(--
Collector's Office.
Philadelphia, April 6, 1 799.
For fak at public auflion,
Ar the Custom Hou<(, on Tuelday the 7th
May, 1799» the following Merchandize,
which remain in the Cuilom Houfv Stores more
than tine months unclaimed by the owners or
ton&gucet thereof;
RS No. a 6 cna trunk containing linen, muslin
and dimity
FIW 2 one cr.le containing plush
C&Co. I one box containing tapes
PD
one box music books
one box sewing needles
' four (hefts of.CUiMie CuiioGtiei,twi
' i « large paintiSfi
Mr».Boulton>om! biixindigo
' . one box comoiiiing (ho«% and cotton
box garden l'red*
ope box containing cotton flock Ings,
(hirti, prcTcet handkerchiefs 0c (hoes,
three boxes containing fix hundred
and fixtjr one numbers of Wintefbo
thini'j genen] detcriptien of Ameri
ca '
for
one box fcap
four hhds beans
our. coffee
two barn Is walnute
one barrel peminto
one box sugar
P&C laS cafes £uns
PI) I ors cases containip£ a forte piano
one bo* artificial flowers.
pi 1
w
M
jpril 8
For Kingston.
THE SHIP
TO JVNS E ND.
i®v 'J OHN Shf-Ren, Master,
With good aGCommodalior.s
3£S£tsS for paflengers—will fail on
the 13th inft. For pa/Tage only apply to
" ' SAMUEL RH®ADS,
N». 1, Penn-flreet.
April o.
For Charlejton, (S. C.J
THE MAIL PACKET
TEAT MAN,
Capt. Loucb'ead, —with goad ac
commodation for paffeßgers. will
®a*«r " positively fail at 8 o'clock on Friday
©lornirg the 12th inll. For freight or pafiags ap
ply to the captain on board at Smith's wharf, the
firfl above Race
March 5
FOR LONDO,
-Si The iiritilh armed ship
ovgla S,
' '''. lames Walker, captain.
fJOW ready t"> receive a Cargo—fcrfreight
ct pafl"age apply to
Thorn js cf John Ketland.
iril 3
JUST LANDING,
1 I'ori on board the feip Wooddrot Sims'
: john 13. Hodgson, commander,
iron: Cant on, —and f«r file by
No. 155, South Water-street,
Bohea Teas, in whole, half, and qr. chefh,
tlyfon, Hylbn Goroee, Young Hyson and Hyfen
flu-i Teas, in quarter chests,
Souchong and l'tcho SoncVpng in quarter chests
and l«. x ■ j,
An ajjorlment of
fillcs, Bogkpoics, Hair Ribbon, Umbrellas, and
F»n«,
A complete aflortmeutof China Ware, ■
RhuVarb, C'aQia, Nankeens, &c. &c.
:pri! 9
Nc'-zu Philadelphia.
r~pHK proprietors of the high ground in she
X neighbourhood of this ciry, known by the
Bime of Springetflmry Manor ; (bounded on the
weft by the river Schuylkill, on the east by Fourth
flreet from Schuylkill, on the north by Francis's
lane , and on the south by Callowhill flreet) have
agreed to appropriate it for the purpose of build
ing a n:w city as a summer retreat.
The plan in two fe&ion9 may be seen at the
CofTee house. The twain flreet, 100 feet wide,
runs ticarly east and weft along the top of the
ridge, firiking Schuylkill a iittle above the upper
ferry, where nature has placed everlasting abbut
ments,and stone in abundence to form a perma
nent bridge of oue arch, that cannot be approach
ed by ice t*r floods.
A ftrr<#tof 66 fest wide, is laid out on each fide
#f, anil paralMtothe Main street. Thcfeare crcXs
ed by five new ftrects at right angles, and by the
con.-inuatioo of Front, Second, Third and Fourth
ftroets froai Schuyikill.
The fitnation is high, airy and healthy, and com
mands an cxtenfive pr >fp«&. The water is good.
The canal runs obliquely through it.
