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PRINTED AND PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY JONATHAN ROW, SOMERSET, SOMERSET COUNTY, PA.
XJew Series.
TUESDAY, JANUARY 6, 1346,
Vol. 4.-No. 8.
n4 IP
w
From Heath's Book of Beauty, for U45.
BY ALARIC A. WATTS.
Twenty chequered years have past,
Summer suns and wintry weather.
Since our lot in concert cast,
First we climbed the hill together.
And the world before us Jay
In its brightest colors drcsr,
As we took our joyous way
To select our place of rest.
Fortune's smiles,' we could not boast ;
Fame wc had not dreamt of Fame !
Friendship e'en when needed most
Wc had only known by name.
So, despising trappings rich,
Wc decked our brows with humbler
things,
And in friendship's empty niche
Love installed without his wings !
There, though twenty years have fled,
Chequered o'er by good and ill,
lie lifts sdoft his beaming head,
- The same, young household idol still.
From the National Intelligtncer.
OREGON ftUESTION.
ZDcbatf in tlje tnate.
The following resolutions, oflered by
Mr. Cass, camo up for consideration on
Monday, the 15th instant:
Resolved, That the Committee on
Militr-ry Affairs bo instructed to inquire
into the condition of the national fortifi
cations and of their armaments; and whe
ther defensive works are necessary; and
into the condition and quantity of the mi
litary supplies; and into the state and
m:ans possessed by the Government for
the defences of the country.
Resolved, That the Committee on the
Militia he instructed to enquire into the
present condition of that great branch of
the public service, and into the state of
the militie law; and that they be further
instructed to report such changes in the
eiisting system as will give more experi
ence and efficiency to that arm of defence,
and will place it in the best condition for
protecting the covnlry, should it be ex
posed to foreign invasion.
Resolved, That the Committee on
Naval Affairs be instructed to enquire in
to the condition of the Navy of the Uni
ted States, anil into the quantity and con
dition of supplies now on hand, and whe
ther an increase of them is not necessary
to the efficient operation of the navy, and
to its preservation and augmentation; and,
generally, into its capacity for defending
our coast and commerce, and for any ser
vice the exigencies of the country may
probably require.
Mr. Cass rose and addressed the Sen
ate. Is it possible, said he, to read the
Message of the President of the United
States to Congress, and to witness the in
dications of public opinion which are dis
closed about us, without being aware that
a crisis rapidly approaches; that the pres
ent state of the intercourse between this
country and Great Britain demands seri
ous consideration, and may demand a cor
dial co-operation in action on the part of
Congress and the whole nation? The
President has told us that the negotiations
have arrived at, if not a close, at all c
vents, a position which is about tantamount
to a close. The claims of the two nations
he finds utterly irreconcilable, and a relin
quishment of claims to some extent on the !
part of one or botn countries, or the in
tervention of a meditating power, seem
now to be the only alternatives which
can avert that most disastrous event, a
state of war.
This Government had already declined
to submit the matter to arbitration: it was
a course which might with propriety be a
dopted by independent nations, under e
qual circumstances, but unfortunately, in
our controversy with England, those e
qual circumstances did not exist. It was
obvious that an umpire would have to be
takf n from the associated monarchies of
Europe, and we might well hesitate to
leave the decision in such hands. It
nvould he thought, be better to hold fast
our rights, than, by submitting them to a
doubtful arbitration, to risk their loss.
"War was a great calamity, and should, if
possible be avoided; but there were cala
mities more to be dreaded. than war, and
among those calamities was national dis
honor, lie did not rise for the purpose of
discussing our right to Oregon; that was a
subject which would come up in its pro
per place, and at a proper lime. He was
aware that a great diversity of opinion
existed as to the extent cf our claims, and,
for himself, he would embrace this oppor
tunity of cxnrcsFincr his cordial and entire ;
adhesion to the views expressed by the ;
l resident in nis message iouug-
relation to this matter.
It rmil be pretty rident to all who ex
amine the subject that the pretensions of '
the two nations arc utterly rrreconcilcable.
The most liberal as yet made by England
fell far below our most moderate claim;
and under these circumstances, said Mr.
C, what are we to do ? Shall we recede?
