THE BEDFORD GAETTZE IS PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNINQ BY B. P. IfIEYEBS, At the following termj, to wit: $1 .SO per annum, cabii, in advance. $2 .00 " " if paid within the year. S2.SO < if not paid Within the year subscription taken for leas than six months. ttF"No paper discontinued until all arrearage" a re paid, unless nt the option of the publisher, it bat been decided by the United States Courts that the stoppage of a newspaper without the paymen t of arrearages, is prima facie evidence ot fraud and as a criminal oA'ence. E?~The courts have decided that persona are ac countable for the subscription price of newspa. pers, if they take them from the post office, whett.- l er they subscribe for them, or not. THE VIEWS OF MR. DOUGLAS. The following is an extract from the last speech that Mr. Douglas ever made as a Senator of the United States. -It was de livered in the United States Senate on the 15th of March, just before Mr. Douglas left the Senate chamber never again to enter it. "I prefer such an amicable settlement to peaceable disunion; and \ prefer it a thou sand times to civil war. If we can adopt such amendments as will be satisfactory to Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee and the other Border States, the same plan of paci fication which will satisfy them will create a Union party in the cotton states which will soon embrace a large majority of the people in those states, and bring them back of their own free will and accord; and thus restore, strengthen and perpetuate the glorious old Union forever. I repeat, whatever guaran tees will satisfy Maryland and the border states (the States now in the Union) will create a Union party in the seceded states that will bring them back by the voluntary action of their own people. You can re st ire and preserve the government in that mode. You can do it in no other. "WAR IS DISUNION, WAR IS FINAL, E TERXAL SEPARATION. Hence disguise it as you may, every Union man in America must advocate such amendments to the Constitu tion as will preserve peace and restore the Union; while every disunionist, whether openly or secretly plotting its destruction is the advocate of peaceful secession or of war, as the surest means of rendering reunion and reconstruction impossible. I have too much respect for his intellect to believe for ■a moment, that there is a man for war that "is not a disunionist per se. 1 lence Ido not mean, if I can prevent it, that the enemies of the Union—men plotting <o destroy it— shall drag this country into war, under the pretext of protecting the public property, and enforcing the laws and collecting reve nues, when their object is disunion, and war the means of accomplishing a cherished pur pose. "The disunionists, therefore, are divided : into two classes—the one open, the other a j .-secret disunionist. The one is in favor of peaceful secession and a recognition ot inde pendence; tAe other is m favor of icar, as the surest means of accomplishing thei ob ject, and of making the separation final • and eternal. lam a Onion man, and ; hence against war; but it the Union must: be temporarily broken by revolution, and j the establishment of a dp facto government by sonfe of the states, let no act be done that will prevent the restoration and future preservation. Peace is the only policy that can lead to that result. "But we arc fold, and we hear it repeat ed everywhere, that we must find out whe ther we have got a government. '1 lave we got a government ?' is the question, and we are told wc must test the question by using the military power to put down all discon tented spirits. Sir, this question, 'Have we. a government ?' has been propounded by every tyrant who has tried to keep his feet on the necks of the people since the world began. When the barons demanded the Magna Charta from King John at Tinnny mede, he exclaimed, 'Have we a Govern ment?' and called for his army to put down the discontented barons. When Charles the First attempted to collect the ships' mon ey in violation of the Constitution of Eng land, and in disregard to the rights of the people, and was resisted by them, he ex claimed, 'Have we a Government? We can not treat with rebels; put down the traitors; we must show that we have a Government.' When James II was driven from the throne of England for trampling on the liberties of the people, he called for his army, and ex claimed, 'Let us show that we have a Gov ernment!' When George 111 called upon his army to put down rebellion in America, Lord North cried out lustily, 'No compro mise with traitors; let us demonstrate that we have a Government.' When in 1848, the people rose upon their tyrants all over Europe, and demanded guarantees for their rights, every crowned head exclaimed, ' Have we a Government ?' and appealed to the ar my to vindicate their authority and enforce the laws. it The War has had, many motives for its commencement; -J. can have bat one remit, •whether it lasts one year or fifty years—■ Jinal, eternal \separation, disunion. As for the conquest and subjugation of the South I will not impeach the intelligence of any man among you by asmming that you dream of it as AT ANY TIME OR IN ANY WAY POSSIBLE. Remember the warning of Lord Chatham to the British Parliament: 'My Lords, you cannot conquer America.' A public debt of hundreds of millions weigh ing us and our posterity down for genera tions, we cannot escape. Fortunate shall we be if we escape with our liberties.