(-- Collector's Office. Philadelphia, April 6, 1 799. For fak at public auflion, Ar the Custom Hou<(, on Tuelday the 7th May, 1799» the following Merchandize, which remain in the Cuilom Houfv Stores more than tine months unclaimed by the owners or ton&gucet thereof; RS No. a 6 cna trunk containing linen, muslin and dimity FIW 2 one cr.le containing plush C&Co. I one box containing tapes PD one box music books one box sewing needles ' four (hefts of.CUiMie CuiioGtiei,twi ' i « large paintiSfi Mr».Boulton>om! biixindigo ' . one box comoiiiing (ho«% and cotton box garden l'red* ope box containing cotton flock Ings, (hirti, prcTcet handkerchiefs 0c (hoes, three boxes containing fix hundred and fixtjr one numbers of Wintefbo thini'j genen] detcriptien of Ameri ca ' for one box fcap four hhds beans our. coffee two barn Is walnute one barrel peminto one box sugar P&C laS cafes £uns PI) I ors cases containip£ a forte piano one bo* artificial flowers. pi 1 w M jpril 8 For Kingston. THE SHIP TO JVNS E ND. i®v 'J OHN Shf-Ren, Master, With good aGCommodalior.s 3£S£tsS for paflengers—will fail on the 13th inft. For pa/Tage only apply to " ' SAMUEL RH®ADS, N». 1, Penn-flreet. April o. For Charlejton, (S. C.J THE MAIL PACKET TEAT MAN, Capt. Loucb'ead, —with goad ac commodation for paffeßgers. will ®a*«r " positively fail at 8 o'clock on Friday ©lornirg the 12th inll. For freight or pafiags ap ply to the captain on board at Smith's wharf, the firfl above Race March 5 FOR LONDO, -Si The iiritilh armed ship ovgla S, ' '''. lames Walker, captain. fJOW ready t"> receive a Cargo—fcrfreight ct pafl"age apply to Thorn js cf John Ketland. iril 3 JUST LANDING, 1 I'ori on board the feip Wooddrot Sims' : john 13. Hodgson, commander, iron: Cant on, —and f«r file by No. 155, South Water-street, Bohea Teas, in whole, half, and qr. chefh, tlyfon, Hylbn Goroee, Young Hyson and Hyfen flu-i Teas, in quarter chests, Souchong and l'tcho SoncVpng in quarter chests and l«. x ■ j, An ajjorlment of fillcs, Bogkpoics, Hair Ribbon, Umbrellas, and F»n«, A complete aflortmeutof China Ware, ■ RhuVarb, C'aQia, Nankeens, &c. &c. :pri! 9 Nc'-zu Philadelphia. r~pHK proprietors of the high ground in she X neighbourhood of this ciry, known by the Bime of Springetflmry Manor ; (bounded on the weft by the river Schuylkill, on the east by Fourth flreet from Schuylkill, on the north by Francis's lane , and on the south by Callowhill flreet) have agreed to appropriate it for the purpose of build ing a n:w city as a summer retreat. The plan in two fe&ion9 may be seen at the CofTee house. The twain flreet, 100 feet wide, runs ticarly east and weft along the top of the ridge, firiking Schuylkill a iittle above the upper ferry, where nature has placed everlasting abbut ments,and stone in abundence to form a perma nent bridge of oue arch, that cannot be approach ed by ice t*r floods. A ftrr<#tof 66 fest wide, is laid out on each fide #f, anil paralMtothe Main street. Thcfeare crcXs ed by five new ftrects at right angles, and by the con.-inuatioo of Front, Second, Third and Fourth ftroets froai Schuyikill. The fitnation is high, airy and healthy, and com mands an cxtenfive pr >fp«&. The water is good. The canal runs obliquely through it. It is just a fnfficient ciiftance from the Delaware for a plf afant walk, to give an appetite to dinner r the bufu.efs ol the day is cvt-r. April 3 To be fold at Public Vendue, On Saturday next the 13th inft. at 3 o'clock in the af ternoon, on the premises, Oiie kundced and eleven of the highest and best situated Lots in tbe New Town, Each containing 30 feet front, and about aoo deep. The whole is fuuated on the weft fide of Fourth Stieet from Schuyklll, on the high ground opposite Bu!b Hill guldens, agreeably to a plan at the Coftee Huufc, arid at the old city Auftion Store. To accommodate purehafers, one lot will be put, uo at a time, and the buyer will have the right to take aimr.ny adjoining, as he may think proper, at the fame rate. The terms are, one third cash, approved no.es at thiee months for the remainder, when deeds A-ar of all incumbrances, will be given Connelly tsf Co. Auct'rs. t S. ■April 3. Just Received, From Hamburg by the Jason, Visser, and via Baltimore and for sale by the fubferibers Platillas, Creas a la Morlaix, Dowlas Checks and stripes, , Li dadoes Bretagnes, Ticklenburgs, "flarcelona Brandy in Pipes. port Wine in quarter casks. On Hand, Claret in Hogshead*, Bonrtlesux Brandy, Kuffia EriiHes. Erich isf Lewis Bollman. No. 10-, Spruce.llreet Spril I FOR SALE, BY THE SUBSCRIBER* On Willirgs and Francis's Wharf, ZOO CtiftSf Also, a few bales of Bengal Goods. WILLING. 