No, eir; as to receding, it is a thing not
to be thought of for a moment. It is a
thing which I allude to only to denounce
it; and in this denunciation I am sure that
I shall be joined by every true hearted A
merican. Nothing is to be gained by pu
sillanimity. He who would be content to attain a
present temporary advantage at the ex
pense of future dishonor and disgrace,
but sows the whirlwind and reaps the
storm. I will, continued Mr. C, here
repeat a maxim which cannot be too deep
ly impressed upon our minds, viz: that it
is better to fiht for the first inch than for
acres afterwards; better to fight for the
door-sill than the hearth-stone; to 'main
tain our national character unblemished is
of greater consequence than the acquisi
tion of wealth or extended possessions; it
is this which possesses a moral influence
in the hour of danger which is beyond all
price. I repeat it, upon this question we
cannot recede. Our destiny is onward.
You might as well attempt to hain the
waves on the Pacific as to arrest the pro
gress of this nation. There is a tide of
emigration now finding its waymaking
for itself a channel through the barriers
of the Rocky Mountains, which must in
undate every portion of the vast territory
lying beyond them. A vigorous and
hardy population are spreading themselves
abroad in the region, and they demand
the protection of this Government. Shall
they not have it ? Shall they not have
the benefit of our laws and institutions
extended to them ?
Only last week memorials were laid
upon your table asking for your protec
tion; and do you think that, if their ap
plication is disregarned, they will long
continue to seek your favor or conciliate
your regard ? No sir, the possessions
they have acquired they will hold by the
bayonet. They will not tamely sit still and
await your tardy movements. The great
principles of mutual protection and alle
giance, if not adhered to by you in favor
of that adventurous people, a portion of
your own citizens, you dishearten them,
and they become a prey to foreign diplo
matic chicaner)'. What is it inspires the
hearts of those who have found a home
in thatTdistant region, if not the prospect
of enjoying the blessings of civil and re
ligious liberty under the fostering care of
this Government? It is impossible that
this stale of things should continue; for it
seems to me utterly impossible that a
community having the same interests and
occupying the same territory can hold a
divided allegiance, and be governed by
two distinct and sepcrate sovereignties.
Are their claims upon this government to
be disregarded bv us altogether? Have
mm
they no rights to be enforced, and wrongs
to be redressed ? How is either the one
or the other to be done amid conflicting
authorities constituted within the same li
mits ? Possessory titles to lands might
be held to be good in favor of the party
last getting possession. How can justice
be obtaiued by going into a court compos
ed of every party from whom redress or
restriction is sought ? England herself is
invulnerable; the arrows of justice cannot
even reach her heel. Touch but her
rights in the minutest particular and her
national sympathies and prejudices are a
roused, and she is prepqged to resist to
the utmost. Shall we be less tenacious
of our rights ? We are wanted by the in
firmities of human nature to trust our
cause to none but ourselves. If then we
cannot, with a due regard to national hon
or, retrace our steps, and as England has
placed herself in our path, what course
is before us ? I have no hesitation in say
ing, if England adheres to her last propo
sition, and refuses to relinquish it, it is tan
tamount to a declaration of war. I hope,
nay, I say rather, I wish that England
would awaken to a sense of her injustice,
and yield where she can yield honorably.
But will she do so ? It is safest to believe
she will not; and this dictate of caution is
fortified by the whole tenor of her con
duct, When did she ever relinquish a
hold that she had once gained ? The
course taken by the two great leaders of
her Administration may be regarded as a
pretty sure index of what may be expec
ted for her policy.
Mr. Cass here quoted from the Lon
don Morning Chronicle a portion of a de
bate which occurred in the House of
Commons, April 5, 1845, in relation to
the proposed annexation of Texas to the
United States.
Here (said Mr. C.) is the leader of the
great Whig party in the British House of
Commons denouncing the annexatinn of
Texas to this country because it tends to
territorial aggrandizement; and all this
cant about British moderation and philan
throphy is believed in by the credulous
and the infatuated; but let them not sup
pose it is believed by us. The timely
and wholesome rebuke administered to
Mexico might, with equal propriety, be
administered to England. The modera
tion of England ! Such a collossal pow
er as England has built up the world has
never ccn. Her fortifications " gird the
earth and her ships cover the sea. I have
procured fjrgm. the Libraricn a few statis
tics of England's power and greatness.