— Indeed it is no longer so much a question ,of war with the South, as whether we our selves are to have constitutions and a repub lican form of government hereafter in the North and West. "Sir, the history of the world does not fail to condemn the folly, weakness and wick- VOLUME 58. NEW SERIES. cdne.xs of that government which drew its swortl upon its own people, when they de manded guarantees for their rights. This cry, that we must have a government, is merely following the example of the besot ted Bourbon who never learned any thing by misfortune, never forgave an injury, never forgot an affront. Must we demonstrate that wc have got a government, and coerce obe dience without reference to the justice or in justice of the complaints? Sir, whenever 10,000,000 people proclaim to you with one unanimous voice, that they apprehend their rights, their firesides and their family altars are in danger, IT BECOMES A WISE GOVERN MENT TO LISTEN TO THE APPEAL AND HE MOVE THE APPKEIIEXBION. History does not record an example where any human government lias been strong enough <o crush 10,000,000 of people into subjection when they believed their rights and liberties were imperiled, without first converting the gov ernment itself into a despotism, and de stroying the last vestige of freedom." Sl'EECil OF HON. WJI. 1. BICMRDM, OF ILLINOIS, At the Deniflcratic Mass Convention, held at Indianapolis, Indiana, July 30,1862. MY FELLOW CITIZENS —It hits been my pride and pleasure frequently to allude to the great ness of our country, and the prosperity and hap piness of our people. The sun of heaven nev er shone upon a people so prosperous and hap py as we were two years ago. Our people from three millions had increased to thirty millions. From a little line of population along the At lantic, we had grown and spread until our shores were washed by two oceans.—Wc had stretch ed out our farms from the lakes of the North to the Gulf of Mexico. We embraced every qual ity of soil and every kind of production. The sails of our commerce whitened every sea, and the happy American tar, standing upon the deck of his vessel, looking up at the stars and stripes floating gloriously above hiin, and felt that in that Hag he had safety and protection everywhere. Around every fireside were con tentment, happiness and plenty, lint what is the scene that meets our eyes at the present time ? —From the plow and from the anvil— ironi u.u t.,i uutvo —. — justice—we are hurrying to arms. The Union has assumed the appearance of one vast military camp. The tax gatherer, too, will soon be upon us, to wring from us our sub stance. There are grave and important questions for us to decide. How can wo return to that happiness and prosperity which we once enjoy ed ? I would answer, it can only lie done by en forcing everywhere the Constitution as it is and the Union as it was. Whatever amount of power is necessary, and in whatever form to enforce that principle, ought to be and must be employed. A rebellion embracing thousands of our former fellow-citizens arrayed in arms a gainst the Government must be put down by force of arms. And at the same time that this is being dona for the rebellion in the South, that class of our fellow-citizens in other parts of the country who are seeking by other means than those of cannon shot and bayonets to des troy the Government, must be driven out of power and place, ami other men, who will ac knowledge their obligations and perform their duty to the country, must be pat in their places. To accomplish that object depends upon you and upon me, but more upon you than upon inc. You will have to begin the work right here. If you have begun this work, as I trust in God you have, let me urge you to keep it up by ev ery means in your power—for, remember, the Government, the very existence of the country, depends upon it. I am aware, my fellow citizens, that those persons who have deceived you heretofore will endeavor to do it again.—They always promise what your interests seem to demand, but their performance is very poor. Let us inquire a little into the past history of these men, and 9ee whether they deserve to ho trusted for the future. You remember that a few years ago wo warned the people that the formation of sectional parties was dangerous to the Union an I the Constitution. You will recollect that these men then sneeringly said to us lhat we were "Constitutional Union Savers." They told you then that all our talk about dan ger to the Union and the Constitution was the merest braggadocia. They asserted that there was no danger of the South seceding—that you could not get them out of the Union—their slaves would up and murder them. Well, we did not find that exactly the case, did we? These men cheated you then, didn't they ? Some of them cheated themselves; others, and by far the largest portion of the party, did not, although they cheated you. Well wo passed along as usual, and what turn ed up next ? When there began to bo signs of trouble in the Southern country, we conserva tive men stepped forward and said, "Let us compromise."