3 taw. fib. 18. When I proposed this day, for taking his majesty's raofi gracious jneffage into consider ration, 1 indulged the hope that the rel'ult of a similar communication to the parliament of Ireland would have been more favor-hie to the success of a measure which I then tho't and ft ill continue to think of the utmost im portance to the power, the re-fourccs and {lability of the empire, to the heft interests ot both countries, and in a particular man ner calculated to fecurc the peace, tranquility and improvement of the filter kingdom 1 hat hope, I regret to fay, from the proceed ings cf the» Irilh legislature, at least one branch of it, is tor the present disappointed. I feel and know that with the parliament of Ireland resides the tull and entire competen cy on behalf of thole whom they reprelent, and with whose interests they are entrusted, to adopt or to rejeft any proposition which inay be addrefled to them by the legislature of this country. I fee that one of the branch es of the Irish parliament has expressed a re pug nance even to enter upon the considera tion oi the fubjedt. Convinced, however, as I am, that the fubjedt is deeply connefted with the general welfare of the empire, with the interests of England, and with the tran quility and advantage of Ireland, I mult re gret that the recommendation, even for its difcuftion, was, in the fir ft instance, receiv ed with such sentiments. But whatever feel ings of regret I may entertain at their deci sion, knowing that they have the undoubted rigSt to pronounce for themlelves, I l'peak of their determination with refpeft. At a moment so critical and eventful, uo man can be leis inclined than I am to purfuc any con duit, or to wi(h any sentiment, that could excite any differences that can be fata! to the common interest of the two countries, or in any degree to weaken the advantages of that ConqedVioH, which is admitted to befoeflen tial to the interests of both. Yet, while I refpeft the right of the Irilh parliament to decide for themselves, nor doubt the indivi dual motives of those who contributed to the determination, I feel hkewife tliat heje I have rights to exercile and duties to perform. 1 hose rights ar.d duties not only permit, but perhaps now more than ever require, that I liquid explain and record the principles upon which the executive government has afted, and the views by which it was guided in bring ing forward this fubjett for dicufiion. It remains forme, then, to give a general out line of the nature of a plan of such magni tude and importance, and which I cou'lider as ' so intimately connedted with the dearest in terests of the empire. Should I succeed in convincing you of the advantages of that plan, though while the sentiments of the Irish parliament remain unchanged, th?re can be no chance of its receiving- its full success, I do-not think that we are called upon altoge ther to abstain from the difcuftion. On the contrary, it will rather be our duty to state diftindUy the grounds upon which the mea sure is entertained, and the principles by ■which we are guided. If after due delibera tion you should feel the importance of the plan, the resolutions which yoa may after wards adopt ought to remain as' a record of the principles by which you will abide, and the general views opon which you are willing to draw closer the connexion which subsists between the two countries, whenever the parliament of Ireland ftiall think fit to enter upon the confide ration of the fubjett. At all events, no person can deny that a question like this, which in its very nature is calcu lated on tfr outset to operate on the paflions, which appealing so dire&ly to the honest feel ings of national pride, so liable to mifcon ftrudlion, so open to misrepresentation, ought to be fairly known. It is right that itsbafis and its objedt should be understood. It is fit that the views and intentions of his majefly's government in bringing into discussion this most interesting fubjett should be stated and explained. Yet, in this, I look much far ther than mere vindication. I feel the mea sure which was in contemplation, to be found ed on a utility to both countries, fa clear and so demonstrable, so advantageous to the em pire in general, to Ireland, which all agree cannot be separated from it without ruin to herfelf, that to secure its adoption it is of the utmost importance to state the plan fully, impartially and temperately ; to submit it |n that shape to those who are so deeply interested in its success, in order that the landed and commercial interests be ena bled to examine, fairly a plan, in which they are so nearly concerned, and tfiat they may have a* opportunity of pronouncing as un biassed judgment after they have pursued an impartial enquiry. I am the more inclined to follow this course when I observe, that amislft all the, advantages which a question of this nature in its outset presents to its oppo fers, barely one half of those who voted up on it in one bouse of parliament, declared a gainst all djfcuflion. In the other houfeof parliament, where so great a proportion of the property of the country resides, it was carried in favor of confiileration by a deci sive majority. Bearing