5$) PRINTED AND PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY JONATHAN ROW, SOMERSET, SOMERSET COUNTY, PA. XJew Series. TUESDAY, JANUARY 6, 1346, Vol. 4.-No. 8. n4 IP w From Heath's Book of Beauty, for U45. BY ALARIC A. WATTS. Twenty chequered years have past, Summer suns and wintry weather. Since our lot in concert cast, First we climbed the hill together. And the world before us Jay In its brightest colors drcsr, As we took our joyous way To select our place of rest. Fortune's smiles,' we could not boast ; Fame wc had not dreamt of Fame ! Friendship e'en when needed most Wc had only known by name. So, despising trappings rich, Wc decked our brows with humbler things, And in friendship's empty niche Love installed without his wings ! There, though twenty years have fled, Chequered o'er by good and ill, lie lifts sdoft his beaming head, - The same, young household idol still. From the National Intelligtncer. OREGON ftUESTION. ZDcbatf in tlje tnate. The following resolutions, oflered by Mr. Cass, camo up for consideration on Monday, the 15th instant: Resolved, That the Committee on Militr-ry Affairs bo instructed to inquire into the condition of the national fortifi cations and of their armaments; and whe ther defensive works are necessary; and into the condition and quantity of the mi litary supplies; and into the state and m:ans possessed by the Government for the defences of the country. Resolved, That the Committee on the Militia he instructed to enquire into the present condition of that great branch of the public service, and into the state of the militie law; and that they be further instructed to report such changes in the eiisting system as will give more experi ence and efficiency to that arm of defence, and will place it in the best condition for protecting the covnlry, should it be ex posed to foreign invasion. Resolved, That the Committee on Naval Affairs be instructed to enquire in to the condition of the Navy of the Uni ted States, anil into the quantity and con dition of supplies now on hand, and whe ther an increase of them is not necessary to the efficient operation of the navy, and to its preservation and augmentation; and, generally, into its capacity for defending our coast and commerce, and for any ser vice the exigencies of the country may probably require. Mr. Cass rose and addressed the Sen ate. Is it possible, said he, to read the Message of the President of the United States to Congress, and to witness the in dications of public opinion which are dis closed about us, without being aware that a crisis rapidly approaches; that the pres ent state of the intercourse between this country and Great Britain demands seri ous consideration, and may demand a cor dial co-operation in action on the part of Congress and the whole nation? The President has told us that the negotiations have arrived at, if not a close, at all c vents, a position which is about tantamount to a close. The claims of the two nations he finds utterly irreconcilable, and a relin quishment of claims to some extent on the ! part of one or botn countries, or the in tervention of a meditating power, seem now to be the only alternatives which can avert that most disastrous event, a state of war. This Government had already declined to submit the matter to arbitration: it was a course which might with propriety be a dopted by independent nations, under e qual circumstances, but unfortunately, in our controversy with England, those e qual circumstances did not exist. It was obvious that an umpire would have to be takf n from the associated monarchies of Europe, and we might well hesitate to leave the decision in such hands. It nvould he thought, be better to hold fast our rights, than, by submitting them to a doubtful arbitration, to risk their loss. "War was a great calamity, and should, if possible be avoided; but there were cala mities more to be dreaded. than war, and among those calamities was national dis honor, lie did not rise for the purpose of discussing our right to Oregon; that was a subject which would come up in its pro per place, and at a proper lime. He was aware that a great diversity of opinion existed as to the extent cf our claims, and, for himself, he would embrace this oppor tunity of cxnrcsFincr his cordial and entire ; adhesion to the views expressed by the ; l resident in nis message iouug- relation to this matter. It rmil be pretty rident to all who ex amine the subject that the pretensions of ' the two nations arc utterly rrreconcilcable. The most liberal as yet made by England fell far below our most moderate claim; and under these circumstances, said Mr. C, what are we to do ? Shall we recede? No, eir; as to receding, it is a thing not to be thought of for a moment. It is a thing which I allude to only to denounce it; and in this denunciation I am sure that I shall be joined by every true hearted A merican. Nothing is to be gained by pu sillanimity. He who would be content to attain a present