Metropolis, he had his beard (haved, his hair
drefled, and put on a fine suit of linen and cloaths
•'Now" said he, 44 I'll make a decent entry in-
to Paris."
Having, however, pafled through the tamers,
bow great was his furprile and difhrtay, when h<
vatftrJ'ghtcoudu&edtothe Comtergeiie. He
coi.ceakd his dt(appointment by a forced and
Hypocntic Imite.
With what fortitude' he heard his sentence.
has already been dated. The Picftdcnt of the
Tnbunal haviug asked him if he had any thing
to fay why the sentence of ihe Law thould not
take place he answered—"No I have no more
defenders."
H s execution was ordered for Thurfay Nov.
7th. but by bis own request, he was beheaded on
the fame day on which he rectived his doom.
He relufed the jiiiniftration of a Priest, and
spent the few hours he had to )iv« in drcfling
hirofelf. At two o'clock in the afternoon, on
the 6th, ult. he received sentence, and at half
past thiee the fame day, the Executioner arrived
with his cart before the Conciergerie. Theftreeta
were more filled with people, than at the exe
cution oF Louis XVI { and that part of the mob
among whom he hdd formerly d-.ftributcd hi*
money, tnfuhed him mod, cfpecially the Ex-
Marquis deSt. Hurges formerly his hireling.
When he came to his palace the cart flopped
for three minutes, cither dehgnedly or on ac
count of ihe great crowds of people. He long
ipgly cast his eyes upon that fupetb mansion,
while the mob called yut, 14 Look, look, 'tis for
the Lft time."
On the fcaflold he attempted to harangue ihe
people, but their (houts drowned his voice.
At halt past five his head waji ftiuck off ; theex
ecuiioncr (bowed ii twice or thrice on the cor
ner of the fc>ffnld, while the mob mceffantly
Vociferated, Bravo! bravof Vive la Rcpubhque.'
Thus penfhed the molt ruthless monger that
ever polluted the Earth. Lou s Philip Joseph
Egaliie, late Duke of Orleans, firft Piince ol the
Blood, Lieutenant General of the French forces
by Land and Sea, was born at St. Cloud, April
*3> 1 747- ihe pupil of, Mirabeau, the
confidante of Dumourier and the client cf Petipn.
Previous to the R evolution, he was the richell
private man in Europe. In his youth he was a
bofoin friend of the Dauphin after wa<ds Louis
the XVI. whose blood he so much ihirfted «as-
Ccr. Wheu the Ktpg was innoculated in 1775,,
Orleans, then Duke of Chartres, wor.ld not quit
the King's apartment. The Duke of Orleans
h'S father, who lived in his letirement at St. Af
faire, never troubled himfelf about his monstrous
son, who, alteT his father's death wallowed in all
kinds of exccfTcs and debaucheries ; and even
*hea he succeeded to hb title, he wa» the wvoft
nefarious man ol his agr.
At court he was despised, for which reason he
cxpofed all its plans, being thefiift peer of France.
In 1787, Louis XVI. held a bed of Jufticc in
the Parl.ament of Paris, when Egali h addrefCed
him with so much boldncfs aud daring effronte
ro, that his Majesty exiled him from the Capita)
by a Letr re-de-Cachet.
On the 6th. of O&ober, 1789, Egalite and
Mirab rau went both in disguise to Vei failles,
wiih ihe Ft (h-Women, whom the former had
hired, in order to murder the Queen.
v»v7rf
House of Reprefentalives.
Friday, 14.
In committee of ike whole on Mr. MatTtfin's
refuhitions.
Mr. sedgwick's speech.
[concluded.]
Mr. S. then proceeded to state the re
gulations of Great Britain which directed
her intcrcourfe with this country —He
laid that refpetting the Weft Indies, the
feme severe, rigid and gloomy exclusion
extended equally with us to all nations;
with this only difference of partial and
temporary relaxations in our fjvor, as in
her opinion her occasions reqflired That
refpefting an immediate intercotirfe with
Great Britain, her regulations were as
favorable to us at to any country, except
only where favors are the effect of direst
stipulation—nay, they are more so as ref
pefis the important articles of pot and
peavl-afli, pitch, tar, timber, and an ex
emption from the payment of alien duties.
