Metropolis, he had his beard (haved, his hair drefled, and put on a fine suit of linen and cloaths •'Now" said he, 44 I'll make a decent entry in- to Paris." Having, however, pafled through the tamers, bow great was his furprile and difhrtay, when h< vatftrJ'ghtcoudu&edtothe Comtergeiie. He coi.ceakd his dt(appointment by a forced and Hypocntic Imite. With what fortitude' he heard his sentence. has already been dated. The Picftdcnt of the Tnbunal haviug asked him if he had any thing to fay why the sentence of ihe Law thould not take place he answered—"No I have no more defenders." H s execution was ordered for Thurfay Nov. 7th. but by bis own request, he was beheaded on the fame day on which he rectived his doom. He relufed the jiiiniftration of a Priest, and spent the few hours he had to )iv« in drcfling hirofelf. At two o'clock in the afternoon, on the 6th, ult. he received sentence, and at half past thiee the fame day, the Executioner arrived with his cart before the Conciergerie. Theftreeta were more filled with people, than at the exe cution oF Louis XVI { and that part of the mob among whom he hdd formerly d-.ftributcd hi* money, tnfuhed him mod, cfpecially the Ex- Marquis deSt. Hurges formerly his hireling. When he came to his palace the cart flopped for three minutes, cither dehgnedly or on ac count of ihe great crowds of people. He long ipgly cast his eyes upon that fupetb mansion, while the mob called yut, 14 Look, look, 'tis for the Lft time." On the fcaflold he attempted to harangue ihe people, but their (houts drowned his voice. At halt past five his head waji ftiuck off ; theex ecuiioncr (bowed ii twice or thrice on the cor ner of the fc>ffnld, while the mob mceffantly Vociferated, Bravo! bravof Vive la Rcpubhque.' Thus penfhed the molt ruthless monger that ever polluted the Earth. Lou s Philip Joseph Egaliie, late Duke of Orleans, firft Piince ol the Blood, Lieutenant General of the French forces by Land and Sea, was born at St. Cloud, April *3> 1 747- ihe pupil of, Mirabeau, the confidante of Dumourier and the client cf Petipn. Previous to the R evolution, he was the richell private man in Europe. In his youth he was a bofoin friend of the Dauphin after wa<ds Louis the XVI. whose blood he so much ihirfted «as- Ccr. Wheu the Ktpg was innoculated in 1775,, Orleans, then Duke of Chartres, wor.ld not quit the King's apartment. The Duke of Orleans h'S father, who lived in his letirement at St. Af faire, never troubled himfelf about his monstrous son, who, alteT his father's death wallowed in all kinds of exccfTcs and debaucheries ; and even *hea he succeeded to hb title, he wa» the wvoft nefarious man ol his agr. At court he was despised, for which reason he cxpofed all its plans, being thefiift peer of France. In 1787, Louis XVI. held a bed of Jufticc in the Parl.ament of Paris, when Egali h addrefCed him with so much boldncfs aud daring effronte ro, that his Majesty exiled him from the Capita) by a Letr re-de-Cachet. On the 6th. of O&ober, 1789, Egalite and Mirab rau went both in disguise to Vei failles, wiih ihe Ft (h-Women, whom the former had hired, in order to murder the Queen. v»v7rf House of Reprefentalives. Friday, 14. In committee of ike whole on Mr. MatTtfin's refuhitions. Mr. sedgwick's speech. [concluded.] Mr. S. then proceeded to state the re gulations of Great Britain which directed her intcrcourfe with this country —He laid that refpetting the Weft Indies, the feme severe, rigid and gloomy exclusion extended equally with us to all nations; with this only difference of partial and temporary relaxations in our fjvor, as in her opinion her occasions reqflired That refpefting an immediate intercotirfe with Great Britain, her regulations were as favorable to us at to any country, except only where favors are the effect of direst stipulation—nay, they are more so as ref pefis the important articles of pot and peavl-afli, pitch, tar, timber, and an ex emption from the payment of alien duties. If then Great Britain did not discrimi nate against us—if her discriminations were favorable to us, where was our right for complaint ? Should, however, unpro voked resentment (for gentlemen would remember to put political considerations out of the que ft ion) stimulate the adoption of the proposed measures, the disposition *)f that country to retaliate would be cer tain—her capacity of retaliation was there fore to be considered. This fubjeft Jie laid had been under the consideration of the Britilh government. Should (he fubjeft American (hips