temporary advantage at the ex pense of future dishonor and disgrace, but sows the whirlwind and reaps the storm. I will, continued Mr. C, here repeat a maxim which cannot be too deep ly impressed upon our minds, viz: that it is better to fiht for the first inch than for acres afterwards; better to fight for the door-sill than the hearth-stone; to 'main tain our national character unblemished is of greater consequence than the acquisi tion of wealth or extended possessions; it is this which possesses a moral influence in the hour of danger which is beyond all price. I repeat it, upon this question we cannot recede. Our destiny is onward. You might as well attempt to hain the waves on the Pacific as to arrest the pro gress of this nation. There is a tide of emigration now finding its waymaking for itself a channel through the barriers of the Rocky Mountains, which must in undate every portion of the vast territory lying beyond them. A vigorous and hardy population are spreading themselves abroad in the region, and they demand the protection of this Government. Shall they not have it ? Shall they not have the benefit of our laws and institutions extended to them ? Only last week memorials were laid upon your table asking for your protec tion; and do you think that, if their ap plication is disregarned, they will long continue to seek your favor or conciliate your regard ? No sir, the possessions they have acquired they will hold by the bayonet. They will not tamely sit still and await your tardy movements. The great principles of mutual protection and alle giance, if not adhered to by you in favor of that adventurous people, a portion of your own citizens, you dishearten them, and they become a prey to foreign diplo matic chicaner)'. What is it inspires the hearts of those who have found a home in thatTdistant region, if not the prospect of enjoying the blessings of civil and re ligious liberty under the fostering care of this Government? It is impossible that this stale of things should continue; for it seems to me utterly impossible that a community having the same interests and occupying the same territory can hold a divided allegiance, and be governed by two distinct and sepcrate sovereignties. Are their claims upon this government to be disregarded bv us altogether? Have mm they no rights to be enforced, and wrongs to be redressed ? How is either the one or the other to be done amid conflicting authorities constituted within the same li mits ? Possessory titles to lands might be held to be good in favor of the party last getting possession. How can justice be obtaiued by going into a court compos ed of every party from whom redress or restriction is sought ? England herself is invulnerable; the arrows of justice cannot even reach her heel. Touch but her rights in the minutest particular and her national sympathies and prejudices are a roused, and she is prepqged to resist to the utmost. Shall we be less tenacious of our rights ? We are wanted by the in firmities of human nature to trust our cause to none but ourselves. If then we cannot, with a due regard to national hon or, retrace our steps, and as England has placed herself in our path, what course is before us ? I have no hesitation in say ing, if England adheres to her last propo sition, and refuses to relinquish it, it is tan tamount to a declaration of war. I hope, nay, I say rather, I wish that England would awaken to a sense of her injustice, and yield where she can yield honorably. But will she do so ? It is safest to believe she will not; and this dictate of caution is fortified by the whole tenor of her con duct, When did she ever relinquish a hold that she had once gained ? The course taken by the two great leaders of her Administration may be regarded as a pretty sure index of what may be expec ted for her policy. Mr. Cass here quoted from the Lon don Morning Chronicle a portion of a de bate which occurred in the House of Commons, April 5, 1845, in relation to the proposed annexation of Texas to the United States. Here (said Mr. C.) is the leader of the great Whig party in the British House of Commons denouncing the annexatinn of Texas to this country because it tends to territorial aggrandizement; and all this cant about British moderation and philan throphy is believed in by the credulous and the infatuated; but let them not sup pose it is believed by us. The timely and wholesome rebuke administered to Mexico might, with equal propriety, be administered to England. The modera tion of England ! Such a collossal pow er as England has built up the world has never ccn. Her fortifications " gird the earth and her ships cover the sea. I have procured fjrgm. the Libraricn a few statis tics of England's power and greatness. She holds sway over 153,000,000 of peo ' pie. A little narrow island on the west ! ern coast of Europe gives laws to one- fifth of the whole human race. She holds ! sovereignty over three millions eight hun dred and twelve thousand