—They replied, "No; wo will nev er compromise with rebels in arms !" They pro-, fessed the profoundost contempt for the South, —said our women should go down there and drive them all together into the Southern ocean —it was a mere breakfast spell. Again they cheated youl Again they proved false proph ets, and, liko falso prophets of old, they ought all to bo stoned tq death. [Choers and laugh ter.] No; they would not compromise. They wanted a little blood-lotting—it was absolutely necessary to the future pcaco. They said it would not come to much; theso people down South would not fight at all. And at length your President called for an army of seventy five thousand men, and you were told that they would make rapid work of the rebellion. It was to be annihilated at a single blow,-—So Freedom of Thought and Opinion. BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 3, IBG2. said those men. Well how does the mutter stand now? We liuvc already mustered in six hundred and ninety-three thousand and still there is room for more. [Laughter. ] Ah my friends, tlflfce men were never more mistaken in their lives than when they assumed to place such a slight value upon the rebellion and the people of the South. It is no particular cred it to any Ameriean to say that lie will fight; that is one quality which is common to the whole American race.—They have always displayed that characteristic wherever they have been. These men, therefore, when they told you that Southern people would not fight, either did not exactly understand the subject, or they willfully misled you. Well what next? They come now, after they have found out that Southern soldiers will fight, they come to you again and cry, "We have been mistaken this tinio, hut we have it now— just arm the negroes, and the work will bo fin ished in short order.-" Fellow citizens, as often as I hear a man talk in that way, I.como to the conclusion that he wants to find spine excuse for changing the issue so as to get some one else to do the fighting.—lie don't want to volun teer. [Laughter.] No man of common intellect can be induced to believe that the negro, natu-' rally an inferior race, and debased by ignorance I as he is, can ever compete with the white man J upon the battle-field, any more than he can any where else. Set them against each other, throe j to one, and the white man will be the victor all j the time. In Mexico where our soldiers fought a mixed race, they were victorious on every battle-field, although outnumbered in ratio of five to one. Now if the African is afraid of anything on this earth it isgunpowdor. In what estimation can you hold that man who tells you that the liberty, independence and Constitutional Gov ernment of the country depend upon a few mis erable, ignorant, cowardly negroes! We have a population of twenty millions of white peo ple, and immense wealth; properly directed, we are capable of heating any army the world ever saw or over will F and he who has the effrontery to say that we cannot maintain our Government without the help of negroes, utters a libel upou the American nation. It is false that slavery is the cause of the present unfortunate condition of things. The cause docs not lie there; it lies in another place. The mischievous legislation of these abolitionists in Congress is the cause. I speak plainly, but 1 speak precisely what I think. year agotn uongress, both branches pledged themselves that the war should be prosecuted for the preservation of the Union and the Constitution, and for that alone. All of these abolitionists either voted for the resolu tion which was adopted embodying that senti ment, or ran out of the House to avoid voting at all. Woil the resolution won adopted. The President issued his call for volunteers, and six hundred and ninety-throe thousand rushed to arms, upon the faith of the solemn pledge which Congress had given to the people. Time rolled on, and success seemed to smile upon our efforts. Our Western armies had won great and glori ous victories. The Southern people were still divided, .lust at this juncture Congress meets. The dominant party goes immediately to work to undo all the wise legislation of the called ses sion. Every proposition that is brought for ward is for the negro. It soon became appar ent the majority in Congress was no longer bound by the Constitution. Instead of com ing forward with measures of peace and con ciliation, they came with confiscation, fire and sword, and by those measures they at once fired and united tluj hearts of the Southorn people. Thus far we conservative men had gone hand in hand with these hypocrites, in good faith; but hero we left them. We parted from them with great sorrow and pain. Then it was that I became satisfied that the majority controlling Congress meditated the destruction