to alien duties—(hould (he impose duties on our rice and tobacco and fucih other articles as she can procure frbm other countries, and on her products exported in our bottoms j and (hould (he at the fame time counteract our duties by bounties; their bounties may be so given as compleatly to balance our duties, and their duties of course a di rect charge upon us—l charge on our ex ports, for the reasons he had already men tioned, depreciating their value—a charge on our imports to be fatisfied by the labor and industry of the country, These would be thefalutury effedts of this llcjfed system, so far as the trade Ihould continue under the load of thele opprefiive hardens. If the commercial iutcrcourfe between Ame rica and Great Britain lhou d be deitroyed by this system of expensive irritation, the evils were obvious, both as they would ef fect the ease and prosperity of our people, and the preservation of the public credit. He had called the prelent channels of commerce, the natural ones—there would he said, be found fuflicient reafou for the appellation, without entering into an ex tenlive inveiiigation of the subjeCt, in this one observation ; that the present Hate of our trade is produced by counting house (Calculations having interell alone for their objett. It had been said that a great part of our imports confided of the mere articles of luxury. This was undoubtedly true* but luxurious enjoyments could not be prevented, unlets we would introduce the manners of Sparta, and continue them by the inititutions and laws of Lycurgus. The paifion for diitin&ion could not be controuled nor would it be eligible if it could. "If then iaid he, we will use Madeira wine and green tea—if we will wear iilks, cambrics, muslins, and other fuccedania of the fig-leaf, why should we not be permitted to obtain them, when they can beit be had, of the best quality and on the bell terms ; or do gentlemen suppose our constituents will acknowledge obligations for being compelled to pro cure them of inferior quality and on worse terms ? Gentlemen had given, countenance to this project under au idea that it would entourage manufafitures and the carrying trade—this to his mind was preposterous. He had always supposed that to establish manufaflures, our active capital mult be encreafed ; and to encourage navigation, our trade must be extended. How this measure which would lellen our active ca pital by the embairaflment it would cre ate, could afford the means of eftablilh ing manufactures and building (hips, to his mind was perfectly unaccountable. He alked if it had not been demonft ra ted that the measure would tend to en hance the prise of the commodities which we wanted to purchase, and de crease the price of the products of our country. It had indeed been conceded, OmU these effects wefc unavoidable, and yet these were the, means whereby we were to extend our manufactures and na vigation, Should, however, these effects result, he aflced if we could feel ourselves julhfied in facrificing to the encourage ment of a few (hip-cai'penters and other mechanics, the ease and comfort of that moll ufeful and refpeftable description of men, the farmer and planter ? One more observation he said he would make on this head, that any measure which might op press the community, would be felt firft and mod severely by the poorer class of people. Before the fubje<3 was difmifled it ought to be viewed in a light in which it was (hewn in the moll baneful colours its tendency to war and all its dreadful consequences. As the guardians of the public happiness, we ought to avoid any measure which tended to this, if it could be done confident with the interest of our country. He laid it down as- a principle that every aflion had its chara&er determined by the motives which g»ve it birth. What motives then originated this measure ? —Were they of a commercial, or po litical nature ? Had G. B. inflicted any commercial injuries on this country ? Had (he not calculated her iemulations on the feme principle of all other natrons— her own interest ? Had (he .discrimina ted against us ? Did not the details clearly (hew that her regulations Were as favora ble to this as to other countries ! And did not an infinitely more stubborn fa&, the existing state of our trade, undenia bly prove hers to be our bed markets ? If then these mcafures are not juftified on commercial considerations, will the na tion towards whom thcyare directed, be at a loss to determine our true motives? Jf doubts could otherwise