square miles, one-eighth of the whole globe. And in the whole course of her acquisitions, from the subjugation of Ireland down wards, it has always been the force of arms. There has never been an instance, o far as I remember, where an indepen dent people submitted themselves williug ly to her domination or control; never an instance where a people, united with her out of reverence or regard to the institu tions. I have no pleasure in national cri mination and recrimination, but we can not, if we would, shut our eyes to these truths. They have made a lasting im pression on my mind, and I am but little disposed to yield to pretensions urged as she urges them. And she charges that we, too, are ambitious. Why, we have made three accessions, and they were all of them, coterminious regions with our own. And now, when in the process of the accomplishment of a junction consu mated by the voluntary act of a free peo ple, that nation, so celebrated for its self assumed moderation, interposes in words, if not by deeds, and betows upon us the utmost villification. While I would sacredly regard the rights of other nations, I would extend the benefit of our own laws and institu tions over all who claim our protection; for I have no fear that an extensian of ter ritory will weaken our Government. It has a life preserving principle within it self; in the control which the whole bo dy of the people have over the Govern ment a better security than fleets and ar mies. And if this Administration would crown its labors and in all it has yet done it has acted with equal ability and suc cess let it secure the peaeeful annexa tion of Oregon and California, and it will have secured to itself the lasting pratitude of the couutry. Mr. Cass again referred to some pas sages in the English newspapers, expres sive of the feelings entertained by the lea ding men of that nation towards the Uni ted States. - Under these imposing circumstances, (continued Mr. C.,) we may well ask of the watchmen, "What of the night? What are we to do ? I take for granted that wc will give notice of the termintion of joint occupancy, according to the re commendation of the President, (for I cannot suppose that the people of Oregon are to be left without protection,) and if we do there must be a war. And it will be no trifling war, but a war of extermina tion. The danger cannot be averted by indifference. It is better to look a diffi culty in the face, by making the adequate preparations, showing to England and the world the spectacle of an undivided peo ple. One war has already found us un prepared, and reflect for a moment what that condition of things cost the country in blood and treasure. Our preparations should be vigorous, prompt, efficient. The President has discharged his duty a bly and fearlessly; let us now discharge ours. It is my firm conviction, and I do not hesitate thus publicly to express it, that the surest if not the only means of avoiding a war, is to be united in the de termination to carry it on, if it does come, with all the energies God has given us. Our country is extensive and populous: we have a spacious frontier exposed, un fortified and ungarrisoned, with a very di minutive navx which ought, especially the steam portion of it, to be put in a bet ter condition with all practicable speed. These preparations require time; but the patriotism of the American people is al ways awake, asd prepared in a single in stant to repel aggression and to resent in jury ready to demonstrate to the whole world that republicans are jealous of their interests, and determined to support and maintain them. Mr. Cass was replied to by Mr. Man gum, who was followed by Mr. Allen and Mr. Archer; but Ave cannot command room for the remarks of these gentlemen Tuesday, Dec. 16, 1845. The Senate having resumed the unfin- jshed business of yesterday, being the consideration of the resolutions offered by Mr. Cass. Mr. Niles addressed the Senate at con siderable length in favor of the adoption of the resolutions. He saw nothing ob jectionable in the resolulions themselves. They were mere resolutions for inquiry, and such as Senators were in the habit of moving almost every day of the session; but he deprecated the discursive range which the debate had taken. He believ ed it was calculated to produce an inju rious effect both in this country aud a broad. He thought that the plain and obvious course which had been marked ont by the President in his message was the true and proper one for Congress to pursue, and he could see no reason to ap prehend that any other than an amicable termination of the controversy would be the result. Mr. Critlendrn next addressed the ' Senate, He remarked that, iV the reso lutions themselves, he perceived nothing i obipptonnhlp. and hp was nmte readv to vote for appropriations which might be deemed necessary at any time to place the country in a state of complete defence, and to provide against the possible contingen cy of a war. The remarks