in mind the various modes by which a measure like this can beaf failed in its outfet,the prejudices and the paf iions it may rouse, many of the people tif Ireland, and no inconiiderable part of the commercial interests of the country have de clared in its favor. When the temper of the country shall fubtide inttf a difpolitiou of so ber examination, there is room to hope, there dtjM dtfrt JOSEPH SIMS, djw tSat -7 ———■ (lsa3Ctfe» PIS J L A D ELP HI A , THURSDAY EVENING, APRIL n. Mr. PITT's SPEECH, O N TH F. UNION WITH IRELAND. HOUSE of COMMONS, yANUARr 31, 1799. The order of the day for taking intocon fideration Yis majesty's last message rel'pecting Ireland, and the mefTage itfelf being read, The chancellor of the exchequer rose, and (poke in substance as follows : for?, that thc"sii;afure v.'ii! be adopted—tW not by a unanimous vbtrj which in fiicli a qucfhon is r.otto be !>v the th eilive voice of parliament, and will be baifcrd with the approbation of the enlightened majority of the country. It is in this hope that lam ft ill inclined to submit to you a general out line of the plan proposed, not with the cle fign to urge.it at this present moment; but in order that it may be known, and under stood, that it may be weighed and examined, that it may have a chance to produce upon the minds of the people of Ireland that ef fect,. which, in regard to their particular in terests, and the general welfare of the em pire, is so much to be desired. Imprtffed | with these sentiments, then, it is my objeCt at present to state not the detail of'the plan, . which rruft be the subjeCt cf much future ddcuffion, -but a general outline of the prin ciples on which it is founded. The faireft mode feeris to be to open the nature of the reicliftior.s on v.inch both parliaments would be called upon to decide. With avi -v/ to this object, it may be necessary to move that the houfc rcfdlve itfelf into a committee to take thel'e resolutions into consideration. It is not my intention tliere, however, to call iorany vote. Some future day will be fix ed for the discussion, and it on a full inves tigation it ffiould be the opinion of the com |m it tec that the plan is calculated to secure | the advantages at which it aimi, they will ! recommend the adoption of it.—Nothing could contribute more to the .happy attain ment of so great an objeCt, than that par liament Should express its Sentiments, lay them at the foot of the throne, and leave it te his majesty, at a proper moment, to com municate to the parliament of Ireland the deciSon ot the British legislature. I shall preceed, therefore, to explain the general cf the relolutions which it is my in tention to prcpofe. Before entering upon any ftatemfcif t of the plan, however, it will be proper to fay, foeiething of the genera' grounds cf-expediency on which the mea sure I am happy to find that the leading objeft, the (eceffity of maintain ing and rendering perpetual the connexion between the two countries, is recognised. This principle was stated as fully and as strongly as it could be laid down by an tien. ; gentleman opposite to me, who last debate deprecated all discussion. So far I agreed with the hon. gentleman ; but I likewise vis-.ved the matter in a more comprehensive light. I agreed with him not merely that the connection between the two countries ftiould be maintained, but I contended that it Ihould be considered in all its aspeCts and all its tendencies ; that it Ihould be our objeCi to maintain and to cherifli that connexion in Such a manner, as to give weight and vigor to our imperial strength ; to carry to their utmost height the rejourns of the empire, to improve the happiness, to promote the prosperity of Ireland, and to communicate to her inhabitants a full portion of the bleS sings by which the people of Great Britain are distinguished. Feeling,-, then, the para mount importance- of maintaining that con nexion, what is now its fi.tuation ? We ha'.e lately li»en this co«iieCtion attacked both by domefiic trealbn, and by foreign force. We -fee, that, Jn a contetl in which the a pus gl' this country have so of ten triumphed, the or.ly ope which remains to our enemy,, balked and defeated, is that of difuiiiting Ireland fjom the Britilh em pire. In how many instances the defeated attempts of the enemy have turned to the glory and strength of this country, a review of our successes has already Shewn. God grant, that in this attempt to disunite- the Britilh empire," their efforts may be to knit our strength, to encreai'e our resources, and to add to the energy of that power which J has combatted their designs, and which forms the chief barrier to the civilized world against the usurpation of France. This Connexion we have seen aflailcd by domcftic treason, linked with foreign force,, and arilivg too out of the declared designs of the enemy. We have seen domestic treason prosecuting its baneful attempts by every