If then Great Britain did not discrimi
nate against us—if her discriminations
were favorable to us, where was our right
for complaint ? Should, however, unpro
voked resentment (for gentlemen would
remember to put political considerations
out of the que ft ion) stimulate the adoption
of the proposed measures, the disposition
*)f that country to retaliate would be cer
tain—her capacity of retaliation was there
fore to be considered.
This fubjeft Jie laid had been under the
consideration of the Britilh government.
Should (he fubjeft American (hips to alien
duties—(hould (he impose duties on our
rice and tobacco and fucih other articles as
she can procure frbm other countries, and
on her products exported in our bottoms j
and (hould (he at the fame time counteract
our duties by bounties; their bounties
may be so given as compleatly to balance
our duties, and their duties of course a di
rect charge upon us—l charge on our ex
ports, for the reasons he had already men
tioned, depreciating their value—a charge
on our imports to be fatisfied by the labor
and industry of the country, These would
be thefalutury effedts of this llcjfed system,
so far as the trade Ihould continue under
the load of thele opprefiive hardens. If
the commercial iutcrcourfe between Ame
rica and Great Britain lhou d be deitroyed
by this system of expensive irritation, the
evils were obvious, both as they would ef
fect the ease and prosperity of our people,
and the preservation of the public credit.
He had called the prelent channels of
commerce, the natural ones—there would
he said, be found fuflicient reafou for the
appellation, without entering into an ex
tenlive inveiiigation of the subjeCt, in this
one observation ; that the present Hate
of our trade is produced by counting
house (Calculations having interell alone for
their objett.
It had been said that a great part of
our imports confided of the mere articles
of luxury. This was undoubtedly true*
but luxurious enjoyments could not be
prevented, unlets we would introduce
the manners of Sparta, and continue them
by the inititutions and laws of Lycurgus.
The paifion for diitin&ion could not be
controuled nor would it be eligible if it
could. "If then iaid he, we will use
Madeira wine and green tea—if we will
wear iilks, cambrics, muslins, and other
fuccedania of the fig-leaf, why should we
not be permitted to obtain them, when
they can beit be had, of the best quality
and on the bell terms ; or do gentlemen
suppose our constituents will acknowledge
obligations for being compelled to pro
cure them of inferior quality and on worse
terms ?
Gentlemen had given, countenance to
this project under au idea that it would
entourage manufafitures and the carrying
trade—this to his mind was preposterous.
He had always supposed that to establish
manufaflures, our active capital mult be
encreafed ; and to encourage navigation,
our trade must be extended. How this
measure which would lellen our active ca
pital by the embairaflment it would cre
ate, could afford the means of eftablilh
ing manufactures and building (hips, to
his mind was perfectly unaccountable.
He alked if it had not been demonft ra
ted that the measure would tend to en
hance the prise of the commodities
which we wanted to purchase, and de
crease the price of the products of our
country. It had indeed been conceded,
OmU these effects wefc unavoidable, and
yet these were the, means whereby we
were to extend our manufactures and na
vigation, Should, however, these effects
result, he aflced if we could feel ourselves
julhfied in facrificing to the encourage
ment of a few (hip-cai'penters and other
mechanics, the ease and comfort of that
moll ufeful and refpeftable description of
men, the farmer and planter ? One more
observation he said he would make on this
head, that any measure which might op
press the community, would be felt firft
and mod severely by the poorer class of
people.
Before the fubje<3 was difmifled it
ought to be viewed in a light in which it
was (hewn in the moll baneful colours
its tendency to war and all its dreadful
consequences. As the guardians of the
public happiness, we ought to avoid any
measure which tended to this, if it could
be done confident with the interest of our
country.
He laid it down as- a principle that every
aflion had its chara&er determined by the
motives which g»ve it birth. What
motives then originated this measure ?
—Were they of a commercial, or po
litical nature ? Had G. B. inflicted any
commercial injuries on this country ?
Had (he not calculated her iemulations on
the feme principle of all other natrons—
her own interest ? Had (he .discrimina
ted against us ? Did not the details clearly
(hew that her regulations Were as favora
ble to this as to other countries ! And
did not an infinitely more stubborn fa&,
the existing state of our trade, undenia
bly prove hers to be our bed markets ?