however, which were made by the honorable Sena tor from Michigan, the mover of these resolulions, gave to them a peculiar sig nificance, a peculiar degree of consequence and importance, under the circumstances in which they were placed. Those re marks, iu fact, according to his under standing, conveyed an assurance, and from a very high authority, too, that war might now be looked upon as almost in evitable. They were, as far as the hon orable Senator could make them so, a declaration of wrar. Remarks of that character were calculated deeply to affect the interests of the people, and serious ly to distnrb the business of the country. He felt assured, therefore, that the Sena tor had not made them unadvisedly and without proper deliberation. As- fortius Government receding from the proposi tions she had already made, the Senator had said that he mentioned it only for the purpose of denouncing it. Our position, then, was fixed; and unless Great Britain thought proper to recede, there must be wrfr. When did Great Britain ever re cede? But more than this: they were in formed that the President, in his message, had recommended that notice should be given of the termination of joint occu pancy; and the Senator had proceeded to say that, if the notice were given, war would be inevitable. They were, indeed then, according to the authority of the honorable Senator, standing on the very verge of war. And if the whole Senate were the same opinion, instead of adopt ing a resolution of inquiry whioh they were now called on to adopt, they would at once make every eflort at prepcration and putting on all their armor without any delay. Mr. Cass desired to explain. He did not say that war was inevitable, but that if England, at the expiration of the year, persisted in the practical assertion of her claim to the Territory of Oregon, it would lead to war. He had stated yesterday, and hwould repeat it now, that. he be lieved England would persist in that claim. Mr. Crittenden. Under these impo sing circumstadces, we may well ask of the watchman, what of the night? hat are we to do? I take it for granted that we shall give the notice of the termination of the joint occupancy; and, if we do, the Senator tells us there must be war. Mr. Cass, But I added, as I now do, if England persists, as I believe she will, in practically asserting her claim. Mr. Crittenden. Then the Senator wishes to be understood as speaking qualiriedly. I would be very glad to hear an explanation from the honorable Senator by which public anxiety might be re lieved. Mr. Cass said he could give no such explanation. His opinion, if the Senator desired to hear it, was, that Mre are al most on the verge of war; for he believed that England would persist in her claim. Mr. Crittenden said that these momen tous announcements were calculated, he thought, to create very great apprehen sions in the public mind, particularly when coupled with other remarks of the same nature made by the honorable Sen ator. After, for instance, informing the Senate that England was not in the habit of receding from any pretension which she once sets up, though we cannot set tle the differences in any other way, he yet repudiates the idea of arbitration. Well, then what was the conclusion at which the honorable Senator arrived? It was that war was inevitable. Mr. Cass observed that he did not wish to convey any other idea than, he very much feared war would ensue, be cause he believed that England would persist in her pretensions. Mr. Crittenden now nnderstood the Senator to say that he believed England would peisist in asserting her claim to the whole of the Oregon territory, Mr. Cass. That is it. Mr. Crittenden. Well, after the speech of the Senator of yesterday, that is some thing of a retraction. Mr. Cass. I do not retract a single word. I will repeat what I said. Mr. C. here took a copy of the report of his speech, as prepared by himself for the Union, and read the passage referred to. Mr. Crittenden. Now I am totally at a loss. Does the gentlemen mean that if we give the notice, and he thinks we ought to give it, war will necessarily fol low? Mr. Cass. If, at the expiration of the year, England persists in her claim; I cannot say what she will do, but I believe she will persist. Mr. Crittenden. The Senator then at length, instead of announcing an in evitable inference, makes, his inference contingent upon the happening of ot her events upon the occurrence of other circumstances. His conclu sion, to bo complete, will require va rious other facts: such as that Great Britain will, at the end of the year, take hostile possession of the whole territory-. It might be be very fairly inferred that such a course on the part of Great Brit ain would lead to a war; and if the Sena tor desired to make out a case somewhat stronger, let him suppose that Great Brit ain should land her forces and take pos session of the city of Charleston, or Nor folk, or Baltimore. In short, the mean ing of'the Senator, after