BEDFORD GAZETTE s rCBT.IfBrn 15VERY FRIDAY MORMN _ B1 B F.£KVi:*, following terma, to witi jj 00 pti Annum, if paid within the year. • j 0 .. •< if not paid within the year. i übacript ion taken tor I em than si* month 5 #rVe pPt discontinued Wil nil ire>"ragea are J nnleia at tin option of the publiahei. It haa deciJ'd by the United States Court* that the 0 f a newspaper without the payment of 'raual" l <* prima fa tit evidence of fraud and a* 'criminal odence. -j'he courts nave decided that persons are ac- Jnittble for the subscription price of newspapeis, Jfilu* take them from the post office, whether they nbscrihe for them, or not. From tht Legislative Record. SPEECH OF HON. B. F. MEYERS, OF BEDFORD COCSTY, Qfatrtd in the House of Representatives, March 3, 1864, on the bill to provide compensation for hues sustained from rebel raids ,etc. The legal view* which I hold, in connection, 111 believe, with this side of the House, in re _rd to the resolution offered by the gentleman front Washington, which it is sought to in corporate in the bill now before the House, were 10 tleurly and fully expressed the other evening, by uy friend from Luzerne, (Mr. Hakes,) that it wuuld be u work of supererogation for me tore-state them at this pmcture of tlijs dis enjwdn. But, sir, it may not be altogether im proper, or inopportune, to add a few thoughts tu the able and elaborate argument of tho gen tlctuun to wboiu I have just referred. Tiie resolution ot the gentleman from Washing ton speaks of the rebel invasion, which occurred lust summer, as having been superinduced by "connivance and encouragement" on the part of citisens of thin Common wealth. Now, I submit, Mr- Speaker, whether such "connivance and UKUurugemetit' as is alluded to in this resolution does mean ."aid and comfort" to the enemy T And if it does not mean "aid and comfort" to the enemy, does it not menu "treasont" And if it means "treason," why do not the gentlemen who say that they have knowledge, orthat they in induced to believe, that this rebel invasion wis superinduced by the "connivance and en couragement" of citizens of Pennsylvania, make ioformation before the proper authorities, and hive those persons whom they say they believe tube thus guilty, prosecuted for treason accord ing to the lawi of the country J Mr- Speaker, the gentleman from Luzerne o nitted, in his discussion of this question, one thing which ought to have been referred to. I have reference to that clause of the Constitu tion of the State of Pennsylvania, which declares "that no i crson shall be attit'.nted of treason or felony by the Legislature." Now this resolution proposes to erect a board of appraisers, nmf to confer upon them the power of trying persons for "disloyalty," which, if it means anything, when applied to our form of government, must mean "treason." It is proposed, then, by this resolution, to confer upon this board of apprais ers the power of trying treason and attainting of treason—a power expressly prohibited by the Constitution of Pennsylvania from exercise by the Legislature of the State. It is attempted to invest a creature of the Legislature with a pow er which is denied to the Legislature itself. Hence, Mr. Speaker, I take it that this resolution isclear ly in violation of the Constitution—that it is in derogation of the fundamental law of the State, ind that we, the members of this House, having token a solemn oath to support the Constitution o! Pennsylvania, will violate that oath by voting for the resolution of the gentleman from Wash ington. I do not intend, sir, as I said before, to argue this question from a legal point of view. The impolicy of adopting this resolution at this time, should weigh as heavily against it as its uncon stitutionality. If you pass it as it stands, you say to the world that the people of Pennsylva nia are what you call "disloyal;" you say that there are persons here in sympathy with the re bellion; you say to the British Parliament —you My to the Corps Leguluti/ of France—that there are people here who, by their "connivance and encouragement" of the rebellion, superinduced the invasion of Pennsylvania by the rebel army. My friend from Chester (Mr. Smith) spoke of casting odium upon the State, when we under took, some weeks ago, to investigate the condi tion of the military camps übout this city. It was aaid by ray honorable friend that Pennsyl vania would be disgraced if it were to be ac knowledged that our soldiers hud been neglected by the military authorities