It is just a fnfficient ciiftance from the Delaware
for a plf afant walk, to give an appetite to dinner
r the bufu.efs ol the day is cvt-r.
April 3
To be fold at Public Vendue,
On Saturday next the 13th inft. at 3 o'clock in the af
ternoon, on the premises,
Oiie kundced and eleven of the highest and
best situated Lots in tbe New Town,
Each containing 30 feet front, and about aoo deep.
The whole is fuuated on the weft fide of Fourth
Stieet from Schuyklll, on the high ground opposite
Bu!b Hill guldens, agreeably to a plan at the Coftee
Huufc, arid at the old city Auftion Store.
To accommodate purehafers, one lot will be put,
uo at a time, and the buyer will have the right to take
aimr.ny adjoining, as he may think proper, at the
fame rate. The terms are, one third cash, approved
no.es at thiee months for the remainder, when deeds
A-ar of all incumbrances, will be given
Connelly tsf Co. Auct'rs.
t S.
■April 3.
Just Received,
From Hamburg by the Jason, Visser, and
via Baltimore and for sale by the fubferibers
Platillas,
Creas a la Morlaix,
Dowlas
Checks and stripes, ,
Li dadoes
Bretagnes,
Ticklenburgs,
"flarcelona Brandy in Pipes.
port Wine in quarter casks.
On Hand,
Claret in Hogshead*,
Bonrtlesux Brandy,
Kuffia EriiHes.
Erich isf Lewis Bollman.
No. 10-, Spruce.llreet
Spril I
FOR SALE,
BY THE SUBSCRIBER*
On Willirgs and Francis's Wharf,
ZOO CtiftSf
Also, a few bales of Bengal Goods.
WILLING.
3 taw.
fib. 18.
When I proposed this day, for taking his
majesty's raofi gracious jneffage into consider
ration, 1 indulged the hope that the rel'ult
of a similar communication to the parliament
of Ireland would have been more favor-hie
to the success of a measure which I then tho't
and ft ill continue to think of the utmost im
portance to the power, the re-fourccs and
{lability of the empire, to the heft interests
ot both countries, and in a particular man
ner calculated to fecurc the peace, tranquility
and improvement of the filter kingdom
1 hat hope, I regret to fay, from the proceed
ings cf the» Irilh legislature, at least one
branch of it, is tor the present disappointed.
I feel and know that with the parliament of
Ireland resides the tull and entire competen
cy on behalf of thole whom they reprelent,
and with whose interests they are entrusted,
to adopt or to rejeft any proposition which
inay be addrefled to them by the legislature
of this country. I fee that one of the branch
es of the Irish parliament has expressed a re
pug nance even to enter upon the considera
tion oi the fubjedt. Convinced, however,
as I am, that the fubjedt is deeply connefted
with the general welfare of the empire, with
the interests of England, and with the tran
quility and advantage of Ireland, I mult re
gret that the recommendation, even for its
difcuftion, was, in the fir ft instance, receiv
ed with such sentiments. But whatever feel
ings of regret I may entertain at their deci
sion, knowing that they have the undoubted
rigSt to pronounce for themlelves, I l'peak
of their determination with refpeft. At a
moment so critical and eventful, uo man can
be leis inclined than I am to purfuc any con
duit, or to wi(h any sentiment, that could
excite any differences that can be fata! to the
common interest of the two countries, or in
any degree to weaken the advantages of that
ConqedVioH, which is admitted to befoeflen
tial to the interests of both. Yet, while I
refpeft the right of the Irilh parliament to
decide for themselves, nor doubt the indivi
dual motives of those who contributed to the
determination, I feel hkewife tliat heje I have
rights to exercile and duties to perform.