all, was that war would inevitably take place, provided the grounds for warwcre hereafter supplied. He had at first feared that the announce ment made by the Senator would have the effect to create a falsa alarm; and this effect he thought the more likely to be produced by reason of the high character and standing of the Senator, not from his personal and private character and stand ing alone, but from the intimate and con fidential relations whieh he was supposed to bear to the present Chief Mrgistrate of the nation. It would be very naturally supposed that declarations of so monten tous a character would not be made with out a knowledge of the sentimeuts enter tained by h Administration. Taking all these considerations together he was somewhat under the impression that the authority given so apparently in earnest must be set down as an evidence that there was to be war. Sir, (continued Mr. Crittenden,) I do not myself believe, speaking with all due deference for the distinguished Senator, that we are to have a war. I have never been able to realize to my mind that a war could possibly grow up between two such nations as the United States and Great Britain, out of such a cause. Is it possible that wc cannot settle the bounda ry of a distinct strip of territory, of no great value either, without a war? Can not the diplomacy of the country settle a question of this sort, without imbruing the hands of the two nations in blood? What is their wisdon worih what is their diplomacy worth if this be the case? Sir, it ought to be settled. There is no question of insulted honor, no ques tion of national character involved. This is but a question regarding some portion of a distant frozen barren territory, that has been in dispute for thirty or forty years. I have more confidence in the wisdom, humanity, and intelligence of the two Governments,than to suppose it pos sible that out of such a cause war can arise And while I say this, I will add that I perfectly agree with the sentiments expressed by the Senator from North Carolina, and the Senator from Virginia, .yesterday, that if war should come, I be lieve wc shall sec the whole Union rally round the national standard, united as a single man. Before the actual occurrence of war we may battle among ourselves, but when it comes there is no neutral ground to stand upon. But who is there that desires a war? None I trust. All ay it is to be deprecated and avoided, and I trust, that every tliir.g will be done on our part that honor and policy per mits to be done to avoid it. But wc are now called upon to give notice of the termination of the joint oc cupancy, and we are told that, connected with other circumstances war is to be the consequence of that notice. Will it be so? I think it ought not, and will not, unless we commit a very egregious blun duer. But if, as the Senator says, we are in the path which leads to war, let us march slowly and firmly upon it. Let us be firm, self possessed, and slow. We shall not be less formidable to our enemies while advancing thus, than if we pursue the path as if reekle?3 of all con sequences, wheresoover it may lead us. Let us. then, if wcare to give the notice, and I think we cannot well avoid it, in stead of giving the precise notice indica ted, let us give notice to take effect two years hence; it will not the less indicate our firmness and our determination. Let I us not act like a spiteful landlord giving notice to a tenant, and limiting our tenant to the shortest possible time, but give time for reflection and negotiation, We ought not to be hasty or careless of giv ing insult to any people, much less to those whom by character and by lineage we resemble so nearly The question of settlement of mere matters of interest mav be difficult enough, but an insult is much more difficult of settlement between two high spirited nations. Let us, then, trav el on with a firm and steady step, cau tiously, boldly, and at the same time monifesting a willingness to secure an amicable adjustment of difficulties in pre ference to war. Mr. Webster said he did not propose to offer any opposition whatever to the passage of the resolutions, though he could not perceive that there was any very great necessity for their adoption. It did not appear to him that they char ged the committee with any especial du ty. Inquiry into the matters here sug gested was the ordinary duty of the com mittee, and he did not think there were any extraordinary circumstances existing which rendered it necessary on this oc casion to instruct them by a resolution of the Senate, or to stimulate them in the performance of an established duty. Nev ertheless, he regretted the introduction of these resolutions, combined as they were with the remarks wich the Senator from Michigan had thought proper to addrc s to j the Senate,' because he agreed with the Senator from Kentcckey that their intro duction in that manner appeared to give something to them of significance which would create