of the Gov ernment—that they preferred a divided Govern ment, with the chances of power and plunder. History is full of examples that go to show that Governments are never destroyed by means of either relx-llion or foreign foes without some fault upon the part of their own ruler. You limy turn to the scriptures and you will find nu merous instances in point. The children of Is rael were not, nor could they have been, divided by the wicko.lnesss of Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, who rebelled against the Government; but it required the mad folly of Rehoboam, their rightful sovereign to divide them. When the wise men who had been for many years the faithful advisers of his father came to Kehoboam and endeavored to persuade hint to respect the rights of all his subjects and admin ister the Government without partiality to any, his answers was: "My father lashed you with whips, but I will lash with scorpions, and my little linger shall he thicker than my father's thigh." From that day forward Israel was a divided kingdom, shorn of its glory and of its power. This last Congress has done for us, as far as was in their power, the very same thing that Kehoboam did for the kingdom of Israel. As I have said before, therefore, there was a large Union sentiment at the south one year a go. In view of this fact, what should have been our policy 1 Should we not havo endeav ored to convince these people that beneath the flag of their country all their rights of proper ty were secure ? I (lo not know how you are go ing to reconcile this Union without some basis it upon. Such basis wo might have had in this strong Union element at the South. Who does not know that two-thirds of the se ceded States were oarried into tho wickedness of secession absolutely without tho consent of the people and against their willt Tho hearts of theso people were for tho old Government, in which they had always trusted, and the old Constitution, whiqji they had al ways revered. Suppose our policy had lieen to foster and encourage instead of driving off that ' Union sentiment. There would have been no • army in the field to-day. But, in lieu of that i policy of conciliatiori which would have been 1 our salvation, we adopted the policy of meet ing them all with fire and sword, and the fatal : consequences are not yet all told. Now, I agree that it is right and proper in every government that, where you put down re bellion like tliia, you should punish the leaders, but no government ever adopted the policy in relation to themselves that ours has. A few years ago tho Hungarians rebelled against Aus-1 tria. That is one of the most despotic govern- j ments on tho face of the glolie. Tho govern- ! ment succeeded in overthrowing the rebellion— 1 howl They executed a few of the leaders, sent tho remainder into exile, and passed am nesty to the residue who were not loaders in the rebellion. There never was a government that j ! has not uniformly let the burden fall upon the leaders, while the great mass of the people were permitted to return and resume their to the government. And I will venture to as sert that if, after the battle of Fort Donelson, j the government bad adopted this policy of con ciliation, there would have been no rebel army , in the field to-day. But instead of that being j the case, they are at this moment confronting ius with an army more numerous and superior jto our own, anil we are compelled to call for j ! more volunteers. Now, the volunteering now j going on, in \ iew of the doubt already cast j upon the subject, stands fair; hut it is evident I j that our people are not rushing to arms with 1 j the spirit and in such numbers as they did when j i the former call was made, when there was a j I hope that the war was to be .conducted upon I more humane and conservative, principles. In 1 this State and in Illinois we shall probably sue- j | eeed after a while in raising our quota of vol- J untecrs, but in many of the States they will be : i forced to draft.—The Congressional legislation ;; of late has been fatal to us in every way. I hear a good deal said now and then about j i the "Statesmen" of this Republican party, but j I have never been able to put my finger upon j ] any of their Statesmanship. I have served a long with them in Congress, and I have found 1 it invariably the case that, whenever any man t called by their name begins to rise to the posi- < tion of a true Statesman, they crowd him out f of the ranks. Take Mr. Cowan, of Pennayl- i vania, as an example.