of the Common wealth. Now I submit to the gentlemen on the other side of the House who took that position then, whether it would not be better now to think ü bout this matter of "casting odiutn upon the State of Pennsylvania." But, I supoose, Mr. Speaker, that it is not ex-< pected that I should make an argument upon this resolution, or upon the bill before the House. That does, not seem to be the order of these dis cussions. General Politics scents to be in com mand whenever we assemble to consider this res olution. It baa been said that this debate hits taken a very wide scope—has been of a very rambling character. There is no doubt about it. It has gone into the very deepest slough ot puliticul deviltry—if I may use the expression. Now, Mr. Speaker, what is the meaning of tho term "loyalty?" Webster accepts the defi nition, of Clarendon, who says 'that it is "li d, nty to a p. nice or sovereign, a husband or lov er " Our friends on the other side of the House have no duuht looked at this detinition of the word, and tliey imagine tlmt the President of the Uuited is.'ates, to whom they say we inust be "loyal," is tho' Prince of darkness, or the King of Dahomey, because of the peculiar tendency of his measures towards a certain color. Then, us to "fidelity to a husband," although rdo not know thnt Abraham Lincoln, the Pres ident of the United States, has married this na tion, yet the other side of the House, by tho tell er of their argument, would have us believe that ho has. I have no doubt, that after a while, when the present President of the United States comes to "shuttle off thistnortul coil," it will be a test of "loyalty" us to whether the people of this nation will sacrifice themselves upon his tomb, as the Hindoo widow is required to im molate herself upor. the funeral pyre of her hus band. [Laughter.] Than, again, as to "fidelity to a lover," there is hardly a member upon this lloor who will say that tho President of thw United States is a lov er of this nation. Somo of-the gentlmen on the Other side might sar so, hut hardly in good faith- VOLUME *l9. NEW SERIES. tbey might say it byway of a joke, in imitation of their great chief at Washington. But, to look at this matter seriously, the gen tleman from Washington undertakes to define the word "loyally." He says: "While I am on the flour, 1 will say that my ideas of loyalty are these: that u man shall support and defend the Constitution of the Uuiun at all costs and at all sacrifices." Now I would just ask the gentlemen on the other side of lite House, whether tliey are wil ling to defend this Union at hII hazards mid all sacrifices T 1 have no doubt they will answer in the utfirinulive. But, lei me ask them whether in a certain event, they would be willing to lay aside their prejudices to support this Union.' Sup pose that the people of the Southern States now in revolt against this Government, would signi fy their willingness to throw down their arms and return to their allegiance to the government, subject ally to such penalties as may be inflict ed upon them by Congress under the Constitu tion, would the gentlemen on the other side of the House be willing to receive them 1 [Cries of "yes," "yes."] Would you.be willing to receive them without making any qualification or bar gain in regard to the institution of slavery? [No! No!] That is the point Mr. Speaker: they are nut willing to givo up t'.ieii* peculiar notions in re gard to the institution of slavery, to save this Union. I am willing, for "my part, to yield every prejudice, every feeling I have upon that subject, in order to save this glorious Govern ment of our fathers. But, the presses, the orators and the leaders of the Republican party, in Congress and out of Congress, have declared, over and over again, that the Union shall not be restored as it was with slavery protected under it. Therefore, they are not "uncondi tional Union" men. They claim to be uncon ditionally for the Union. Tliey are only cow ditwnal Union men. We are the unconditional Union men—we, who ask nothing hut this— ! that the people in revolt against this Govern ment shall throw down their arms and return i to their allegiance. Hut the genticmen on the' other side of tho llotAe are unwilling to receive tho Southern people back into this Union unless the institution of slavery be blotted out. Now, 1 say, Mr. Speaker, that the true un conditional Union man is he who is willing and anxious that the people in revolt shall return to ! their alleginnce to the