unnecessary alarm. Every member of the Senate knew, and every man of intelligence knew, that unneces sary alarm anil apprehension about the preservation of the public peace was a great evil. It disturbed the Business of the country; it disturbed the calculation of men; it'deranged the pursuits of life, and even, to a great extent, changed tha circumstances of the whole business of the country. This truti will be felt more especially by every gentleman ac quainted or connected with ihe sea board. They all knew what an immense amount of property was afloat upon the ocean, carried there by our citizens in the p ros ecution of their" maritime pursuits. Tney all knew that a rumor of war, or the breath of a rumor of war, would affect the ral uc of that property. They all knew what effect it would have upon insuran ces. They all knew what immensa a mmmt of nronertv on shore would be af fected bv the agitation cf public opinion upon an intimation ot tiie disiumancc ui the pacific relations existing between this country and foreign States. Sir,'(said Mr. W.) there are two ways in either of which a Government may proceed and when I have stated them I think it will be obvious to every ono which is the wisest. Wc may if we choose create alarm and apprehension. " o may, if we are wise, cause no unnecessary alarm, but make quiet, thorough, ju.it, politic, statesmanlike prvisions for tho future. Mr. President, I am entirely or Ine opinion of the Senator from Kentucky, I rrcvc not been able to bring myself to believe that war will grow out of this matter, certainly not immediately; and I think I cannot 'be mistaken when I say that the recommendations which thu Chief Magistrate has made to Congress will not lead to any such result. I thiuw it impossible to miatike the meaning of the President. He docs not expect war. Looking at the state of things around us, and at what is stated by the Executive, I canuot believe that he apprehend any danger. f Sir, I shall abstain cautiously from of fering any remark upon that portion of the message which refers to the negotia tion. I abstain with equal care from any remark upon a correspondence which has been published. 1 do not wisn iu a; whether it does appear from that corres pondence that negotiation is so complete ly and entirelyat anend, that no amicablo disposition of the question may be looked for hereafter from a diplomatic source. Iris enough for me, in order to accomplish all the purposes of these few remarks, to say, that while I am incapable of bringing myself to the belief that the president ap prehends any immediate danger of war I may be allowed to suppose, or to im agine", that he, the President, may enter tain an opinion similar to that which has been expressed this morning by the Sen ator from Connecticut. He may possi bly look for propositions to coine from tho other side, having communicated the ul timatum of this Government. Whether it be in this view or upon other gTounds that the expectation is entertained, it is enough for me to deprecate any falsa alarm that may arise to disturb the tran quility of the country. The President may feel, as I am bound to suppose he does feel, the full weight of the responsibility which attaches to him in relation to whatevrinterests the peace of tho country. I am bound to suppose ho understands the position in whirh he is placed, and that he judges wisely as to the extent to which he should go in sub mitting propositions to Congress. There fore, I entirely concur in the opinion, which has been expressed, that he cannot regard the present position of affairs as leading to any immediate drngcr of war. Acting upon these conclusions, (said Mr. W.) and entertaining these views, all the regret I feel at the introductiun of these resolutions is, as I have said, that, accompanied with the remarks wich fell from the honorable Sonator when he cal led them up, they might have a tendency to create unnecessary alarm. He trusted that every member of the community would perceive that it was necessary to suppress all alarm; and, as far as he was concerned, if gentlemen thought that tha time has come for enlarging the defences of the country, for augmenting the army and the navy", he was ready to co-operato with them. Mr. W. concluded by expressing th hope that, while they did every thing that was necessary for the- preservation of tho honor and the interests of the country, they would abstain from creating any a Iarm in the public mind. . Mr. Sevier said it struck him with some surprise that any inquiry could nevor be brought up in tliBt Chamber on the subiectof Orc?on. but they were tohl to beware lest they provoke Janger else where; to be cautious how they trii,i with the business pursuits of the country. It appeared they were expectcu to pro hvKtelth in the performance of thi- j - duty, lest thoy should ceatc ipjnic in th country, ins menu irom .uer.igan ju i I sen catechUed" wi'-h grut severity to
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