artifice,grafting ja cobinism on the old diseases which neceffariiy grew out of the Rate of Ireland. Seeing then so clearly how much the connection, which it is our objeCt to cherifli, is endangered, Sore ly it is not idle to think of Som~ new arrange ments to guard against a danger now more urgent and '.more malignant. Whatever | fentinients might formerly have been enter tained on the SubjeCt of Ireland, we know ! i that this is considered as the most vulnerable part of the empire. We ought to profit by the designs of the enemy to strengthen our selves against their attack. From their con duit we otight to draw an ufeftil leflbn for the regulation cf ours. We ought to avail ourselves of the means of defence suggested by the artfulnefs of their attack. It is their wish that they fti.juld be infatuated enough not to apply the only remedy which will confohdate our own power, and defeat their machinations. It will hardly, I think, be denied by any one, that these circumstances exclusive of every other consideration, are fufficient to juftify a review and conlidera tiou of the state of connection between the 1 two countries. It requires but a moment's reflection for any man who has marked the progress of events, to decide what is the time state and character of this connexion. We fee that it is one which does not afford that Security, which in times less dangerous and lei's critical than the present would have been necessary, to enable the empire fully to avail itfelf of its strength and resources. When last I addrefTed the House on this fubjeft, I stated that the adjuftmetit of 1782, so far from being final, left the connexion every hour exposed to the utmost peril,, that it consisted in demolishing the old system of connexion, a system which I do not regret, because its narrow spirit-not only was inju rious to Ireland, but detrimental to Givat Britain, as it tended to cramp'the improve ment of both, and to deprive us of the bene fit of common strength, Still, however, if the bare demolition of an old and virtuous system, it stated to be a new and improved lyftem, is the most hypocritical pretence, or the most childilh prrl'umpticn. It is the ! system of reforming every thing by substitut ing nothing. Such, on the review of it is fltuation in which the connection was left by this boasted system, and I shall prove it to be the opinion of parliament, the opini on of the ministers themselves, who boasted the adjulhnent of 1782, to be a new, a per fect system, that it was incomplete and im perfect, a.*! that it required the fubftit'eition ofa new system to place the connexion upon a sure and permanent basis. I Uiall prove that fuoh was the opinion of some of those who now contribute molt to the rejection of a proper plan for securing the connexion without any discussion. Such was the opi nion ofa perfou for whom I entertain great respeCt, but for whom I Uioulcl profefs more rel'peCt than I fee), were I to fav that lie fills with equal credit in another place, that Situation which you, fir, hold in this house. But that perlbi) to whom I allude, 01.ee pro nounced that adjustment which lie now nit in tains to be final, to be a lyftem that could not last. Last Wednesday I alluded to the state of that transaCtion in 1782. Previous to it a messenger was lent to the Irilh parliamentdeliring to know the causes of the diffractions which prevailed in the country, in conSequence of which 21) add re fs was prefcrted by both houses* in which the right alTerted by this country to bind Ire land was stated to be the grievance. These addrdfes were laid before this house, to which a similar message ha A been sent. On theft a motion was grounded for the repeal of the declaratory law, so that the Satisfac tion required by the Irilh legislature was com plete. Parliament,- however, resolved that a further agreement by mutual consent was necessary. [Here Mr. Sherridan suggested that the whole proceedings Ihould be read.] I believe I state correctly the lubltance of the proceedings ; I shall afterwards move that the whole may be read. At prefeiit I beg that I may not be interrupted. Jt certainly was the opinion of the house, that a further agreement by mutual consent was necessary. An address was voted by the house, deliring that meafurrs might be taken for that effeCt, and the Secretary of the day, an honorable gentleman—who, though a member cf the house, had not for some time appeared in his place, notified his majesty's answer, an nouncing that measures should be taken for the purpose recommended, I again assert, that it was in contemplation of the existing administration to perform the pledge thun given ; no steps were howevei' taken for this purpofs, the adjustment was felt to be im perfect, and in that state it has since conti nued. What in point of faCt is the connex ion as it now stands ? We fay that the two countries should be inl'eparably connected. At present there are