Federal Government, and who will use every effort in his power to bring about such a result. He is a man who will im pose upon them no conditions as to any of their State institutions not in conflict with the Con stitution of the United States. He who acts upon any other principle—who, for example, will permit their return to the Union only on condition that they yield up their negro slaves, abjure their State institution* and take oaths to support all the proclamations and vagaries of the President of the United States, past, pres ent and to'come—is plainly not an uncondition al, but a conditional Union man. Such a man may shout himself hoarse in glorification of the war, he may sing unending hosannas to the Pres ident of the United Stales, he may bow down at the shrine of shoddy and worship the ebony idol of Abolitionism; nay, Mr. S|ienker, lie may even be an apostle of tho new gospel of "Mis cegenation;" but, sir. he is no friend of the Union—he is rather its insidious and implaca ble enemy. A. satirist of the present Jay por trays the character of such a Union man very graphically and aptly: "Union t" a man may cry at every word, With much less patriotism than other people | A crow's not reckoned a religious bird, Because it keeps a cawing from the steeple." So it is with our friends of the other side. They are always cawing "Union!" "Union!" and yet they will not permit the Union to be re stored, except upon their own peculiar theory. Mr. Speaker, I shall not undertake to follow the devious windings of this debate; but certain references have been made not only to the Dem ocratic party, of which I claim to be an hum ble member, but to the Democratic party of my own locality; and it becomes my duty to malyj some response to some of the aspersions of the gentlemen on the other side upon my party and some of my own personal friends. Sir, Ibis , discussion could not proceed without maligning ! e\en individuals—private citizens who have: nothing to do with this hill and can have no i claims under it. This debate could not proceed without drugging in the lair fame of some of the best men in the Commonwealth—without tra ducing men who are the peers in honesty, in honor and in patriotism of the gentlemen on the other side who slander them. I desire, sir, to make a simple statement in regard to the ref erence made by tho gentleman from Dauphin (Mr. Alleman) to the "disloyalty" (as he expres sed it) of my codnty. It seems that becuusc two young men from Bedford county were cap tured by tho rebel forces at McConnellsburg, and oariied away by thcio, tho whole county cit' jiedford is what the gentleman calls "disloyal." Now, Mr. Speaker, I will tell you a "plain, un varnished talc;" I will tell you the whole truth, "nothing extenuating, nor setting down aught in malice." Sifne, time in Juno of last year, two boys from the town of liedord, went to the town of MoCowiullnluug to visit soibe of their relatives. It so happened that the day after they arrived •in MeCumiellsburg, the rebel forces (under Im boden, I believe) came to that place. At that time General AJilroy was encamped near Bed ford. Tho commander of the rebel forces at McConnellsburg at once supposed that these boys were spies, sent into his camp by General Mitroy. Acting upon this suspicion, he arrest ed the boys and put thom under guard. They ■attempted to escape, ThitAiade the matter so much the worse for them. They were put un der still closer gunrd> When tho rebel forces moved from McConnellsburg towards Mercers burg, tbeso boys were cartied away with them. One of the boys was put on horseback, and was leftf with the rebel force noar Mercersburg to guard a train of wagons. The Union forces, if I f maj *o denominate thsm, for T believe lh of treason, and ought to be fined and inisprison ed, according to the laws of the Commonwealth.' Mr. ALLEMAN. Will the gentleman from Bedford allow ine to explain t Mr. MEYERS. Certamiy. Mr. ALLEMAN. I preferred charges to' Major-Gen. Schenck, and sent him to Sehenck,; and he imprisoned him in Fort M'Henry [Ap plause on tlie Republican side ] Mr. MEYERS. Mr. Speaker, the gentleman . preferred charges against him to Gen. Nlhenek, I and Gen. Schenck regarded the,charges and the j proofs so much that he liberated the man a gainst whom the charges were preferred, without j any trial at ull. [Applause on the Democratic ■ side] The injustice that has been done to Henry J.! Stable, the editor of the Gettysburg Compiler, j amounts to a perfect outrage. Sir, that