In entire harmony with the decla
ration of Mr. Buchanan that "there was no power to
coerce State." But, air, out of the month of
Senator Andrew Johnson 1 will prove that President
Andrew Johnson haa violated the spirit of the Consti
tution la ita letter lu vetoing tbia bill. It will be re
membered that the bill passed both Houses of Congress
by more than a two-thirds majority, tbe voto iu tbe
Senate being yeas 31 to nays 12, and tn tho House yeas
111 to nays 3a. 1 will read irom the remarks of Senator
Andrew Johnson on the veto of the Homestead bill by
Mr. Buchanan:
"The President of the United Ftates presumes yes,
klr. 1 say presumes to dictate to the American peoplo
and to the two Houses of Congiesa, in violation of the
spirit if not the letter of the VOiistitQlPn, that thin
measure shall not become ft law. W hy do T aay tbia?
1 ask, ia there any difference in theapiritof tbe Con
stitution whether a measure Is aanctioued by a two
thiids vote betore ita passage or attorward? When a
measure has been vetoed by the President the Consti
tution requires that It shall be reconsidered and passed
by a two-thirds vote in order to become a law; bat
bere, in tbe teeth of the Executive, there was a two
tblrda vote in favor of this bill. The vote waa .18 to 2
in thta body. The two Uonsea have aaid that this
measure la constitutional and right. In the other
Bonse. reflecting the popular sentiment of the nation,
the vote wsa 113 to M ten more than the two thirda
majority wblch the Constitution requires. And when
there ia a two-thirds vote for a mea.ure, I tay, it is
against the aplrit of the Constitution for tbe Execu
tive to aay. 'Nol you ahall not have thla meaanre; I
w ill take all the chances of vetoing It.' "
Apply this language to the faota connected with this
bill, and then say who has violated the spirit of the
Constitution? This bill io ao maumr Interferes with
the municipal regulations of any Htate, which protects
all ".lite in tbtir rights 'of person and property, lt
c"n!d have no operatiou In Massachusetts, New York,
Illinois, or moat ol ins eiares oi iue uuiuu. now pre
posterous then to charar. that unless some State can
have and exercise tbe right to punish somebody or to
deny somebody a civil right on account of hie color,
that Ita rignis aa a Dtio win uuuw.wiju. ,m mtm
ft at that unle. this bill can be passed nothing can be
doneto protect tbe freedinen in their liberty Uud their
L' !l ! " i .1,- -Mintftn . tk. D...i.
iwnatever uir h,iiiiviuivvi ...
V. at mia time as to "good tuith rCunirfiig the secu
rity of the fredmen in their liberty ama" their proper
ty ." it is now manliest from the ohamcter of bis ob
jections to this bill that be will approve no measure
that Will aCCUUipilBU IU udjci.. . u. mo DDvi.un
Olause Of tue constitutional nmerauieut give. tin.
power tbere can be no questloD. Borne have contended
that it gives tho power even toAinfer the right of suf
frage. X nave not inougril S3, ueuiu.e un iii-tcr
thought suffrage any more n. cesaary to the liberty of
ir.uim.n ilian of a nun-voting white, whether obild
or Itnrale. But bia liberty, under tbe Constitution, be
is entitled to, aud whatever is necessary to secure it
to him be is entitled to nave, uou uiBMiiukwrmo
bayouet. If the bill now before us, aud w Ulcu goes no
(nrih.r than to secure civil rights to the freedinen.
cannot be passtd. then the constitutional amendment
declaring freedom to all the iubabitauta oi tue lauo ia
a cheat and a delusion.
.-.nr,t hntiur mticimla what I nave to ear than, in
the language of Mr. Johnson, on tho occasion of tbe
veto OI the iiomeaieau uui, .urn,
th. fart thai, the President waa Inconsistent, and
changed his opinion in reference to a great measure
and a great principle. mere wh. uo rpanuii w urn wuowi
i.-u,,tt.u vim had arted understandly snould
change ois opinion, ue.aiu. upo tup c"n w
House of Hepreaeutativee, who have sanctioned thia
..in i.t n,nr il.an a iwn-third, maioritv. will, accord
ing to the ConstitfTllon exercise their privilege aud
power, and let i tie bill become a law of tbe land, ac
cording to the high behest ol the Aniericau people "
The further consideration of the subject was post
poned till to-mc.rrow, on motiou of Mr. Johusou, of
Maryland, who desires to addreaa the Seuate on it.
C
A 11 P E T I N O S.
a laege stock m
p 11 II- ADELPHI A MANUFACTUBE
In Btoie and constantly receiving,
AT VEKY LOW TBICKS.
GEORGE V. IIII.L,
2 1 thstuSm Ko. 126 Nona THIRD Street.