She holds sway over 153,000,000 of peo
' pie. A little narrow island on the west
! ern coast of Europe gives laws to one-
fifth of the whole human race. She holds
! sovereignty over three millions eight hun
dred and twelve thousand square miles,
one-eighth of the whole globe. And in
the whole course of her acquisitions,
from the subjugation of Ireland down
wards, it has always been the force of
arms. There has never been an instance,
o far as I remember, where an indepen
dent people submitted themselves williug
ly to her domination or control; never an
instance where a people, united with her
out of reverence or regard to the institu
tions. I have no pleasure in national cri
mination and recrimination, but we can
not, if we would, shut our eyes to these
truths. They have made a lasting im
pression on my mind, and I am but little
disposed to yield to pretensions urged as
she urges them. And she charges that
we, too, are ambitious. Why, we have
made three accessions, and they were all
of them, coterminious regions with our
own. And now, when in the process of
the accomplishment of a junction consu
mated by the voluntary act of a free peo
ple, that nation, so celebrated for its self
assumed moderation, interposes in words,
if not by deeds, and betows upon us the
utmost villification.
While I would sacredly regard the
rights of other nations, I would extend
the benefit of our own laws and institu
tions over all who claim our protection;
for I have no fear that an extensian of ter
ritory will weaken our Government. It
has a life preserving principle within it
self; in the control which the whole bo
dy of the people have over the Govern
ment a better security than fleets and ar
mies. And if this Administration would
crown its labors and in all it has yet done
it has acted with equal ability and suc
cess let it secure the peaeeful annexa
tion of Oregon and California, and it will
have secured to itself the lasting pratitude
of the couutry.
Mr. Cass again referred to some pas
sages in the English newspapers, expres
sive of the feelings entertained by the lea
ding men of that nation towards the Uni
ted States. -
Under these imposing circumstances,
(continued Mr. C.,) we may well ask of
the watchmen, "What of the night?
What are we to do ? I take for granted
that wc will give notice of the termintion
of joint occupancy, according to the re
commendation of the President, (for I
cannot suppose that the people of Oregon
are to be left without protection,) and if
we do there must be a war. And it will
be no trifling war, but a war of extermina
tion. The danger cannot be averted by
indifference. It is better to look a diffi
culty in the face, by making the adequate
preparations, showing to England and the
world the spectacle of an undivided peo
ple. One war has already found us un
prepared, and reflect for a moment what
that condition of things cost the country
in blood and treasure. Our preparations
should be vigorous, prompt, efficient.
The President has discharged his duty a
bly and fearlessly; let us now discharge
ours. It is my firm conviction, and I do
not hesitate thus publicly to express it,
that the surest if not the only means of
avoiding a war, is to be united in the de
termination to carry it on, if it does come,
with all the energies God has given us.
Our country is extensive and populous:
we have a spacious frontier exposed, un
fortified and ungarrisoned, with a very di
minutive navx which ought, especially
the steam portion of it, to be put in a bet
ter condition with all practicable speed.
These preparations require time; but the
patriotism of the American people is al
ways awake, asd prepared in a single in
stant to repel aggression and to resent in
jury ready to demonstrate to the whole
world that republicans are jealous of their
interests, and determined to support and
maintain them.
Mr. Cass was replied to by Mr. Man
gum, who was followed by Mr. Allen and
Mr. Archer; but Ave cannot command
room for the remarks of these gentlemen
Tuesday, Dec. 16, 1845.
The Senate having resumed the unfin-
jshed business of yesterday, being the
consideration of the resolutions offered by
Mr. Cass.
Mr. Niles addressed the Senate at con
siderable length in favor of the adoption
of the resolutions. He saw nothing ob
jectionable in the resolulions themselves.
They were mere resolutions for inquiry,
and such as Senators were in the habit of
moving almost every day of the session;
but he deprecated the discursive range
which the debate had taken. He believ
ed it was calculated to produce an inju
rious effect both in this country aud a
broad. He thought that the plain and
obvious course which had been marked
ont by the President in his message was
the true and proper one for Congress to
pursue, and he could see no reason to ap
prehend that any other than an amicable
termination of the controversy would be
the result.