exist, rccourfe to the printeddebatei would remove it. There wefind our negroes carried off; the western P°^ s —-the Savages, Algerines, and in (tructions to the commandcrs of (hips, the constant theme of animated declamation. We know too well the correftnefs of gen tlemen's understandings not to be assured that these fubje£t» would not be so fre quently repeated, if they were not design- Ed to tiava effeS. These were not com mercial, but political considerations. If then the measure could not be—if it was not juttified on commercial, but political ground—if it was not designed ta I etali ate for commercial, but for political inju ries ; it followed irrefillably, that the mea sure alfumed the complexion ot liability. He did not mean to suggest an idea but that the injuries complained of might juflify hostile retaliation ; but he would affirm, if this measure was designed as such, it was infinitely too feeble, and would certainly prove ineffectual. If war was really the intention, it wa» our duty boldly to declare it—and, like men, pre pare for the event and not involve our country in blood under the disguised pre-, tence of our commercial regulations. If we foutid motives for our conduit in an tipathy to one nation, and in gratitude and affection to another, and that this was the cafe, he appealed to the printed debates and to the faithful monitors of gentlemen —would it be supposed that Great Bri tain would not undefftand, resent and en deavor to revenge it ? Great Britain he said, was involved in a war, whether jufl. or not, the govern ment of this country had no right to de termine—just or not, we had realon to believe it was popular. While (he was pur fwing this war, we complaining of inju ries, and itimulated by a sense of them, a dopt measures of retaliation, declaredly intended to produce embarraflments of filch a nature as to induce her to change a course of conduct: (he has pr.rfaed for ages, and tc which in her opinion (he is princi pally indebted for her progreflive prosperi ty- If serious embarrassments are not to be expctled, then ought the measure to be abandoned, because it would not produce the intended effeQ, and because it would confeffediy be injurious to us. Should it produce the embarraflments foretold, it will materially alFe£t those re sources on which (he depends for the pro fecution.of a favorite war. Should (he feel those measures as intended, would it not kindle resentment ? Would (he not discover the cause ? And would (he not fee! perfect felf-jiiftification in using all the means in her power to revenge our parti ality ? Fne evil he said would not end here. Great Britain was an important ally, and on her resources the combined powers ma terially depended for the prosecution of the war. A war waged with as much enmity as had provoked hollility at any period of the exigence of civilized Europe. Should we strike at those resources, and from mo tives they will doubtlcfs comprehend ; would they tamely submit to fncli condufl, would they not refcnt and endeavor to re venge it ? « I wflf repeat, said he, that if your measures do not materially embar rass Great Britain, and ia a cotifiderable degree destroy lier resources, then will! your expectations be disappointed", and the end you propose defeated, and you only' accumulate distress on your own citizefis- If the embarreffinents you intend shall re sult from your measures,. then do you in fact take part in the war—you will there fore provoke the vertgeanee of the nation againlt whom your meafuiea are directed, and of her allies." 1 o (hew the natural effe&s of commercial regulations pointed aguinft nations to' pro duce ho£iiity> he mentioned the war witich took place between Great Britain and Hol land} in 1652> occasioned by the navigation a<sl or the former—and that of 1672 between the French and Dutch, in consequence of duties imposed by the farmer on linen, and by the latter on wine. There was he said, peculiar reason for expetfing such an event in the present instance, for by the treaty be tween Great Brita;n and Spain, it was ex pressly stipulated, « if either fhali be attacked, molested or inquieteJ in anv of their ltates, rights, pofleflions or interefl,." It Is then to be made common cause. This, lie said, was not all, our real views would be known to our constituents—" They are said he, a wile and penetrating people, and will never consent to be dragged to the carnage of war, under a pretence of com mercial regulations—Their honeflcandor will aohor apd detest all covert and