two fenarate and inde pendent legillatures : the executive power in both muftbe the fame, and the crown re tain the right of palling the aCts of the Iriffi legislature under the great leal of Bri tain, by the advice of Britilh -ministers. Such is the basis on which jests a connection effentia! to the welfare and the existence of both countries, and fucli the Safeguards by which it if fecurt-i!. I would alk any man, whether such a connection is fufficient to confolidnts the strength, to give vigour to the resources, to eftablilh the tranquility ot the empire, to obviate all local jealouhes, to dpterm'ine all cotfmiercial relations, to leave clear and precise the complicated interests of the two countries ? It is fufficient to state the queftior., to shew how inadequate the present arrangement must be.—On this point I have the support of that gentleman's au thority to whom I lately alluded—an au thority to wl)ich some are now disposed to pay more deference than formerly they w.otfld have allowed. I refer to the opinions deli veied by that pcrfon on the debate on the Irifti proportions in It is not my in tention here to discuss the merits of these proportions. In iny opinion, however, they j went as rar as there could be a hope of fuc« ! cess, to draw closer the connection between ; the two countries, ana to place it on a mort friendly basis. This I think will be allowed, that those who maintained the arrangement of 1782 to be final, and to be fufficient to eftablilh the connection, will hardly deny that the propositions were necessary to pre vent the claQiing of local interests. For the sentiments of the gentleman to whom 1 al luded on the subjeCt of the Irish propositions, I refer to a record of better authority thai) that on which the transaCtions of parliament commonly reft, and authenticated in some degree by himfelf. I find then that fourteen years ago, two years after the adjustment, a gentleman, then chancellor of the exchequer in Ireland, who now preiides in the house of commons,- in a debate 011 the Irish pro pofitiops, laid, « that if this infatuated country (Ireland) now give? up thel'e pro positions, (he may look in vain for the offer at some future period." No, here the right honourable ge&leman is niiftaken; they have had offer of the famfc advantages more complete, and in all refpsCts better calculated to attain their object, which he has now exerted all bis influence to lejedt. But continues he, " things cannot refrain as they are. Commercial jealousy is roused ; it will increase with an independent Jegiila ture, and the political union will be £xpofed to many fliocki which threaten altogether the dissolution of the connection." [Here there was a cry of hear ! hear !] lam glad to find theie sentiments thus acquiefi'.ed. Gentle men will observe, however, that I am not endeavouring to pledge the right honourable gentleman, whose fenlirnents I quote, to the measure of an union. My objeCt is to ■ shew that this opinion was, tlut the state of things eftabliflied in 1782 was incomplete, and must lead to the danger of dissolving the political connection between the two coun tries. Ido not mean to draw from, his-fen timents the inference that a legiflativc union is now indispensable, but to prove that the adjustment of 1782, in his opinion, was not final. Some gentlemen are now willing' to allc.v great weight to his authority ; how' then wilt they get rid of his authority against the bcaft.'tl adjustment of 1782. I hope that gentlemen will direCt their answer to this ctifii&ft poiatj and not mistake s the ofc . joit which I have been endeavouring ta eft . blifh. But what is the evil to which the right honourable gentleman alluded in the passage quoted ? commercial jealousy between two countries with independent legislature How then is this jealousy to be obviated? either by a compart to /eftrid their inde , pendence on commercial fubjeds, or by ! blending the two separate legislatures by | 3 legislative union. In spite of that per ion's eloquence and authority, however when dating the importance of guarding a' | gainst the evil, it so happened that the doc trines derived chiefly from the fide of the water succeeded in convincing the Irish peo ple that it would be incanhftent with their independence to submit to any compact whatever. That person fays that the un settled slate in which this fubjeft was left would lead to a separation. The arrange ment proposed to obviate the inconvenience was then attacked with the fame success a gainst his authority, *s now another and more complete remedy lias been attacked un der his auspices. Either then you mull leave the feeds of separation in the very nature of the system now established ; you must ex tlnguilh them by a compact or by a legisla tive union. With all" these arguments and authorities of parliament, the persons who were the author? of the boa fled system of 1782, and other persons of weight, tend