Mr. Critlendrn next addressed the
' Senate, He remarked that, iV the reso
lutions themselves, he perceived nothing
i obipptonnhlp. and hp was nmte readv to
vote for appropriations which might be
deemed necessary at any time to place the
country in a state of complete defence, and
to provide against the possible contingen
cy of a war. The remarks however,
which were made by the honorable Sena
tor from Michigan, the mover of these
resolulions, gave to them a peculiar sig
nificance, a peculiar degree of consequence
and importance, under the circumstances
in which they were placed. Those re
marks, iu fact, according to his under
standing, conveyed an assurance, and
from a very high authority, too, that war
might now be looked upon as almost in
evitable. They were, as far as the hon
orable Senator could make them so, a
declaration of wrar. Remarks of that
character were calculated deeply to affect
the interests of the people, and serious
ly to distnrb the business of the country.
He felt assured, therefore, that the Sena
tor had not made them unadvisedly and
without proper deliberation. As- fortius
Government receding from the proposi
tions she had already made, the Senator
had said that he mentioned it only for the
purpose of denouncing it. Our position,
then, was fixed; and unless Great Britain
thought proper to recede, there must be
wrfr. When did Great Britain ever re
cede? But more than this: they were in
formed that the President, in his message,
had recommended that notice should be
given of the termination of joint occu
pancy; and the Senator had proceeded to
say that, if the notice were given, war
would be inevitable. They were, indeed
then, according to the authority of the
honorable Senator, standing on the very
verge of war. And if the whole Senate
were the same opinion, instead of adopt
ing a resolution of inquiry whioh they
were now called on to adopt, they would
at once make every eflort at prepcration
and putting on all their armor without
any delay.
Mr. Cass desired to explain. He did
not say that war was inevitable, but that
if England, at the expiration of the year,
persisted in the practical assertion of her
claim to the Territory of Oregon, it would
lead to war. He had stated yesterday,
and hwould repeat it now, that. he be
lieved England would persist in that
claim.
Mr. Crittenden. Under these impo
sing circumstadces, we may well ask of
the watchman, what of the night? hat
are we to do? I take it for granted that
we shall give the notice of the termination
of the joint occupancy; and, if we do, the
Senator tells us there must be war.
Mr. Cass, But I added, as I now do,
if England persists, as I believe she will,
in practically asserting her claim.
Mr. Crittenden. Then the Senator
wishes to be understood as speaking
qualiriedly. I would be very glad to
hear an explanation from the honorable
Senator by which public anxiety might
be re lieved.
Mr. Cass said he could give no such
explanation. His opinion, if the Senator
desired to hear it, was, that Mre are al
most on the verge of war; for he believed
that England would persist in her claim.
Mr. Crittenden said that these momen
tous announcements were calculated, he
thought, to create very great apprehen
sions in the public mind, particularly
when coupled with other remarks of the
same nature made by the honorable Sen
ator. After, for instance, informing the
Senate that England was not in the habit
of receding from any pretension which
she once sets up, though we cannot set
tle the differences in any other way, he
yet repudiates the idea of arbitration.
Well, then what was the conclusion at
which the honorable Senator arrived?
It was that war was inevitable.
Mr. Cass observed that he did not
wish to convey any other idea than, he
very much feared war would ensue, be
cause he believed that England would
persist in her pretensions.
Mr. Crittenden now nnderstood the
Senator to say that he believed England
would peisist in asserting her claim to
the whole of the Oregon territory,
Mr. Cass. That is it.
Mr. Crittenden. Well, after the speech
of the Senator of yesterday, that is some
thing of a retraction.
Mr. Cass. I do not retract a single
word. I will repeat what I said. Mr.
C. here took a copy of the report of his
speech, as prepared by himself for the
Union, and read the passage referred to.
Mr. Crittenden. Now I am totally at
a loss. Does the gentlemen mean that if
we give the notice, and he thinks we
ought to give it, war will necessarily fol
low? Mr. Cass. If, at the expiration of the
year, England persists in her claim; I
cannot say what she will do, but I believe
she will persist.
Mr. Crittenden. The Senator then
at length, instead of announcing an in
evitable inference, makes, his inference
contingent upon the happening of ot
her events upon the occurrence of
other circumstances. His conclu
sion, to bo complete, will require va
rious other facts: such as that Great
Britain will, at the end of the year, take
hostile possession of the whole territory-.
It might be be very fairly inferred that
such a course on the part of Great Brit
ain would lead to a war; and if the Sena
tor desired to make out a case somewhat
stronger, let him suppose that Great Brit
ain should land her forces and take pos
session of the city of Charleston, or Nor
folk, or Baltimore. In short, the mean
ing of'the Senator, after all, was that war
would inevitably take place, provided the
grounds for warwcre hereafter supplied.