BKVENUE STAMPS, REVENUE STAMPS
KJiViMK STAMPS, ,
Ot oil detcrlptiovs,
O. all deacribtiona. Alw.v. o. ham,
A ways on hand.
AT FIOEKVCB fEW;G MACHI1SE t O.'H OKriOK,
AT FLOKLUCK SKW1NO M At 111N E CO. S Oil ICE,
Ko. 630 CHKSNUT 6tret
No. (WO CHKBNUT Btieet,
One door below Seventh street.
Cue door below Seventh street.
The most liberal discount allowed. -The
moat liberal discount allowed.
T J. M c 0 u I a
A N,
Importer and Wholesale Dealer n
FAMCT GOODS, KOTlOBa. ETO,
FIREWORKS, FLAGS, Eto
MATCHI8 AND BLAC1UBG,
NO. a HTKAWHKKRY KTRKET,
First Stret aboy Second btM Marketand Chesnot.
I . faUJLAIiaM'aUAt
CARPETINGS, &o
CJAKrETINGS ! CA11PETINGS I
AT ItETAIL.
McCALLOIS, CREASE & SLOAN,
No. 519 CIIESNIT Street,
OPP08ITJ IKDEFBTSnXKCZ BALL,
Beg leave to inlorm the public that thoy bare now
open their ,
v SPRING STOCK
OP
C A RPETIN Ci S,
1SEW AKD CHOICE DESIGNS
OF
Foreign and Domestic Manufacture,
Which they oiler at prices corresponding with
THE DECLINE IN COLD.
FRENCH AND ENGLISH AXMlXSTEli.
ENGLISH ROYAL WILTON.
VELVETS, ALL WIBTUS.
SUTEB10B ENGLISH BRUSSELS.
TAPESTRY ENGLISH BRUSSELS.
ROYAL WILTON, VELVET, BRUSSELS,
AJND TAFEMRY CARPET.
We offer tho above in all widths, with brders for
Balls raid fclaiis.
Also4 Imperial Three-l'ly Carpet
Kxtra Superilne Inyvaiii.
"
JUST DECEIVED,
WH1IE, If ED, CHECKED, AND FANCY .
Canton Mattings,
OF ALL WIDTHS, ''
McCallunis, Crease & Sloan,
No. 510 CIIESNUT Street,
OrrOSITE INDEPENDENCE HAIL.
L3211tnrp
JUST UECEIVED,
tfARD-AND-A-lIALF-WIDE
VELVET CARPETS,
NEW DESIGNS.
J. F. & E. ft. 0R3VE,
No. 904 '
t
CIIESNUT STREET.
3-4, f"8' 4"4 5-4, C-4,
WHITE, RED, AND FANCY I
CANTON MATTINGS.
J. F. & E. 13. OUNE,
No., 904
CIIESNUT STREET.
ENGLISH BRUSSELS,
FOR STAIRS AND HALLS,
WITH EXTRA BORDERS.
J. F. & E. B. ORNK,
No. 904
CIIESNUT STREET.
500 riBCEs
NEW PATTERNS
ENGLISH TArESTRY BRUSSELS.
J. F. E. B. 0RNE,
No. 904
C3 20 3uirp
CIIESNUT STREET.
"QLEN ECHO MILLS,"
GERMAN TOWN, PA.
lilCALUMS, CREASE & SLOAN,
MunfacturrM, Importers, and Wbolo
vale Dealers lu
CAHPETIJTGS,
OIL CLOTHS,
MATTINGS, Etc.
WAREHOUSE,
Ko. D09 CHESNUT STREET,
' orroBiTX the state nocsH,
, rtnladolphia.
llETAIIw DEPARTMENT,
3 6 8mrp
No. 610 CHESNUT STREET.
Q A lt P ' B T I N G S 1 .
LEE DOM & SHAW
Ar now opening htll assortment ot
Foreign and Domestic Carpets,
Thfas foods will tS sold St th LOWEST CASH
l'lUCES, to coi respond wltb the PALL OT GOLD.
No. GIO ARCH Street.
1 2im AbOVBWHTU
INSURANCE COMPANIES
"TVELAWAItE MUTUAL SAFETY INSURANCE
J.t ( OMPAN y,
lUCORrOBATFI) BY THE Lf filSLATCBX
I-ENNKYLVAMA. 1HM.
OFFICE 8. K. t ORJ.F R mrRI AND WALK t
BTKr.KI H. FJMLA DF.LrfllA. . . .
M A RISK ib)JILACi
CARGO.
rRi.ii.nT
To all parts of tnsw
IK LAND INKTTKANCIB
On Goods by Elver t'snal, Lake, nnd Land rrtag t
all pans o' th Union.