inun, instead of giving aid and comfort to the enemy j by pointing out the place of concealment off Union soldiers, as charged by the gentleman j from Dauphin, had secreted in bis house, at the | time of the rebel occupation ot Gettysburg, a ; sick colonel of the Union army—and the only j time that he went out of his house, whilst the rebel forces occupied or were near the town, (as theie are affidavits on file to prove, and the gen tleman from Dauphin can see them if he will go to Gen. Couch or to Gen. Schenck) —was when he went in search of a surgeon for thHt sick Union officer, and that, too, whilst the iron hail from the enemy's batteries swept the street j along which he was compelled to pass. There . arc, also, on file affidavits showing that this patriotic Democratic editor, who is so harshly j accused by the gentleman from Dauphin, wus,; when he passed the house in which it is alleged the Union soldiers were concealed, entirely a lone. This ill accords with the allegation of the gentleman frutn Dauphin, that Mr. Stable pointed out to a rebel otficor the place of con cealment of these Union soldiers. Hut the best vindication of the innocence of this injured man, is that he>was discharged without even a hear ing, and is at borne to-day, in the town of Get tysburg, publishing true "loyalty" to tlio Con stitution and the Union. It sccius to be the cue of gentlemen on the other side of this House to plead for mobs and mob law* They say that we must remember that the soldiers have had great provocation to mob printing-offices. Why, sir, the Democratic press is the best and truest friend of the soldier. When contractors defraud him, the Democratic nuwspujK-rs expose them. When faiililes-otfu ialt ! cloiue tjiill in shoddy, Democratic newspapers ; compel them to give him comfortable uniforms, i When tlie white soldier is.decried and the ne ! gro praised as his su|ierior in valor. Democrat ic newspapers conic to the rescue of the heroes j of tlie Peninsula, \ntictani, Shi bill arid Get tya i burg. My own office has been threatened, but never, so fur as lum aware, by soldiers. lam 1 glad to say that the soldiers have always been I iny friends. They have never attempted to ; destroy my property Hut those miserable nus ! creauts, those "war tnen" par excellence, who are !' howling the "On to Richmond" cry at home, ■ | and who will not enlist to tight the battles tliey vrould have ofliers win—such men have inen heed my property. But, I said to these men, 1 | "if you undertake to execute your threats, I ■ will defend iny property. There is the flag of my country above it; and if you dare to vio , alate the protection of that flag, I will shout you down as 1 would any man who attempted i niy life." I give notice to gentlemen on the f other side who are making this special plea for i mobs and mob law, that the Democratic party I asks no favor from them on that score. Their ■ defence in the future is their determined will t, and their strong arms. Let them come: let ■ them "tear-out" Democratic printing offices; t let them try to surpress freedom of speech in 3 the Democratic ranks. If' we must he put to I the trial of the lex talionis, we are ready. A - gain, 1 say, let them come! r i I was not astonished to hear what was said j upon this subject by the gentleman from Dau - pliiu—who is a military man, and in whose veins s .Hows the fiery blood of youth, and who has - fought hie way—not to the capital of the rebel . confederacy, but into the legislative halls of B Pennsylvania—rl was not surprised to hear such > language from his lips; but sir, when the phil f osophy of experience, the culture of learning, i and the wisdom and dignity of age. succumbed Htt and Opinion. MING, MARCH 25, 1864. Ito the madness of the hour, it wan well worth our while to pause aud ask, "Whither aro we tending I" The gentleman from Chester, for i whom I have very great respect as a member of this Houte, when speaking of Turks (Gen. Butler, I beleive, was called a Turk in a poein wiiieli the gentleman read,) eaid that he would like to have just such Turks in Pennsylvania. Well, now, i would just remind the gentleman that there is an old saying, and I believe a true one, that "One renegade is wurse than ten Turks;" and, therefore I think that Chester county could supply the whole State. (Laugh ter.) Rut, &lr Speaker, if that would not suf fice, then 1 recommend to the gentleman a cer tain Brigadier Gen. Gantt, late of the rebel ariny, but later still of the army of Abolition