crooked poli- He did not mean to charge gentlemen with unworthy motives—He could not however avoid declaring the comment which in his opinion woula be made, on experience of the fatal events which would result from the adoption of the proposed system—a fyflem incapable of benefit to the community and pregnant with enormous evils. He said before he difmified this part of the fubjea, he would submit one observation to the consideration of the committee—lt was that the navigation and manufactures of the United States, had ia a few years pafl, en creased with a rap.dity, equal to the expec-# tatioiT of the molt sanguine friend of this ' country —That this had resulted from the ex isting systems—That he believed it to be true, that at this moment, as great a portion of our capital was invested in those branches as was confident with the general welfare— Under such circumflani.es it became the le gislature cautiously tp" adopt meafirrcs, which might diftrail the present filutary order of things. CDebate to be continued.) IN SENATE, Wednesday, March 12, £c£>nTimuedJ The folllowing written meflage wa» re-! ceived from the President of the United States, by Mr. Dandrige his Secretaty : United States, 12th Mareh, 1794. •Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives, I transmit to you, the translation of. two letters from the Commissioners of hit Catholie Majesty, .to th? secretary of state, and of their enclosures. • G. WASHINGTON. The meflage and papers therein referred to were read— Ordered, That they lie forconfideration. The petition of Robert Cohnelly wa» presented and read, praying to be inserted in the lift of invalid pensioners. Ordered, That this petition be refer red to the fecrctary for the department of war to consider and report thereon to the Senate. The bill, sent from the House of Re prefentstives for concurrence, entitled, " An ast to provide for the defehce of certain ports and harbours in the United States" was read the firft time. Ordered, That this bill pass to the se cond reading. The senate adjourned until 11 o'clock to-morrow morning. Thursday, March ij, 1794. The Vice Prcfident laid before the Se nate the reports of the Secretary for the department of war, on the petitions of Asa Day,. William Peiliins and Jonathan Holton Ordered, That they lie on the table. The petition of Jabez Rogers was pre sented and read, praying remiflion of the excise duties on certain distilled spirits, said to be destroyed by fire. On motion. Ordered, That ihis petition be referred to Mr. Bradley, Mr. Livermore and Mr. Robinson to con£der and rejx rt thereon to the Suate- The bill sent frcrn the Hcafe of Re prefcntativca for concurrence, entitled, "An ast to provide for the defence of certain ports and harbours itr the United States" was read the second time. Ordered, rhat this bill be referred tc* Mr. King, Mr. Ounn, Mr. Irzard, Mr* Langdon, Mr. Mora's, Mr. Ellfworth,. and Mr. Potts, to coulider and report thereon, to the Senate. Mr.. Butler reported' fronnthe commit tSr appointed to eonficjer the bill sent from the tiou-fe ©£ Representatives for concurrence,. entkW, "An ast authori zing a loan of one millicn of dollars,'*' that the bill* pass r and the report being adopted, Ordered,. That this bill pass to the third reading- The bill, fcrit from the Koufe of Re presentatives for concurrence, entitled, " An a& to provide a naval armament, ,r was read the second time. On motion, It was agreed that the further conside ration of this bill, be the order of the day for Monday next. The bill " in- addition to the ast for the punishment of certain crimes agamft the United States," was read the third time— On motion, To expunge the Bth, feftion as follows. And be it further enoHed and declared, That inevery cafe in which, a vessel (hall be fitted out and armed, or attempt so to be fitted out or armed, or in which the force o( any veflel of war, eruifer or other arm ed veflel, (hall beencreafed or augmented, or in which any military, expedition or en terprize (hall be begun or set on foot con trary to the prohibitions and provifiona of this ast ; and in every cafe of the cap ture of a (hip or veflel within the jurisdic tion or protection of the United State* a* above defined, and in every cafe in which any process ifluing out of any court of the United States, (hall be disobeyed or refilled by any person or perfont having the custody ct any vessel or war, cruiser, or other armed veflel of any foreign prince
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