1 hose rights ar.d duties not only permit, but
perhaps now more than ever require, that I
liquid explain and record the principles upon
which the executive government has afted,
and the views by which it was guided in bring
ing forward this fubjett for dicufiion. It
remains forme, then, to give a general out
line of the nature of a plan of such magni
tude and importance, and which I cou'lider as '
so intimately connedted with the dearest in
terests of the empire. Should I succeed in
convincing you of the advantages of that
plan, though while the sentiments of the Irish
parliament remain unchanged, th?re can be
no chance of its receiving- its full success, I
do-not think that we are called upon altoge
ther to abstain from the difcuftion. On the
contrary, it will rather be our duty to state
diftindUy the grounds upon which the mea
sure is entertained, and the principles by
■which we are guided. If after due delibera
tion you should feel the importance of the
plan, the resolutions which yoa may after
wards adopt ought to remain as' a record of
the principles by which you will abide, and
the general views opon which you are willing
to draw closer the connexion which subsists
between the two countries, whenever the
parliament of Ireland ftiall think fit to enter
upon the confide ration of the fubjett. At
all events, no person can deny that a question
like this, which in its very nature is calcu
lated on tfr outset to operate on the paflions,
which appealing so dire&ly to the honest feel
ings of national pride, so liable to mifcon
ftrudlion, so open to misrepresentation, ought
to be fairly known. It is right that itsbafis
and its objedt should be understood. It is fit
that the views and intentions of his majefly's
government in bringing into discussion this
most interesting fubjett should be stated and
explained. Yet, in this, I look much far
ther than mere vindication. I feel the mea
sure which was in contemplation, to be found
ed on a utility to both countries, fa clear and
so demonstrable, so advantageous to the em
pire in general, to Ireland, which all agree
cannot be separated from it without ruin
to herfelf, that to secure its adoption it
is of the utmost importance to state the
plan fully, impartially and temperately ; to
submit it |n that shape to those who are so
deeply interested in its success, in order that
the landed and commercial interests be ena
bled to examine, fairly a plan, in which they
are so nearly concerned, and tfiat they may
have a* opportunity of pronouncing as un
biassed judgment after they have pursued an
impartial enquiry. I am the more inclined
to follow this course when I observe, that
amislft all the, advantages which a question of
this nature in its outset presents to its oppo
fers, barely one half of those who voted up
on it in one bouse of parliament, declared a
gainst all djfcuflion. In the other houfeof
parliament, where so great a proportion of
the property of the country resides, it was
carried in favor of confiileration by a deci
sive majority. Bearing in mind the various
modes by which a measure like this can beaf
failed in its outfet,the prejudices and the paf
iions it may rouse, many of the people tif
Ireland, and no inconiiderable part of the
commercial interests of the country have de
clared in its favor. When the temper of the
country shall fubtide inttf a difpolitiou of so
ber examination, there is room to hope, there
dtjM
dtfrt
JOSEPH SIMS,
djw
tSat
-7 ———■
(lsa3Ctfe»
PIS J L A D ELP HI A ,
THURSDAY EVENING, APRIL n.
Mr. PITT's SPEECH,
O N TH F.
UNION WITH IRELAND.
HOUSE of COMMONS,
yANUARr 31, 1799.
The order of the day for taking intocon
fideration Yis majesty's last message rel'pecting
Ireland, and the mefTage itfelf being read,
The chancellor of the exchequer rose, and
(poke in substance as follows :
for?, that thc"sii;afure v.'ii! be adopted—tW
not by a unanimous vbtrj which in fiicli a
qucfhon is r.otto be !>v the th eilive
voice of parliament, and will be baifcrd with
the approbation of the enlightened majority
of the country. It is in this hope that lam
ft ill inclined to submit to you a general out
line of the plan proposed, not with the cle
fign to urge.it at this present moment; but
in order that it may be known, and under
stood, that it may be weighed and examined,
that it may have a chance to produce upon
the minds of the people of Ireland that ef
fect,. which, in regard to their particular in
terests, and the general welfare of the em
pire, is so much to be desired. Imprtffed
| with these sentiments, then, it is my objeCt
at present to state not the detail of'the plan,
. which rruft be the subjeCt cf much future
ddcuffion, -but a general outline of the prin
ciples on which it is founded. The faireft
mode feeris to be to open the nature of the
reicliftior.s on v.inch both parliaments would
be called upon to decide. With avi -v/ to
this object, it may be necessary to move that
the houfc rcfdlve itfelf into a committee to
take thel'e resolutions into consideration. It
is not my intention tliere, however, to call
iorany vote. Some future day will be fix
ed for the discussion, and it on a full inves
tigation it ffiould be the opinion of the com
|m it tec that the plan is calculated to secure
| the advantages at which it aimi, they will
! recommend the adoption of it.—Nothing
could contribute more to the .happy attain
ment of so great an objeCt, than that par
liament Should express its Sentiments, lay
them at the foot of the throne, and leave it
te his majesty, at a proper moment, to com
municate to the parliament of Ireland the
deciSon ot the British legislature. I shall
preceed, therefore, to explain the general
cf the relolutions which it is my in
tention to prcpofe. Before entering upon
any ftatemfcif t of the plan, however, it will
be proper to fay, foeiething of the genera'
grounds cf-expediency on which the mea
sure I am happy to find that
the leading objeft, the (eceffity of maintain
ing and rendering perpetual the connexion
between the two countries, is recognised.