FlftK INSCKANCKS
On Vsrrhsnrtlse nnrrailv.
On f tores, Dwelling Houses, sta,
A88ETB OF THE COMPAST
J.ovemtr 1, 1H0.V
100 oo United Btatea S per cent loan, ,71....l'o-ao
20O.0W " 7 -10 per cent, loan,
Treasury Notre 04 tmot
100 000 8t"t ot k ennaylvanla Five Per Cent
Loan 90,651-
64,000 State of Pennsylvania blx Per Cent.
Loan M.290
12S.0OO Clt.v of Philadelphia ix Per Lent.
Loan 11 RI7 53
20,000 Pennsylvania ttnhrond First Mort-
gate Blx I'er Cent. Honda tt.OOO'Oa
21,000 Pennsylvania Railroad Hecond Wort-
pane Blx Per Cent. Hnnds....v SS.TSO'M
23 004 cstrtrn l ennsvlvsnla Kal.road Mort
irge Six Per Cent, ltonda 2J.75
15,000 il0 Mi are Stock (Inrniantown Gas
Compsnv. principal and Inter
guaranteed by the City Oi I'll 11-
. 'pl l 1J63TM
7,150 14 Shares Stock Pcnnsv.vai-U Rail- '
n .-.J""1 comnsnr 8.W0-9
,000 1C0 Bliares stock North Pennsylvania
e0.0t)aDCr,o!H with United Btates Gown- "v
an rna n.r!,,''."i.,',''ct lo ,cn aV' ra l 40,000-Ot
TO,! 00 State ot Tennessee Five Per Cent.
Loan 18 90009
170.700 Loans on Honda and MOrtgaVel 'fli'st
lions on Clly Property 170,700-0
l.OStf.MO Far.
Market valne..
..(HW.MlO-00
rival r.sinre
ltalanceadueat Asrencles.-Promloms
on Marine Policies. Accrued Inte-
rcii., auu ouici aeots aue the Com-
tiinv
B c rl i) "a nd ft t ock of ' s u n dry i n u Van ci
40 Ml-4
...... uui.r luuipames, , ISO, Juitl
Can In Bank."'
Cash la Drawer..
umiru vnnie...... ........
2,910-0 1
..M,9.V5 89
1.2M,M0-u)
I lit LC TORS.
Thorn a. C n m . .
John C. Davis.
Fdninnd A. Sunder,
Theophl,us Psnldina,
John K. Penrose,
Jamea Traquair,
Henry C. Kallett Jr.,
lamea C. Hand.
William C. Ludwlg,
JosrpnU. Seal,
Geome C. Lelner,
JlUKh CralR. .
ltoh.rt l'tirrnn
nanmeiK. p rotes.
J. . Penlatan,
rienry moan,
William G. Monlton,
Krtward DarllnKton, .
H. Jpnee Brooks.
Fdwarfl I afrniri.-ita
James B. Met' art and,
JOMhna. P r.m
Spencer Mcllvaln.
J. B. Bemole, Plttsbnrs;,
JohnD Taylor,
n. nerirnr. r-iirjtimra.
T. T. Mort'sn, Plttsbnrit
HAKD, Fresloent,
JOHN O. DA VIH. VIM-Pinalilant
hekky i.TLnt7iiij, ftecretarv. 12 i
1S29-CIIAR perpetual
FRANKLIN
FIRE INSURANCE COMPANY
OF
1'IIILADEI.l'IIIA.
Assets on" January 1, 18GG,
83.50G,8519G.
Capital
Accintc Surplus
Premiums
LSSETTLED CLAIMS,'
11.467 53.
400 000 00
W4M3 1&
1,1W,308 81
LNCOME FOB 1800
110 000.
LOSSES PAID SINCE 18SO OVER
65,000,000. ,
' Terpctual and Temporary Policies on Liberal Terms.
DIKLCTOBf).
Charles N Bnncker,
Tol.lns W apner,
t'dwaril r TtalA
George Falea, '
Ahr.,1 I'm...
Oleoma W. Itlchards,
Francis W. Lewis, M. D.
nmi.nn I eirr mci an.
I'm inrvo r i. . . .-.... .
JAS W HUi t "ALE. Vice-President
w' MCALLI81LB. Secretary protein. JIU231
NORTII AMERICAN TRANSIT
INSURANCE COMPANY,
No. 133 S. FOURTH Street
PHILADELPHIA,
Annual Policies Issued against General Accidents o
descriptions at exceedingly low rates,
Insurance eflected tor one year, In any .am rrbm IIOO
to 10.000, at premium of only one-half per cent, sec a
ring the full amount Insured In case of death, and a comV
pensatlon each week equal to the whole premium paid.