If then these mcafures are not juftified
on commercial considerations, will the na
tion towards whom thcyare directed, be at
a loss to determine our true motives? Jf
doubts could otherwise exist, rccourfe to
the printeddebatei would remove it. There
wefind our negroes carried off; the western
P°^ s —-the Savages, Algerines, and in
(tructions to the commandcrs of (hips, the
constant theme of animated declamation.
We know too well the correftnefs of gen
tlemen's understandings not to be assured
that these fubje£t» would not be so fre
quently repeated, if they were not design-
Ed to tiava effeS. These were not com
mercial, but political considerations. If
then the measure could not be—if it was
not juttified on commercial, but political
ground—if it was not designed ta I etali
ate for commercial, but for political inju
ries ; it followed irrefillably, that the mea
sure alfumed the complexion ot liability.
He did not mean to suggest an idea
but that the injuries complained of might
juflify hostile retaliation ; but he would
affirm, if this measure was designed as
such, it was infinitely too feeble, and
would certainly prove ineffectual. If war
was really the intention, it wa» our duty
boldly to declare it—and, like men, pre
pare for the event and not involve our
country in blood under the disguised pre-,
tence of our commercial regulations. If
we foutid motives for our conduit in an
tipathy to one nation, and in gratitude and
affection to another, and that this was the
cafe, he appealed to the printed debates
and to the faithful monitors of gentlemen
—would it be supposed that Great Bri
tain would not undefftand, resent and en
deavor to revenge it ?
Great Britain he said, was involved in
a war, whether jufl. or not, the govern
ment of this country had no right to de
termine—just or not, we had realon to
believe it was popular. While (he was pur
fwing this war, we complaining of inju
ries, and itimulated by a sense of them, a
dopt measures of retaliation, declaredly
intended to produce embarraflments of
filch a nature as to induce her to change a
course of conduct: (he has pr.rfaed for ages,
and tc which in her opinion (he is princi
pally indebted for her progreflive prosperi
ty-
If serious embarrassments are not to be
expctled, then ought the measure to be
abandoned, because it would not produce
the intended effeQ, and because it would
confeffediy be injurious to us.
Should it produce the embarraflments
foretold, it will materially alFe£t those re
sources on which (he depends for the pro
fecution.of a favorite war. Should (he
feel those measures as intended, would it
not kindle resentment ? Would (he not
discover the cause ? And would (he not
fee! perfect felf-jiiftification in using all the
means in her power to revenge our parti
ality ?
Fne evil he said would not end here.
Great Britain was an important ally, and
on her resources the combined powers ma
terially depended for the prosecution of the
war. A war waged with as much enmity
as had provoked hollility at any period of
the exigence of civilized Europe. Should
we strike at those resources, and from mo
tives they will doubtlcfs comprehend ;
would they tamely submit to fncli condufl,
would they not refcnt and endeavor to re
venge it ? « I wflf repeat, said he, that
if your measures do not materially embar
rass Great Britain, and ia a cotifiderable
degree destroy lier resources, then will!
your expectations be disappointed", and the
end you propose defeated, and you only'
accumulate distress on your own citizefis-
If the embarreffinents you intend shall re
sult from your measures,. then do you in
fact take part in the war—you will there
fore provoke the vertgeanee of the nation
againlt whom your meafuiea are directed,
and of her allies."
1 o (hew the natural effe&s of commercial
regulations pointed aguinft nations to' pro
duce ho£iiity> he mentioned the war witich
took place between Great Britain and Hol
land} in 1652> occasioned by the navigation
a<sl or the former—and that of 1672 between
the French and Dutch, in consequence of
duties imposed by the farmer on linen, and
by the latter on wine. There was he said,
peculiar reason for expetfing such an event
in the present instance, for by the treaty be
tween Great Brita;n and Spain, it was ex
pressly stipulated, « if either fhali be attacked,
molested or inquieteJ in anv of their ltates,
rights, pofleflions or interefl,." It Is then to
be made common cause.
This, lie said, was not all, our real views
would be known to our constituents—" They
are said he, a wile and penetrating people,
and will never consent to be dragged to the
carnage of war, under a pretence of com
mercial regulations—Their honeflcandor will
aohor apd detest all covert and crooked poli-
He did not mean to charge gentlemen with
unworthy motives—He could not however
avoid declaring the comment which in his
opinion woula be made, on experience of the
fatal events which would result from the
adoption of the proposed system—a fyflem
incapable of benefit to the community and
pregnant with enormous evils.
He said before he difmified this part of the
fubjea, he would submit one observation to
the consideration of the committee—lt was
that the navigation and manufactures of the
United States, had ia a few years pafl, en
creased with a rap.dity, equal to the expec-#
tatioiT of the molt sanguine friend of this '
country —That this had resulted from the ex
isting systems—That he believed it to be true,
that at this moment, as great a portion of
our capital was invested in those branches as
was confident with the general welfare—
Under such circumflani.es it became the le
gislature cautiously tp" adopt meafirrcs, which
might diftrail the present filutary order of
things.
CDebate to be continued.)
IN SENATE,
Wednesday, March 12,
£c£>nTimuedJ
The folllowing written meflage wa» re-!
ceived from the President of the United
States, by Mr. Dandrige his Secretaty :
United States, 12th Mareh, 1794.
•Gentlemen of the Senate, and
of the House of Representatives,
I transmit to you, the translation of.
two letters from the Commissioners of hit
Catholie Majesty, .to th? secretary of state,
and of their enclosures. •
G. WASHINGTON.
The meflage and papers therein referred
to were read—
Ordered, That they lie forconfideration.
The petition of Robert Cohnelly wa»
presented and read, praying to be inserted
in the lift of invalid pensioners.
Ordered, That this petition be refer
red to the fecrctary for the department of
war to consider and report thereon to the
Senate.
The bill, sent from the House of Re
prefentstives for concurrence, entitled,
" An ast to provide for the defehce of
certain ports and harbours in the United
States" was read the firft time.
Ordered, That this bill pass to the se
cond reading.
The senate adjourned until 11 o'clock
to-morrow morning.
Thursday, March ij, 1794.
The Vice Prcfident laid before the Se
nate the reports of the Secretary for the
department of war, on the petitions of
Asa Day,. William Peiliins and Jonathan
Holton
Ordered, That they lie on the table.
The petition of Jabez Rogers was pre
sented and read, praying remiflion of the
excise duties on certain distilled spirits,
said to be destroyed by fire.
On motion.
Ordered, That ihis petition be referred
to Mr. Bradley, Mr. Livermore and Mr.
Robinson to con£der and rejx rt thereon
to the Suate-
The bill sent frcrn the Hcafe of Re
prefcntativca for concurrence, entitled,
"An ast to provide for the defence of
certain ports and harbours itr the United
States" was read the second time.
Ordered, rhat this bill be referred tc*
Mr. King, Mr. Ounn, Mr. Irzard, Mr*
Langdon, Mr. Mora's, Mr. Ellfworth,.
and Mr. Potts, to coulider and report
thereon, to the Senate.
Mr.. Butler reported' fronnthe commit
tSr appointed to eonficjer the bill sent
from the tiou-fe ©£ Representatives for
concurrence,. entkW, "An ast authori
zing a loan of one millicn of dollars,'*'
that the bill* pass r and the report being
adopted,
Ordered,. That this bill pass to the
third reading-
The bill, fcrit from the Koufe of Re
presentatives for concurrence, entitled,
" An a& to provide a naval armament, ,r
was read the second time.
On motion,
It was agreed that the further conside
ration of this bill, be the order of the
day for Monday next.
The bill " in- addition to the ast for
the punishment of certain crimes agamft
the United States," was read the third
time—
On motion,
To expunge the Bth, feftion as follows.
And be it further enoHed and declared,
That inevery cafe in which, a vessel (hall be
fitted out and armed, or attempt so to be
fitted out or armed, or in which the force
o( any veflel of war, eruifer or other arm
ed veflel, (hall beencreafed or augmented,
or in which any military, expedition or en
terprize (hall be begun or set on foot con
trary to the prohibitions and provifiona
of this ast ; and in every cafe of the cap
ture of a (hip or veflel within the jurisdic
tion or protection of the United State* a*
above defined, and in every cafe in which
any process ifluing out of any court of
the United States, (hall be disobeyed or
refilled by any person or perfont having
the custody ct any vessel or war, cruiser,
or other armed veflel of any foreign prince