This principle was stated as fully and as
strongly as it could be laid down by an tien.
; gentleman opposite to me, who last debate
deprecated all discussion. So far I agreed
with the hon. gentleman ; but I likewise
vis-.ved the matter in a more comprehensive
light. I agreed with him not merely that
the connection between the two countries
ftiould be maintained, but I contended that
it Ihould be considered in all its aspeCts and
all its tendencies ; that it Ihould be our objeCi
to maintain and to cherifli that connexion in
Such a manner, as to give weight and vigor
to our imperial strength ; to carry to their
utmost height the rejourns of the empire,
to improve the happiness, to promote the
prosperity of Ireland, and to communicate
to her inhabitants a full portion of the bleS
sings by which the people of Great Britain
are distinguished. Feeling,-, then, the para
mount importance- of maintaining that con
nexion, what is now its fi.tuation ? We
ha'.e lately li»en this co«iieCtion attacked both
by domefiic trealbn, and by foreign
force. We -fee, that, Jn a contetl in
which the a pus gl' this country have so of
ten triumphed, the or.ly ope which remains
to our enemy,, balked and defeated, is that
of difuiiiting Ireland fjom the Britilh em
pire. In how many instances the defeated
attempts of the enemy have turned to the
glory and strength of this country, a review
of our successes has already Shewn. God
grant, that in this attempt to disunite- the
Britilh empire," their efforts may be to knit
our strength, to encreai'e our resources, and
to add to the energy of that power which J
has combatted their designs, and which forms
the chief barrier to the civilized world against
the usurpation of France. This Connexion
we have seen aflailcd by domcftic treason,
linked with foreign force,, and arilivg too
out of the declared designs of the enemy.
We have seen domestic treason prosecuting its
baneful attempts by every artifice,grafting ja
cobinism on the old diseases which neceffariiy
grew out of the Rate of Ireland. Seeing then so
clearly how much the connection, which it
is our objeCt to cherifli, is endangered, Sore
ly it is not idle to think of Som~ new arrange
ments to guard against a danger now more
urgent and '.more malignant. Whatever |
fentinients might formerly have been enter
tained on the SubjeCt of Ireland, we know !