He had at first feared that the announce
ment made by the Senator would have
the effect to create a falsa alarm; and this
effect he thought the more likely to be
produced by reason of the high character
and standing of the Senator, not from his
personal and private character and stand
ing alone, but from the intimate and con
fidential relations whieh he was supposed
to bear to the present Chief Mrgistrate of
the nation. It would be very naturally
supposed that declarations of so monten
tous a character would not be made with
out a knowledge of the sentimeuts enter
tained by h Administration. Taking
all these considerations together he was
somewhat under the impression that the
authority given so apparently in earnest
must be set down as an evidence that
there was to be war.
Sir, (continued Mr. Crittenden,) I do
not myself believe, speaking with all due
deference for the distinguished Senator,
that we are to have a war. I have never
been able to realize to my mind that a
war could possibly grow up between two
such nations as the United States and
Great Britain, out of such a cause. Is it
possible that wc cannot settle the bounda
ry of a distinct strip of territory, of no
great value either, without a war? Can
not the diplomacy of the country settle a
question of this sort, without imbruing
the hands of the two nations in blood?
What is their wisdon worih what is
their diplomacy worth if this be the
case? Sir, it ought to be settled. There
is no question of insulted honor, no ques
tion of national character involved. This
is but a question regarding some portion
of a distant frozen barren territory, that
has been in dispute for thirty or forty
years. I have more confidence in the
wisdom, humanity, and intelligence of the
two Governments,than to suppose it pos
sible that out of such a cause war can
arise And while I say this, I will add
that I perfectly agree with the sentiments
expressed by the Senator from North
Carolina, and the Senator from Virginia,
.yesterday, that if war should come, I be
lieve wc shall sec the whole Union rally
round the national standard, united as a
single man. Before the actual occurrence
of war we may battle among ourselves,
but when it comes there is no neutral
ground to stand upon. But who is there
that desires a war? None I trust. All
ay it is to be deprecated and avoided,
and I trust, that every tliir.g will be done
on our part that honor and policy per
mits to be done to avoid it.
But wc are now called upon to give
notice of the termination of the joint oc
cupancy, and we are told that, connected
with other circumstances war is to be the
consequence of that notice. Will it be
so? I think it ought not, and will not,
unless we commit a very egregious blun
duer. But if, as the Senator says, we
are in the path which leads to war, let us
march slowly and firmly upon it. Let
us be firm, self possessed, and slow.
We shall not be less formidable to our
enemies while advancing thus, than if we
pursue the path as if reekle?3 of all con
sequences, wheresoover it may lead us.
Let us. then, if wcare to give the notice,
and I think we cannot well avoid it, in
stead of giving the precise notice indica
ted, let us give notice to take effect two
years hence; it will not the less indicate
our firmness and our determination. Let
I us not act like a spiteful landlord giving
notice to a tenant, and limiting our tenant
to the shortest possible time, but give
time for reflection and negotiation, We
ought not to be hasty or careless of giv
ing insult to any people, much less to
those whom by character and by lineage
we resemble so nearly The question of
settlement of mere matters of interest mav
be difficult enough, but an insult is much
more difficult of settlement between two
high spirited nations. Let us, then, trav
el on with a firm and steady step, cau
tiously, boldly, and at the same time
monifesting a willingness to secure an
amicable adjustment of difficulties in pre
ference to war.
Mr. Webster said he did not propose
to offer any opposition whatever to the
passage of the resolutions, though he
could not perceive that there was any
very great necessity for their adoption.
It did not appear to him that they char
ged the committee with any especial du
ty. Inquiry into the matters here sug
gested was the ordinary duty of the com
mittee, and he did not think there were
any extraordinary circumstances existing
which rendered it necessary on this oc
casion to instruct them by a resolution of
the Senate, or to stimulate them in the
performance of an established duty. Nev
ertheless, he regretted the introduction of
these resolutions, combined as they were
with the remarks wich the Senator from
Michigan had thought proper to addrc s to j
the Senate,' because he agreed with the
Senator from Kentcckey that their intro
duction in that manner appeared to give
something to them of significance which
would create unnecessary alarm. Every
member of the Senate knew, and every
man of intelligence knew, that unneces
sary alarm anil apprehension about the
preservation of the public peace was a
great evil. It disturbed the Business of
the country; it disturbed the calculation
of men; it'deranged the pursuits of life,
and even, to a great extent, changed tha
circumstances of the whole business of
the country. This truti will be felt
more especially by every gentleman ac
quainted or connected with ihe sea board.