to shew that it was not final and complete, we have the teft.mony of experience too to prove its inadequacy to secure the "connection be tween the two countries on a lasting basis. We did feel that it left the connexion ex poled to the molt imminent-perils. On one occasion particularly, it might have produc ed the most lignal calamities, had we not been rescued from the danger by an event, upon which we all look back with a joy which subsequent circumstances have more juftified, and confirmed. I allude t» the question of the regency. With two inde pendent parliaments, it was accident alone that preserved the identity of the ex ecutive power, which is the principal fafe guard of the connexion, and this was to be held by tenures so different, as, would total ly have rendered unavailing the security which this identity bestows, or rather would have engendered fueh disputes and embar rafiments at fnight have exposed the con nexion itfelf to thegreateft danger. I fliould be glad to hear what answer those who deny the danger of clashing and ©p'pofition of views on the present system, can give to this pregnant inflance of dangerous difference of opinion. Will it be considered as a light master then, that when we find both in com mercial as well as political relations, there i« no remedy fwr thr clashing opposition which may ar.fe ?—After feeing thereconi cJ opinion of parliament of the parties, by whom the arrangement of 178Z was made, and the teftimom'es of experience on the whole fubjedt within the short period iince it was adopted, perhaps it is hardly neceflary to appeal to farther proofs of its inadequacy* But when we consider the dillinft powers p;;ffcfied by the le iflatures of the two coun tries, on all the points of peace and war, us foreign alliance, have we n«t seen cireu«- fiances to induce us to think it pofiible at least that on i'ome of these important que. flious the dccifion of the tw© parliaments might have been at variance : Are we talk ing of an connexion when we fee the influence of particular opinions oti the most important points ? Can we really th'nk the interells of the empire, Or its dif ferent branches fixed upon a fafe and solid basis ? I am anxious to discuss this point closely with any set of men, either here or 111 Ireland. Suppose for inftauce', that the war which the pari amcnt of thi3 countiy consider- to be just and necessary, bad be'en voted by the Irish legislature to be unjust, unii«ceflary, and holtile to the principles of humanityandfreedom : would the parliament of liel nd have been bound by this country? It not, what security have we, that when most of all neceflary tor their common interest and common salvation, they (hall have but one fuend and foe ? I am eager to hear what can be said of the solidity of a conneMcn placed on a basis so imperfed, and liable to be fhakei' by so many accidents. I have al ready observed, that in the peculiar circum- Hances of the present moment we may find ftrongcr reasons for correcting the mpevfcc tious of the existing fyflem than were to be found at any former period. If I state on ly thst this country is now #ng?.(#*d in a cor teft the moll important that ever occurred in the history of the world ; that Great Britain Iras made the only manly and fuc cefsful ftatid against the common enemies cf all civilized society ; if in thisgreat and try ing situation u e find that there is a weak point which diminishes the vigour of our ef forts, and prcfents the only hope of success ta a bnfflcd eierry, docs .i ot prudence dic tate the necfffity of flrcngthening what is weak, an J of availing ourselves of ourgrcat elt means to enable us to maintain the glo rious Itruggle ? If in a contefl of liberty a-' gainst defpotim, of property against rspiue, of religion against impiety, of a civilized Jo ciety against the deflroyers of all foe® or der ; terms which once were represented as unnecefTary acclamations, but which are found to be oi-.ly the f'etble expreflions of the ca lamities which the principles and the arms of France have spread in their baleful pro* grefs, and which the wounds of a bleeding woild attest :if i n s uc h a contift, and in such a cause there be any means of remedy ing our principal wcaknefs, and adding to that tlrength to which the world now looks a:i its great bulwark agairfl imiverfal oppr. ffion, it is a benefit in itfelf so solid, so grard, so intftiniablc, that all minor views, all local confiderationi, would fink in the comparison- The people of Ireland must feel a pride in beirg aflociated with this great and high catling ; ihty must feel proud i* contributing to oppose the torrent of un principled violence, »'id to defeat the am bition of the eneny. I need not argue that an union on fair principles would :end to add to the genera! ftreugth cf the empire. There : :s no Hatilpan so little acquainted will) thf
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