—They hate that man worse, and denounce him more bitterly even than t they do me; for they say Richardson is an old , f sinner anyhow, and they do not expect much of j > hup. C.imCT~ fcjttb historian will group these inert, with respect to Statosman ship, iind will say, "Here is a set of one idea fools, who permitte<l the government iisnded down to thcin by their forefathers to fall to the ground rather than give up an absurd notion which can never be realized or carried out." You cannot administer government success fully with one idea, and let me tell you that these men, when, in the pursuit of their one idea, they come to make the negro do everything and have everything dwindle down, down, down, until they become totally incapable of anything like true Statesmanship. Last winter when I saw my venerable friend licre from Kentucky, together with Air. Crittenden —men who had been associated in days gone by wilh Clay and Webster and Benton —occupying seats upon the floor of Congress amongst these intellectual pigmies and one-idea men, the poetry of Moore suggested itself very forcibly to iny mind as pe culiarly applicable to their situation: "I feel like one who treads alone, Some banquet hall deserted, Whose lights are fled, whose garlands dead, And all but he departed." When wc pass into the page of history, as wo soon shall, I fear that not one of all the representatives of the republican party now in Congress will ever have been found to have produced a paper—that Is worthy of the great cause and the great interests that are commit ted to their charge. IN'OW, if you send these men back to Congress, the history of the Republic is written. Our days are numbered, ami wo are numbered with the past. Infamously, ingloriously, without a struggle, we passed away, and bccuine"a school boy's tale—the wonder of an hour." I have heard a good deal said about the "conservative Republicans in Congress." These so culled conservatives m-e excellent men, judg ing them by what they say; indeed, they talk the best, to vote so badly of any sot of men I ever saw. We did think at first that your Rep resentative from tli is Congressional district woidd vote with us all the time, but we were ndly disappointed when tho time for talking was pass ed by and he was called upon to vote. That is the way with all these men. I'or a time tbey would make good Union speeches, talk_ng tol erably conservative all ti'.o time, and voting just exactly like Lovejoy and his trie.ids. I came to tho same conclusion about there "conservative" .Republicans that u \ anfceo once came to in regard tc the Siamese twins. The Siiuucse twins had come to Boston, ami the old Yankee had paid his money and went into the show. He examined the ligaments that bound the young men together, and, as soon as he had satisfied himself that it was a real thing, and no humbug, he said, "Well, I rather guess them fellows are brothers " Just so, my fellow-citi zens, I havo been compelled to conclude that theso "conservative" Kepublicans and abolition ists are brothers. [Choers aud laughter.] One is about as bad ns the other, or, if there is any difference, it is in favor of the abolitionists. Lovejoy avowed his policy. 1 like a bold man. If lie is 011 the wrong principle, I can at least admire the courage which enables him to avow himself. I always could understand Lovejoy, but I never could understand your Representa tive from this Congressional district. [Laugh ter.] If, during tho last Presidcntal election, these "conservative" Republicans had avowed the sentiments they expressed by their votes, the country would not havo been in tho condition WHOLE NUMBER, 3094 !itis at present. Now, let me urge you, if you ■ are going to send Republicans to Congress at all, let us have the full-blooded fellows, and none of these men who talk one way and vote anoth ' er. I know Lovejoy will notcheatmc. I hate to be cheated, so I would ratjier have the full blooded abolitionists to deal with. I understand i their position. The danger of the country a rises not from these men, because we can strip j them; but it arises from these "conservatives," j falsely so called. j There is u class of men who are always very ; busy—who go about the country denouncing cv ' cry man who does not agree with them as a trai tor to the country. You talk to one of thesemen, and ask him what he is for, and he will tell yon, if he tells the truth, that lie is for divertiug this war from its legitimate object, so as to make it a war of emancipation. Ask him then—"Are you for the Constitution f' Ho will answer, "Oh, no, the Constitution is played out; tho South has overthrown the Constitution." Sir, that mau is no more nor less than a traitor, and whenever it becomes his interest, no matter where he may le, North or South. East or West, lie will betray the country. Such men occupy a double relation. In the first place they are cow ards, for they will not enlist in defense of their principles; und, secondly, they arc traitors to the Constitution of their country, for they de clare it is no longer binding. Now, it's plain that if we wait for sncli fel lows as these and for the negroes to put down the rebellion, we will all die before it is done. When this rebellion is put down, it will be put down by men who are devoted to the Constitu tion and the Union. j Uno thing is certain—if these Republicans | maintain the power in Congress, our government j with constitutioual lilwrty, Is gone forever. If i you return to the next Congress conservative j men, who are anxious only to preserve the con | stitution, we arc safe, and the old ship of state j will land in a sufe harbor, where we can find j protection. The stake we are playing for now is infinite ly greater