i that this is considered as the most vulnerable
part of the empire. We ought to profit by
the designs of the enemy to strengthen our
selves against their attack. From their con
duit we otight to draw an ufeftil leflbn for
the regulation cf ours. We ought to avail
ourselves of the means of defence suggested
by the artfulnefs of their attack. It is their
wish that they fti.juld be infatuated enough
not to apply the only remedy which will
confohdate our own power, and defeat their
machinations. It will hardly, I think, be
denied by any one, that these circumstances
exclusive of every other consideration, are
fufficient to juftify a review and conlidera
tiou of the state of connection between the
1 two countries. It requires but a moment's
reflection for any man who has marked the
progress of events, to decide what is the time
state and character of this connexion. We
fee that it is one which does not afford that
Security, which in times less dangerous and
lei's critical than the present would have been
necessary, to enable the empire fully to avail
itfelf of its strength and resources. When
last I addrefTed the House on this fubjeft, I
stated that the adjuftmetit of 1782, so far
from being final, left the connexion every
hour exposed to the utmost peril,, that it
consisted in demolishing the old system of
connexion, a system which I do not regret,
because its narrow spirit-not only was inju
rious to Ireland, but detrimental to Givat
Britain, as it tended to cramp'the improve
ment of both, and to deprive us of the bene
fit of common strength, Still, however, if
the bare demolition of an old and virtuous
system, it stated to be a new and improved
lyftem, is the most hypocritical pretence, or
the most childilh prrl'umpticn. It is the
! system of reforming every thing by substitut
ing nothing. Such, on the review of it is
fltuation in which the connection was
left by this boasted system, and I shall prove
it to be the opinion of parliament, the opini
on of the ministers themselves, who boasted
the adjulhnent of 1782, to be a new, a per
fect system, that it was incomplete and im
perfect, a.*! that it required the fubftit'eition
ofa new system to place the connexion upon
a sure and permanent basis. I Uiall prove
that fuoh was the opinion of some of those
who now contribute molt to the rejection
of a proper plan for securing the connexion
without any discussion. Such was the opi
nion ofa perfou for whom I entertain great
respeCt, but for whom I Uioulcl profefs more
rel'peCt than I fee), were I to fav that lie
fills with equal credit in another place, that
Situation which you, fir, hold in this house.
But that perlbi) to whom I allude, 01.ee pro
nounced that adjustment which lie now
nit in tains to be final, to be a lyftem that
could not last. Last Wednesday I alluded
to the state of that transaCtion in 1782.
Previous to it a messenger was lent to the
Irilh parliamentdeliring to know the causes
of the diffractions which prevailed in the
country, in conSequence of which 21) add re fs
was prefcrted by both houses* in which the
right alTerted by this country to bind Ire
land was stated to be the grievance. These
addrdfes were laid before this house, to
which a similar message ha A been sent. On
theft a motion was grounded for the repeal
of the declaratory law, so that the Satisfac
tion required by the Irilh legislature was com
plete. Parliament,- however, resolved that
a further agreement by mutual consent was
necessary. [Here Mr. Sherridan suggested
that the whole proceedings Ihould be read.]
I believe I state correctly the lubltance of the
proceedings ; I shall afterwards move that
the whole may be read. At prefeiit I beg
that I may not be interrupted. Jt certainly
was the opinion of the house, that a further
agreement by mutual consent was necessary.
An address was voted by the house, deliring
that meafurrs might be taken for that effeCt,
and the Secretary of the day, an honorable
gentleman—who, though a member cf the
house, had not for some time appeared in
his place, notified his majesty's answer, an
nouncing that measures should be taken for
the purpose recommended, I again assert,
that it was in contemplation of the existing
administration to perform the pledge thun
given ; no steps were howevei' taken for this
purpofs, the adjustment was felt to be im
perfect, and in that state it has since conti
nued. What in point of faCt is the connex
ion as it now stands ? We fay that the two
countries should be inl'eparably connected.
At present there are two fenarate and inde
pendent legillatures : the executive power
in both muftbe the fame, and the crown re
tain the right of palling the aCts of the
Iriffi legislature under the great leal of Bri
tain, by the advice of Britilh -ministers.
Such is the basis on which jests a connection
effentia! to the welfare and the existence of
both countries, and fucli the Safeguards by
which it if fecurt-i!. I would alk any man,
whether such a connection is fufficient to
confolidnts the strength, to give vigour to
the resources, to eftablilh the tranquility ot
the empire, to obviate all local jealouhes, to
dpterm'ine all cotfmiercial relations, to leave
clear and precise the complicated interests of
the two countries ? It is fufficient to state
the queftior., to shew how inadequate the
present arrangement must be.—On this point
I have the support of that gentleman's au
thority to whom I lately alluded—an au
thority to wl)ich some are now disposed to
pay more deference than formerly they w.otfld
have allowed. I refer to the opinions deli
veied by that pcrfon on the debate on the
Irifti proportions in It is not my in
tention here to discuss the merits of these
proportions. In iny opinion, however, they j
went as rar as there could be a hope of fuc« !
cess, to draw closer the connection between ;
the two countries, ana to place it on a mort
friendly basis. This I think will be allowed,
that those who maintained the arrangement
of 1782 to be final, and to be fufficient to
eftablilh the connection, will hardly deny
that the propositions were necessary to pre
vent the claQiing of local interests. For the
sentiments of the gentleman to whom 1 al
luded on the subjeCt of the Irish propositions,
I refer to a record of better authority thai)
that on which the transaCtions of parliament
commonly reft, and authenticated in some
degree by himfelf. I find then that fourteen
years ago, two years after the adjustment, a
gentleman, then chancellor of the exchequer
in Ireland, who now preiides in the house
of commons,- in a debate 011 the Irish pro
pofitiops, laid, « that if this infatuated
country (Ireland) now give? up thel'e pro
positions, (he may look in vain for the offer
at some future period." No, here the right
honourable ge&leman is niiftaken; they
have had offer of the famfc advantages
more complete, and in all refpsCts better
calculated to attain their object, which he
has now exerted all bis influence to lejedt.
But continues he, " things cannot refrain
as they are. Commercial jealousy is roused ;
it will increase with an independent Jegiila
ture, and the political union will be £xpofed
to many fliocki which threaten altogether the
dissolution of the connection." [Here there
was a cry of hear ! hear !] lam glad to find
theie sentiments thus acquiefi'.ed. Gentle
men will observe, however, that I am not
endeavouring to pledge the right honourable
gentleman, whose fenlirnents I quote, to
the measure of an union. My objeCt is to ■
shew that this opinion was, tlut the state of
things eftabliflied in 1782 was incomplete,
and must lead to the danger of dissolving the
political connection between the two coun
tries. Ido not mean to draw from, his-fen
timents the inference that a legiflativc union
is now indispensable, but to prove that the
adjustment of 1782, in his opinion, was not
final. Some gentlemen are now willing' to
allc.v great weight to his authority ; how'
then wilt they get rid of his authority against
the bcaft.'tl adjustment of 1782. I hope
that gentlemen will direCt their answer to
this ctifii&ft poiatj and not mistake s the ofc
. joit which I have been endeavouring ta eft .
blifh. But what is the evil to which the
right honourable gentleman alluded in the
passage quoted ? commercial jealousy between
two countries with independent legislature
How then is this jealousy to be obviated?
either by a compart to /eftrid their inde
, pendence on commercial fubjeds, or by
! blending the two separate legislatures by
| 3 legislative union. In spite of that per
ion's eloquence and authority, however
when dating the importance of guarding a'
| gainst the evil, it so happened that the doc
trines derived chiefly from the fide of the
water succeeded in convincing the Irish peo
ple that it would be incanhftent with their
independence to submit to any compact
whatever. That person fays that the un
settled slate in which this fubjeft was left
would lead to a separation. The arrange
ment proposed to obviate the inconvenience
was then attacked with the fame success a
gainst his authority, *s now another and
more complete remedy lias been attacked un
der his auspices. Either then you mull leave
the feeds of separation in the very nature of
the system now established ; you must ex
tlnguilh them by a compact or by a legisla
tive union. With all" these arguments and
authorities of parliament, the persons who
were the author? of the boa fled system of
1782, and other persons of weight, tend to
shew that it was not final and complete, we
have the teft.mony of experience too to prove
its inadequacy to secure the "connection be
tween the two countries on a lasting basis.
We did feel that it left the connexion ex
poled to the molt imminent-perils. On one
occasion particularly, it might have produc
ed the most lignal calamities, had we not
been rescued from the danger by an event,
upon which we all look back with a joy
which subsequent circumstances have more
juftified, and confirmed. I allude t» the
question of the regency. With two inde
pendent parliaments, it was accident alone
that preserved the identity of the ex
ecutive power, which is the principal fafe
guard of the connexion, and this was to be
held by tenures so different, as, would total
ly have rendered unavailing the security
which this identity bestows, or rather would
have engendered fueh disputes and embar
rafiments at fnight have exposed the con
nexion itfelf to thegreateft danger. I fliould
be glad to hear what answer those who deny
the danger of clashing and ©p'pofition of
views on the present system, can give to this
pregnant inflance of dangerous difference of
opinion. Will it be considered as a light
master then, that when we find both in com
mercial as well as political relations, there
i« no remedy fwr thr clashing opposition
which may ar.fe ?—After feeing thereconi
cJ opinion of parliament of the parties, by
whom the arrangement of 178Z was made,
and the teftimom'es of experience on the
whole fubjedt within the short period iince
it was adopted, perhaps it is hardly neceflary
to appeal to farther proofs of its inadequacy*
But when we consider the dillinft powers
p;;ffcfied by the le iflatures of the two coun
tries, on all the points of peace and war, us
foreign alliance, have we n«t seen cireu«-
fiances to induce us to think it pofiible at
least that on i'ome of these important que.
flious the dccifion of the tw© parliaments
might have been at variance : Are we talk
ing of an connexion when we
fee the influence of particular opinions oti
the most important points ? Can we really
th'nk the interells of the empire, Or its dif
ferent branches fixed upon a fafe and solid
basis ? I am anxious to discuss this point
closely with any set of men, either here or
111 Ireland. Suppose for inftauce', that the
war which the pari amcnt of thi3 countiy
consider- to be just and necessary, bad be'en
voted by the Irish legislature to be unjust,
unii«ceflary, and holtile to the principles of
humanityandfreedom : would the parliament
of liel nd have been bound by this country?
It not, what security have we, that when
most of all neceflary tor their common interest
and common salvation, they (hall have but
one fuend and foe ? I am eager to hear what
can be said of the solidity of a conneMcn
placed on a basis so imperfed, and liable to
be fhakei' by so many accidents. I have al
ready observed, that in the peculiar circum-
Hances of the present moment we may find
ftrongcr reasons for correcting the mpevfcc
tious of the existing fyflem than were to be
found at any former period. If I state on
ly thst this country is now #ng?.(#*d in a cor
teft the moll important that ever occurred
in the history of the world ; that Great
Britain Iras made the only manly and fuc
cefsful ftatid against the common enemies cf
all civilized society ; if in thisgreat and try
ing situation u e find that there is a weak
point which diminishes the vigour of our ef
forts, and prcfents the only hope of success
ta a bnfflcd eierry, docs .i ot prudence dic
tate the necfffity of flrcngthening what is
weak, an J of availing ourselves of ourgrcat
elt means to enable us to maintain the glo
rious Itruggle ? If in a contefl of liberty a-'
gainst defpotim, of property against rspiue,
of religion against impiety, of a civilized Jo
ciety against the deflroyers of all foe® or
der ; terms which once were represented as
unnecefTary acclamations, but which are found
to be oi-.ly the f'etble expreflions of the ca
lamities which the principles and the arms
of France have spread in their baleful pro*
grefs, and which the wounds of a bleeding
woild attest :if i n s uc h a contift, and in
such a cause there be any means of remedy
ing our principal wcaknefs, and adding to
that tlrength to which the world now
looks a:i its great bulwark agairfl imiverfal
oppr. ffion, it is a benefit in itfelf so solid, so
grard, so intftiniablc, that all minor views,
all local confiderationi, would fink in the
comparison- The people of Ireland must
feel a pride in beirg aflociated with this great
and high catling ; ihty must feel proud i*
contributing to oppose the torrent of un
principled violence, »'id to defeat the am
bition of the eneny. I need not argue that
an union on fair principles would :end to add
to the genera! ftreugth cf the empire. There
: :s no Hatilpan so little acquainted will) thf