They all knew what an immense amount
of property was afloat upon the ocean,
carried there by our citizens in the p ros
ecution of their" maritime pursuits. Tney
all knew that a rumor of war, or the breath
of a rumor of war, would affect the ral
uc of that property. They all knew
what effect it would have upon insuran
ces. They all knew what immensa a
mmmt of nronertv on shore would be af
fected bv the agitation cf public opinion
upon an intimation ot tiie disiumancc ui
the pacific relations existing between this
country and foreign States.
Sir,'(said Mr. W.) there are two ways
in either of which a Government may
proceed and when I have stated them I
think it will be obvious to every ono
which is the wisest. Wc may if we
choose create alarm and apprehension. " o
may, if we are wise, cause no unnecessary
alarm, but make quiet, thorough, ju.it,
politic, statesmanlike prvisions for tho
future.
Mr. President, I am entirely or Ine
opinion of the Senator from Kentucky,
I rrcvc not been able to bring myself to
believe that war will grow out of this
matter, certainly not immediately; and I
think I cannot 'be mistaken when I say
that the recommendations which thu
Chief Magistrate has made to Congress
will not lead to any such result. I thiuw
it impossible to miatike the meaning of
the President. He docs not expect war.
Looking at the state of things around us,
and at what is stated by the Executive, I
canuot believe that he apprehend any
danger. f
Sir, I shall abstain cautiously from of
fering any remark upon that portion of
the message which refers to the negotia
tion. I abstain with equal care from any
remark upon a correspondence which has
been published. 1 do not wisn iu a;
whether it does appear from that corres
pondence that negotiation is so complete
ly and entirelyat anend, that no amicablo
disposition of the question may be looked
for hereafter from a diplomatic source. Iris
enough for me, in order to accomplish
all the purposes of these few remarks, to
say, that while I am incapable of bringing
myself to the belief that the president ap
prehends any immediate danger of war
I may be allowed to suppose, or to im
agine", that he, the President, may enter
tain an opinion similar to that which has
been expressed this morning by the Sen
ator from Connecticut. He may possi
bly look for propositions to coine from tho
other side, having communicated the ul
timatum of this Government. Whether
it be in this view or upon other gTounds
that the expectation is entertained, it is
enough for me to deprecate any falsa
alarm that may arise to disturb the tran
quility of the country.
The President may feel, as I am bound
to suppose he does feel, the full weight of
the responsibility which attaches to him
in relation to whatevrinterests the peace of
tho country. I am bound to suppose ho
understands the position in whirh he is
placed, and that he judges wisely as to
the extent to which he should go in sub
mitting propositions to Congress. There
fore, I entirely concur in the opinion,
which has been expressed, that he cannot
regard the present position of affairs as
leading to any immediate drngcr of war.
Acting upon these conclusions, (said
Mr. W.) and entertaining these views,
all the regret I feel at the introductiun of
these resolutions is, as I have said, that,
accompanied with the remarks wich fell
from the honorable Sonator when he cal
led them up, they might have a tendency
to create unnecessary alarm. He trusted
that every member of the community
would perceive that it was necessary to
suppress all alarm; and, as far as he was
concerned, if gentlemen thought that tha
time has come for enlarging the defences
of the country, for augmenting the army
and the navy", he was ready to co-operato
with them.
Mr. W. concluded by expressing th
hope that, while they did every thing that
was necessary for the- preservation of tho
honor and the interests of the country,
they would abstain from creating any a
Iarm in the public mind. .
Mr. Sevier said it struck him with
some surprise that any inquiry could
nevor be brought up in tliBt Chamber on
the subiectof Orc?on. but they were tohl
to beware lest they provoke Janger else
where; to be cautious how they trii,i
with the business pursuits of the country.
It appeared they were expectcu to pro
hvKtelth in the performance of thi-
j -
duty, lest thoy should ceatc ipjnic in th
country, ins menu irom .uer.igan ju i
I sen catechUed" wi'-h grut severity to