than we ever played for before. If the Republican party is retained in power in Congress, we are gone. If we send a different class of men, they can but lose all, and they may save all. This much I will say for Illinois—we intend to maintain our grouud in that State. We shall advance our line somewhat: and I think that when we shall come to present these great issues to our people, duty to the dead, duty to our selves. and dutv to those who are to cguie after i most of these iueri from Congress iii the tit ate of Illinois. One thing I know will be done— -lite issue will l>cpresenteil. It will be presented in no coward ly, truckling spirit. It will be presented by men who are not afraid to speak their true sentiments, with the panoply of American citizens around them. My fellow-citizens, I can hardly express to you my feelings when I have seen these terrible disasters coming upon my country, and when I reflect that her free institutions are all the her itage 1 have to bestow upon my children. I have seen more of the good results that have flowed from our institutious—more of prosperity and happiness among my fellow-citizens—than most men of my day. And now, in the decline of life, with a sun tending towards the twilight, no longer with a vigorous arm to defend or assail, I shall endeavor cheerfully to accept whatever the Almighty ifly place upon me. But, if it is in the providence of God that lie is to punish us with afflictions, to destroy our government, then I cure not how soon the summons may coine to go hence. I would not desire to live louger. Hence it is that I say that in the dis charge of tile duty before our people, thero is no power on earth that shall prevent mo from telling plainly and candidly wlmt I think ought to be douo for the welfare of our beloved couu try. But not only does every consideration of pa triotism urge us to tho vigorous prosecution of this war, if restricted to its legitimate objects, but every consideration of interest also. As for me, I feel that all that I hold dear is at stake—all is involved in the safety of my country, and 1 would be willing even now to close my eyes forever if I knew that I was be queathing to tuy children, unimpaired, the civil liberties which I have enjoyed under the consti tution. I desire to live long enough to see pence restored all over tbo land from the great lakes to the Gulf of Mexico. I desire to see all my Countrymen worshipping oucc more at the same ullur, and all united in an effort to transmit to posterity unimpaired the glorious privileges won for us by the blood of our patriotic ancestor's, [Loud cheers.] Warning of Henry Clay. Extracts from hu speich in the U. 8. Senate, February 8, 1839. Abolition ikould no longer be regarded as an im aginary danger. The Abolitionists, let mo sup pose, sueeeod in their present uiiu of uniting the inhabitants of the freo States as ono man a gainst the inhabitants of the slavo States. •U --nion on one side will l>eget union on the other, and this process of reciprocal consolidation will lie attended with all the violent prejudices, em bittered and and implacable animosities which ever degraded or deformed human nature. A virtual dissolution of the Union will havo ta ken place while tho forms of its existence re main. EI'OENF. PUJMMEK McCAirniT, formerly a practising solicitor in Quecnstown, Ireland, has been sentenced to eighteen months imprisonment for stealing books from the British Museum. THE Ojibway Indians have volunteered to fight the Sioux, providing the Government of Minnesota will furnish them with arnisand am munition. Governor Rninscy, distrusting their i sincerity, refused. Hates of 3U)oertisitig Ohe Square, three weezsor lass . .ft 00 One Square, each additional insertion lata than three months .... i , 35 3 MONTHS. 8 MONTHS. 1 his One square ; .;. .. . $2 00 $3 00 $5 0 Q Two squares . 3 00 5 00 9 0 Three squaros ...... 400 700 13 0 ® i Column 500 900 IS 00 i Column . 800 12 00 20 00 i Column 13 0(1 18 00 30 0„ One Column ...... 18 00 30 00 50 Ob _ The space occupied by ten lines of this size of type counts one square. All fractions of a square under five lines will be measured as a half square t and all over five lines as a full square. All legal advertisements will be charged to the person hdnd in them in. VOL. 6. NO. 9 The War Tax—lts Collection— Why Postponed. A month ago, perhaps, the Secretary of tha 1 rcasury gave official notice that operations un der the war tax should commence on the first of September. Assessors and collectors were ap pointed in August, and there the machine appa rently stopped. The first of September came and passed—the 24th of September has been reached—and who litis beard of assessments t Who of collections, or attempts to assess or col lect .' There must be a reason for this—and tho question, what is it? presents itself to every mind. The debt of the country is immense; if it does not already, by-the end of tho fiscal year it will, amount to $2,000,000,000 more or less. Our opinion is, it will be more. On a portion of this the interest will soon be, if it is not al ready, due. The credit of the government