BhorUlma Xlckett for 1, 2, 1, t. 7, or 10 days, or 1, 3, or
6 months, at 10 oents a day, Insuring In tbe sum of (3000
or giving SIS per week It disabled, to be had at the Gene
ral Oflce, No. 1S3 8. FOURTH Street Phlladulphla, or at
the T.nrtoni Railroad TIcVet offices. Be sure to purchase
the tickets of tbe North American Transit Insurance
Company. j ,
.For circulars and further Information fcppiy at th
Co?r.ny0a'C, " f T 0rth "uthortgenti ot ,
Li. WIN L HOUPT. President V
JAMH Af. CONRAD, Tressurer.
HKNRY C. HKOWN, Secretary.
JOILK C. BULLITT. Solicitor.
DlKLClOlid.
L. Xj.Honpt. late ol Pennsylvania Bali road Cci rany..
M. Isi., ot M. m . lialuwin & Co. s, '
Samuel C. Palmer, Cashier oi Comine clal
lilchard Wood, lie. Stilt Market street.
James M. tonrso, So. 621 iisrkei atxee
J. t. Kinpely. Continental lioteL.
II. G. Lelsenrlng, Nob. 237 aud iW Dock
Samuel Work, ot Work. Met ouoli & O
Georce Alanin Ko. 3Vi Cbe.nut atiee
THE P R O V I D EN
Life and Trust Co.,
Of PHILADELPHIA.
Incorporated by tbeStote of PrnnsvlvanfaThir
Hu. Ibt.S, St HI.H LIVKS, ALLOW IMHUSSI
DEPOSIT. aKD GBaUTS ANNUITIKS.
CAPITAJ. apl&O.OOO.
SIKKCTXIB.
Samuel H. fchlpley, Itichard Cadbujy,
Jeremiah UftCkci, It enry Haines,
Joshua II luoiris, T WiHiar Drown, "
kichard Wood, William V. LouiMtreth.
Char'es F. toftiu.
SAltl EL B Mil PLXY, President
Rowiakd Pabst, Actuarv.
office. 7
No. Ill S. l OUItTlI Street.
plKf'X i.NSURAXCE COMI'ANY 1 O
X IL'IADKLPIilA.
IMOKPOHAl'tD lbt)4 CHARTKB PERPETUAL. '
Ho. 2V4 WiULT Sirvei oon site the I.xchanve.
lntddiileu ioaJABIKK aud 1M.AM) iSLB.KCB
thla Comptiuy insures irom losa or aaiuaue by 11 UK. oq
liberal itiina. on buildlLus, uieicbii.lls lurnitur-j, etc.
tor In. I ied perloua. .aud permanently on bul dines, or
aepoaitot premium.
1 tie l ompany Das bean tn active ooeration tor more
than SIX V YL.. KK. durlug .bieh all iossvs have keea
prcmpUytadjuattd aud paid.
DlSKOToaa.
Iiwrenot Lewis, Jr
' David LeaU.
Jobn L. Hodxe,
i&. U. Walioney,
Job . T. Lewis.
William rt. Urant,
Iiotert W Learning,
J. Clurk Wtisrton,
Hamuel Wilcox.
benlHinln jetting,
Thomaali. Powers,
A. U. Ale Henry.
Kdmond I astll'.on,
Louis I '. J orni.
WlyCUtRKB, President,
Bamokl Wilcox, se.retarr
2H
T.1RE 1KSU1UMCE EXCLTJ6IVELY.-THE
J; PKKii(YLVAlA FIBK lr.BUBANC UOMPAltr
-Id corvorsted Charier Perpetual alo, MM W AL
II VT Street, opposite lndeuendeuca Hquaie.
ThlaCouipaiiV.iavorabyknoHn to the community for
over fort' yeara. continue to insure agaluat loss or
damage by tire on Puu loor Private Butidinga, elthw
peruiauent y or lor a Uinlted time. Also un furniture,
6iocka of floods and alerubanuise generaily, ea hbarai
thrill a. ,
t beir Capital, together with a large Sorplu. Fund, la
Invested In the moat oaroful manner, whioh nntiUe
mem to oiler to tbe Insure! aa anduubtcd asearti; 1
the ease oi loss.
PiaiOToas.
Daniel Hmlth. Jr, , John Deyereux. ' ,
Alexander Beuson, I Tbomaa MuiliU,
Vaac Bar ehnrat, I f. vry Lewis,
thomaa Kobtns. I (tilllngham Fall,
Daniel Raddot k Jr.
IUN1K.L ballTH, Jn., President,
Wiu.uk O. Citowtaii. sieoietavy. 1 1