stump orators. Mr. SCHOFIELD. We have had him here. Mr. MEYERS. My friend suggests that we had htm here. We had hitn here upon the motion of Republican members of this House I did not know, when I voted to give him the hull, that he was still a rebel against the Con stitution, as i louud out after his speech, or 1 I would not have voted as I did. Now, Mr. Speak er, if there is any difficulty about getting a Turk to do the business of that particular breed of [persons in this State, I will just recommend to Ithe gentlemap frotn^Chester, Gen. Gantt, who Itaid, in a speech dovfh South: ' "I can tell you how we did a whining Yan kee out in Arkunsus a few days ago. lie got to making too free use of incendiary language. Our hoys took him in hand. They carried him where a convenient und friendly limb protrud ed from the body of a sturdy oak. They fas tened one end otthe rope to the limb, and the other around his neck and elevated him. I think that Gen- Gantt would do very well for a Turk.' Mr. Speaker, I desire to say a few words more in regard to this question of loyalty. I believe there is another test of loyally to which 1 have not referred, that is the one-tenth prin ciple, lately announced by the great philosopher oi the White House. It is to be, 1 have no doubt, a test of loyalty. One-tenth of the peo ple who were lately in rebellion against this Government, are to have as much power, under this new peinciple about to be established by the President of the United States, as ten-tenths of the people in the loyal States that have nev er been in rebellion against the Government. — Now, I have BO doubt that gentlemen on the other side think me a very coppery "Copper head" for talking in this style; but I will just beg leave to refer the in to the opinion of some ■of the leading men of their own party. Henry Winter Davis, who is a very prominent man in the Abolition organization, and who is a can didate for the Vice Presidency at the mast-head of the Abolition paper in my town, speaks of this project in language which L will read.— The question upon whicfi Mr. Davis spoke arose the other day in Congress, in regard to the ad mission of a member of that body, elected from the State of Arkansas. Mr. Davis, on that occasion, used this language: "1 wish the House to understand that they do not merely pass upon the question, whether the gentleman who is the claimant has received so many votes, or whether somebody else has received so many votes; but they pass upon the question whether a small proportion ol the small population of Arkansas shall send here a representative to help control the residue of the nation—whether they shall lie entitled to send Senators to the other House of Congress— whether they shall be entitled to send electors for President ami Vice President, possibly to turn '.ho balance of the Presidential election." Let the gentlemen on the other side lay thnt fluttering unction to their souls, lhen Mr. Davis spoke lurther, as follows. "Let me refer to the proclamation of Gen. Banks. I refer to it because dangerous doc trines are gaining a hold upon the public inind —in ray judgment, touching the foundations of the Republic. No man has a greater regard for Gen. Bunks than I have; but I shudder when / Jinil that proclanvition summoning the peo ple of Louisiana under a declaration thnt martial I no is toe fundamental law of the State of Louisi ana." Now, Mr. Speaker, this is the one-tenth prin ciple, delineated by one of tho leaders ot the Republican party. " If*is propusod (and we can nut be loyal, according to the argument of gen tlemen on the other side, unless we agree to this doctrine) —it is proposed that one-tenth of those tnen who were lately in rebellion, shall have a voice in the election of the next Presi dent of the United States, equal to ten-tenths of the people of Pennsylvania. Now, will the gentlemen on the other side make us take an oath that we will support this proclamation of the President of the U nitcd States ! YV ill they require, that, before we can claim any damages under this bill, we shall swear to support such a proclamation as this ? lithe other tests ot loyalty which they have spoken of are to t>e ap plied, I have no doubt this can also be applied with equal force and equal propriety. Again, we must not only be loyal in our pol itics, but wo must not be "disloyal" in our re ligion. 1 was amazed, the other day on taking up a newspaper and finding the following ordetv: VV Alt DfcI'AKTMKNT, ) ADJUTANT GKNKKAJL'S OFFICE. > WASHINGTON, November 30, 1863. ) "To the generals cummanding tho departments of the Missouri, the Tennessee and the Gulf, and all generals and officers commanding armies, detachments Rnd corps and posts and all officers in the service of the United States in the above mentioned departments: "You arc hereby directed to place at the dis posal of Rev. Bishop Ames, all houses of wor ship belonging to the Methodist Episcopal Church South in which a loyal minuter, who has lieeu appointed by a loyal bishop of eaid church, does not officiate. ! "It is a matter of great to the j Government in its efforts to restore tranquility to community, und peace to the nation. WHOLE XVBER, 3IO! VOL. 7, NO 34 that Christian ministers should, by example and precept, support and foster the loyal sentiment t>f the people. Bishop Ames enjoys the entire confidence of this department, and no doubt is entertained that all ministers who may lie ap pointed by him will be entirely loyal. You are expected to give him all, the aid countenance and support practicable, in the execution of his important mission. "You are also authorised and directed to furnish Bishop Ames and his clerk with trans portation and subsistence when it can be done without prejudice to the service, ar.d will afford them courtesy, assistance and protection. "By order of the Secretary of War. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant General." Then here is another: "PULPIT ORDER. HEADQUARTERS, NOKKOI.K AND PORTSMOCTH, / No KFoiJt, Va., Feb. 11. t8.4. j GENERAL ORDERS, No. 3. All places of pub lic worship in Norfolk and Portsmouth,#rc here by placed under the control of the Provost Mar shal of Norfolk and Portsmouth, respectively, who shall see the pulpits properly filled, by dis placing, when necessary, the present iincuinbents and substituting men of known loyalty and the same sectarian denomination, either military or civil, subject to the approval of the command ing General. They siiall see that the churches are open freely to all officers and soldiers, white or colored, at the usual hour of worship, and at other times, if desired, and they shall see that no insult or indignity be offered to them either by _ word, look or gesture, on the part of the congregation. The necessary expenses will be levied as far as possible in accordance with the previous usages or regulations of each congre gation respectively. No property shall be removed, either public or private, without permission from these head quarters. By command of Brigadier General, E. A- WILD." Comment is unnecessary. Those orders speak for themselves. They constitute the suppression, the complete wiping out of freedom of con science, freedom to worship according to the dictates oi oar own hearts. But, Mr. Speaker, there is another test of loyalty which is applied now-a-days. When we Democrats talk about the corruption of the party in power, we are said to be "disloyal." The fact is that our frieuds of tho Abolition party desire- us to be mere "lookers on in this political Vienna," Though we may see "cor ruption boil and bubble till it ran o'er the stew," we are to keep our mouths shut and not say any thing about it, because, forsooth, if we did, it might bring disgrace itpon their party. But if we dare not Bpeak, aud if the penalty annexed to this vague, undefinable thing called "disloy alty," is to be iufiicted upon us for divulging our knowledge in regard to the corruptions of this.Adimuistration, then let the members of the party in power speak. We will use them as our mouth-pieces. Gen. Francis P. Blair, a shin ing light in the late "Republican" party, spoke, but a few days ago, in Congress, to the follow ing effect: "The Navy Department courted investigation, but not so with the Treasury Department. A more profligate Administration than that of the latter never existed iu any country; the coun try was redolent with the fraud and. corruption of the agents. Again and again permits to trade were sold to the highest bidder. And recently in Baltimore a pei mit was given to a notorious blockade runner, whose vessels had more than once been seized. If Mr. Cbase's friends had thought these things could not be proved, they would doubtless huve voted for an investigation." Mr. Speaker, 1 have but a few words more to say iu regard to this matter of "loyalty."— Freedom ot speech is deuied us, us well as free dom of the press and freedom of conscience, under the innumerable tests of set up by our poliliical opponents; a-.id inasmuch as the honored name ot Thomas Jetferson has been used here by gentlemen on the other side of tho House, 1 would refer those gentlemen to what Mr. Jefferson said in regard to tho sacred rights of which tlicy would deprive the people. Mr. Jefferson, iu bis first inaugural address, thus e nuiueruted the great principles of our govern ment : "The diffusion of information and the ar raignment of all abuses at the bar of public opinion; freedom yf religion; freedom of the press; freedom of person under the protection of the Italmi* cordon; trial by juries impartially selected; the supremacy ot the civil over the military authority." "These principles," says he, "tbrm the bright constellation which has gone before us and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation. The wis dem of our sages and the blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment. They should be the creed of our political laitit; tliu text of civil instruction; the touchstone by which to try the services of those wo trust; and should we wander from tlicm ill moments of er ror or alarm, let us hasten td retrace our steps and regain the road which again leads to peace, liberty and safety." I comiuwnd the admirable sentiments of Tho mas Jefferson, in regard to these sacred and pre cious rights, to the consideration of the gentle men on the other side of tliu House. I candidly believe, that in "moments of error and alarm," they have gone astray, and with Thomas Jeffer son I would advise them to "hasten to retrace their steps and regain the road which aloue leads to peace, liberty and safety." The gentleman from L'hiladelpliia (Mr. VVat son) made allusion to the mob in New York city—tliu New York riots. It was very unfor tunate, indeed, for that gentleman to allude to those unhappy troubles, and it was still mora unfortunate fyr him that he placed all the re sponsibility for loose troubles upon the Demo cratic party in that city. The truth ot the mat ter is (it has but lately leaked out) that the Ad ministration at Washington was to blame for this bloody riot, for the reason that it had as ♦ignrd some fourteen thousand more men as tbe Hate* of One Square, thre* wk*or .s!.s• On* Square, —rk additional insertion let* than tkxe* month* M $ HO NTI*. • MOKTB*. 1 ttAM One ■quire ■ SIOO $4 00 $0 00 Tweiqnaree 400 *OO 0 Threaaonare* 300 700 1$ i Column 000 •00 13 00 i Column SOO It 00 MO j Column 19 00 It 00 M 0 One Column 18 00 30.00 99 00 Administrator*'andExecutor*' notiree $2.30, Aa uitorf' notice* $1.30, if aider 10 line*. $2.00 if more than a iquare and la** than 80 line*. K*traye, $1.23, if but one head i* advertised, 23 cent*for every additional head. - The space occupied by ten line* ef this stceoi type rountsone square. All fractions of a square under five lines will be measured aaa ball square and all over flee lines a* a full square . All legal advertisements will be charged to the person hand ins them in. I— ■ . quota of New Tork city, Brooklyn and the ten eastern Democratic district* of New York, than could justly be required of tlicra- After the ri ot* were subdued, Gov. Seymour sent a com mission to Washington representing this state of facts to the Administration. A commission was then appointed by the Administration, consist ing of the following named gentlemen: Judge Allen, of New York, Mr Love, of Indiana, and Mr. Smith, of Massachusetts These-gentlemen have but lately concluded their labors, end they have found that in the ten Democratic district! of the State of New York, including the city of New York and the city of Brooklyn, 14,000 more men were assigned as the quota than could justly be demanded iu proportion to the qbutas of other districts. In their report these com missioners make use of the following language r •' The commissioners, after a full investigation, and in view of the facts elicited, are unanimous ly of the opinion thut the enrollment of the State of New York is imperfect Httd erroneoiA, excessive in sotnu districts and possibly too small in others, and certainly excessive in the ci'ie* of New York and Brooklyn, especially a* compar ed with other States, and cannot I* relied upon ' as a just and equitable basis for the assignment for the quota of the city of New York, or a ttiong the several districts thereto." Now, sir, this was the Secret of those riots. The people there knew that a gigantic fraud was about to be perpetrated upon iheiu This knowl edge compelled them to speak out for tlu-ir rights, and if public discussion of this wrong about to be perpetrated upon the people of New York produced those riots, it was the fault of the Administration, and not of the Democracy of that city. Now, sir, I shall draw to a conclusion- The gentlemen on the other side charge us with dis loyalty. The other day they discluiuted any charge of disloyalty against the Democratic party as a mass; but said that there were indi viduals in that party who ware disloyal. The gentleman from Philadelphia |Mr. Watson) said this evening, that the Democratic paity had been guilty of disloyal prucliccs. They are changing their tactics. There is evidently something wrong on the other side of the House in regard to the subject under discussion. Now, I ask no favors on this question of "loyalty" of tbe gen tlemen on tbe other side. If they choose, they may call me "disloyal," "Wbst'i in • name* A ro-e by any otfcer nam* Would smell aa sweat." I feel, air, that I love my country —that I re spect and cherish this government, and that I would sacrifice just aa much as any other gen tleman in thia House to sustain and perpetuate it. For that reason I care not if gentlemen do call me "disloyal." But I propose to pay them back in their own coin. I propose to take their definition of the word "disloyal," and I propose to arraign them on charges of disloyalty to the Constitution (and therefore) to the Government. I arraign the party in power at the bar of public opinion, for that they have subverted freedom of conscience, by appointing "trustees, superiors and other agents for the churches," prescribing certain tests of politico-religious or thodoxy. I arraign them, for that they hava abridged tbe freedom of tbe press, by the seiz ure and imprisonment of editors, as tbey have confessed in this discussion, without warrant of law, and by the destruction of printing offices by mob violence. I arraign them, fur that they hnve attempted to suppress freedom of speech by tbe arrest and punishment of citizens, with out the preferment of charges against them, and without trial according to law. I arraign them, for that they have rendered insecure the freedom of the person by the suspension of the habeas corpus in States not in revolt against the Gov ernment. I arraign them, for that they have superseded trial by jury, in many instances, by the establishment of military tribunals in its stead, in districts where the courts are unimpe ded in the administration of justice. I arraign them, in the language of the Declaration of In dependence, for that they have "affected to rou der the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power." I arraign tliem, for that they have established test-oaths, foreign to our form of government and unknown to any of our laws. I arraign them, for that they have interfered with the freedom of the ballot, by armed vio lence at the polls; for that they have attempted to destroy the equality of the States, by giving the same power in the Government to one-tenth of the people of certain States as is possessed by ten-tenths of the people in other States; for that they have caused the depreciation of tb currency, erected a multitude of new offices, and "sent among us swarms of officers to harass our people and eat oursubstancs;'* and for that they have wasted the public resources, spent billions of money, and sacrificed many armies, without re establishing the authority of the Government over the revolted States, restoring peace, or giv ing us an? assurance of nn early termination of the nresent unhappy find desolating war. These charges, sir. I prefer against the party in power, and I challenge their denial. There is not one word of them that is not true to the letter. Impartial history will so record it, and the judgment of the civilized world will pro nounce tho record just. Passion, prejudice and selfish interest may to-day blind the discern ment of the masses, but the time is fast ap proaching when the people and their destroyers sliall see each other eye to eyes and when the Mokbannah of political Abolitionism shall be unveiled and exposed in all his native hideous ncss and deformity. tsrAn anecdote in related of a young preacher at a city church, who had for hia text a verso from the parable of the ten vir gins, and in the course of his sermon ex plained: "That in old times it was customary when the bridegrom and the bride were com ing, for ten virgins to go out to greet them home —five of these virgins being male* and five females."
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