is above all value now, and should not be tamper ed with. However unpopular taxation may be, even for war purposes, the administration should meet it promptly, without any postponement of the inevitable hour, or any attempt to dodge the responsibility. If tliey liavo shown no discre tion heretofore, it is incumbent on them to make some display of manly firmness; statesmanlike wisdom, and patriotic determination now. De lay may injure the credit of the government, but cannot lessen the unpopuhuity of the measure. Procrastination, therefore, is folly—and more exhibitions of folly on the part of our rulers than we have already had is useless. The tax: must come. It must be assessed —it must be colled ft/—and why not at once? Why did not the as sessors proceed with their business, as the Secre tary of the Treasury said they should, oh tho first of September?— That direction has not been changed by any public official notice from the head of the department—and yet all isqui :t; not an assessor is in the field; the word tour is not mentioned. Can it be—is it possible that the department is controlled by party considera tions, and that postponement is tho consequence jf a policy that regards the success of the Ke pubiicun party as of more importance then the preservation of the honor, the integrity and cred it of the government? We are loth to believe this. It seems almost incredible. And yet how else are we to account for the present inactivity of the tax officers ? Humiliating as it is, we are forced to believe that there will be no assessments, no collections, jntil AFTER THE ELECTION! Wo have long since ceased to look for states manship in the cabinet; are wo also to dieut the: iiloa tW they oossrai cilhcr.itaJLriiitiiin <>r. But suppose the absence of all these—who would have thought them shallow enough to be iievo that the people could be deceived by so transparent a trick, or depraved enough to at tempt it 1 They must be idiots or knaves. Perhaps to a certain extent both—the relative proportion being, one part idiot to two parts knave. Nicely, however, as they may think they have woven this web, they shall catch no flies if we can help it. Postponement is not payment; and wo take the liberty of suggesting to the people that vo ting the Republican ticket will not settle their bill with the Republican collector, who will call upon them after the election. The tax which every assessed man and wo man must pay after the election, is to pay the interest on a portion of the §2,000,000,000 debt, every farthing of which was contracted by a Republican administration, to carry on a war brought upon the country by the refusal of a Republican majority in Congress to accede to the Crittenden compromise. And this first Republican tax which the Repub lican collectors will call for after the election, large as it may appear in the eyes of many, and onerous as it may prove in some cases, is but as a tlron in the bucket to what it will be next year, and the year after, and for years almost beyond computation after that. Can, then, the people believe that the Repub lican party that caused the tax, imposed the tax, and will collect the tax, is the party to look to for any relief from the tax 1 Mind, we (io not say that any party can re lieve you —good people, voters of Pennsylvania —from the tax necessary to pay the interest on the immense debt already contracted—that nice little Republican bauble which you contracted for when you elected President Lincoln and an Ab olition Congress, you must pay, principal and interest, to the uttermost farthing. It was a costly bon-bon ; but you bought it, and must pay tho price. But by repudiating this Republican party and electing a Democratic Congress and a Demo cratic Legislature, you may save yourselves from an increased burthen of debt and taxation. You may stop the debt where it is, ami taxa tion where it is on the debt already contracted, by placing Congress and the Legislature under Democratic control. And this is the only way in which you can do it—for remember, every Uepublicnn candidate for Congress or the State Legislature is pledged to an " unconditional, un questioning support of the administration" that made the debt, and that, by its utter incompe tency, its profligacy, and gross mismanagement, will double it before the end of its time, unless checked and controlled by a Democratic Con gress, whose superior wisdom and sounder poli cy alono can save the people from utter ruin, re store the Union as it was, and maintain the be*' niguunt rule of the Constitution* Choose, therefore, between the Kepublican party that has saddled the nation with a debt of $2,000,000,000, and burthened you with taxa-r tion, and that will increase the debt and taxa-' tion if continued in power, and the Democratic party, that will, if successful in the Congtaa sional elections, put a stop to any unnecessary increase of debt, and make taxation as equal und light as possible.— [Patriot Union. THERE arc over seventeen hundred volunteers awaiting marching orders in Camp Lincoln, at Portland, Maine-
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers