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THE VIEWS OF MR. DOUGLAS.
The following is an extract from the last
speech that Mr. Douglas ever made as a
Senator of the United States. -It was de
livered in the United States Senate on the
15th of March, just before Mr. Douglas left
the Senate chamber never again to enter it.
"I prefer such an amicable settlement to
peaceable disunion; and \ prefer it a thou
sand times to civil war. If we can adopt
such amendments as will be satisfactory to
Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee and the
other Border States, the same plan of paci
fication which will satisfy them will create a
Union party in the cotton states which will
soon embrace a large majority of the people
in those states, and bring them back of their
own free will and accord; and thus restore,
strengthen and perpetuate the glorious old
Union forever. I repeat, whatever guaran
tees will satisfy Maryland and the border
states (the States now in the Union) will
create a Union party in the seceded states
that will bring them back by the voluntary
action of their own people. You can re
st ire and preserve the government in that
mode. You can do it in no other.
"WAR IS DISUNION, WAR IS FINAL, E
TERXAL SEPARATION. Hence disguise it as
you may, every Union man in America must
advocate such amendments to the Constitu
tion as will preserve peace and restore the
Union; while every disunionist, whether
openly or secretly plotting its destruction is
the advocate of peaceful secession or of war,
as the surest means of rendering reunion
and reconstruction impossible. I have too
much respect for his intellect to believe for
■a moment, that there is a man for war that
"is not a disunionist per se. 1 lence Ido not
mean, if I can prevent it, that the enemies
of the Union—men plotting <o destroy it—
shall drag this country into war, under the
pretext of protecting the public property,
and enforcing the laws and collecting reve
nues, when their object is disunion, and war
the means of accomplishing a cherished pur
pose.
"The disunionists, therefore, are divided :
into two classes—the one open, the other a j
.-secret disunionist. The one is in favor of
peaceful secession and a recognition ot inde
pendence; tAe other is m favor of icar, as
the surest means of accomplishing thei ob
ject, and of making the separation final •
and eternal. lam a Onion man, and ;
hence against war; but it the Union must:
be temporarily broken by revolution, and j
the establishment of a dp facto government
by sonfe of the states, let no act be done
that will prevent the restoration and future
preservation. Peace is the only policy that
can lead to that result.
"But we arc fold, and we hear it repeat
ed everywhere, that we must find out whe
ther we have got a government. '1 lave we
got a government ?' is the question, and we
are told wc must test the question by using
the military power to put down all discon
tented spirits. Sir, this question, 'Have
we. a government ?' has been propounded by
every tyrant who has tried to keep his feet
on the necks of the people since the world
began. When the barons demanded the
Magna Charta from King John at Tinnny
mede, he exclaimed, 'Have we a Govern
ment?' and called for his army to put down
the discontented barons. When Charles
the First attempted to collect the ships' mon
ey in violation of the Constitution of Eng
land, and in disregard to the rights of the
people, and was resisted by them, he ex
claimed, 'Have we a Government? We can
not treat with rebels; put down the traitors;
we must show that we have a Government.'
When James II was driven from the throne
of England for trampling on the liberties of
the people, he called for his army, and ex
claimed, 'Let us show that we have a Gov
ernment!' When George 111 called upon
his army to put down rebellion in America,
Lord North cried out lustily, 'No compro
mise with traitors; let us demonstrate that
we have a Government.' When in 1848,
the people rose upon their tyrants all over
Europe, and demanded guarantees for their
rights, every crowned head exclaimed, ' Have
we a Government ?' and appealed to the ar
my to vindicate their authority and enforce
the laws.
it The War has had, many motives for its
commencement; -J. can have bat one remit,
•whether it lasts one year or fifty years—■
Jinal, eternal \separation, disunion. As
for the conquest and subjugation of the
South I will not impeach the intelligence of
any man among you by asmming that you
dream of it as AT ANY TIME OR IN ANY WAY
POSSIBLE. Remember the warning of Lord
Chatham to the British Parliament: 'My
Lords, you cannot conquer America.' A
public debt of hundreds of millions weigh
ing us and our posterity down for genera
tions, we cannot escape. Fortunate shall
we be if we escape with our liberties.—
Indeed it is no longer so much a question
,of war with the South, as whether we our
selves are to have constitutions and a repub
lican form of government hereafter in the
North and West.
"Sir, the history of the world does not
fail to condemn the folly, weakness and wick-
VOLUME 58.
NEW SERIES.
cdne.xs of that government which drew its
swortl upon its own people, when they de
manded guarantees for their rights. This
cry, that we must have a government, is
merely following the example of the besot
ted Bourbon who never learned any thing by
misfortune, never forgave an injury, never
forgot an affront. Must we demonstrate that
wc have got a government, and coerce obe
dience without reference to the justice or in
justice of the complaints? Sir, whenever
10,000,000 people proclaim to you with one
unanimous voice, that they apprehend their
rights, their firesides and their family altars
are in danger, IT BECOMES A WISE GOVERN
MENT TO LISTEN TO THE APPEAL AND HE
MOVE THE APPKEIIEXBION. History does
not record an example where any human
government lias been strong enough <o crush
10,000,000 of people into subjection when
they believed their rights and liberties were
imperiled, without first converting the gov
ernment itself into a despotism, and de
stroying the last vestige of freedom."
Sl'EECil OF
HON. WJI. 1. BICMRDM,
OF ILLINOIS,
At the Deniflcratic Mass Convention, held
at Indianapolis, Indiana, July 30,1862.
MY FELLOW CITIZENS —It hits been my pride
and pleasure frequently to allude to the great
ness of our country, and the prosperity and hap
piness of our people. The sun of heaven nev
er shone upon a people so prosperous and hap
py as we were two years ago. Our people from
three millions had increased to thirty millions.
From a little line of population along the At
lantic, we had grown and spread until our shores
were washed by two oceans.—Wc had stretch
ed out our farms from the lakes of the North to
the Gulf of Mexico. We embraced every qual
ity of soil and every kind of production. The
sails of our commerce whitened every sea, and
the happy American tar, standing upon the
deck of his vessel, looking up at the stars and
stripes floating gloriously above hiin, and felt
that in that Hag he had safety and protection
everywhere. Around every fireside were con
tentment, happiness and plenty, lint what is
the scene that meets our eyes at the present
time ? —From the plow and from the anvil—
ironi u.u t.,i uutvo —. —
justice—we are hurrying to arms.
The Union has assumed the appearance of
one vast military camp. The tax gatherer, too,
will soon be upon us, to wring from us our sub
stance. There are grave and important questions
for us to decide. How can wo return to that
happiness and prosperity which we once enjoy
ed ? I would answer, it can only lie done by en
forcing everywhere the Constitution as it is and
the Union as it was. Whatever amount of
power is necessary, and in whatever form to
enforce that principle, ought to be and must be
employed. A rebellion embracing thousands of
our former fellow-citizens arrayed in arms a
gainst the Government must be put down by
force of arms. And at the same time that
this is being dona for the rebellion in the South,
that class of our fellow-citizens in other parts
of the country who are seeking by other means
than those of cannon shot and bayonets to des
troy the Government, must be driven out of
power and place, ami other men, who will ac
knowledge their obligations and perform their
duty to the country, must be pat in their places.
To accomplish that object depends upon you
and upon me, but more upon you than upon inc.
You will have to begin the work right here. If
you have begun this work, as I trust in God
you have, let me urge you to keep it up by ev
ery means in your power—for, remember, the
Government, the very existence of the country,
depends upon it.
I am aware, my fellow citizens, that those
persons who have deceived you heretofore will
endeavor to do it again.—They always promise
what your interests seem to demand, but their
performance is very poor.
Let us inquire a little into the past history of
these men, and 9ee whether they deserve to ho
trusted for the future. You remember that a
few years ago wo warned the people that the
formation of sectional parties was dangerous to
the Union an I the Constitution. You will
recollect that these men then sneeringly said to
us lhat we were "Constitutional Union Savers."
They told you then that all our talk about dan
ger to the Union and the Constitution was the
merest braggadocia. They asserted that there
was no danger of the South seceding—that you
could not get them out of the Union—their
slaves would up and murder them. Well, we
did not find that exactly the case, did we? These
men cheated you then, didn't they ? Some of
them cheated themselves; others, and by far the
largest portion of the party, did not, although
they cheated you.
Well wo passed along as usual, and what turn
ed up next ? When there began to bo signs of
trouble in the Southern country, we conserva
tive men stepped forward and said, "Let us
compromise."—They replied, "No; wo will nev
er compromise with rebels in arms !" They pro-,
fessed the profoundost contempt for the South,
—said our women should go down there and
drive them all together into the Southern ocean
—it was a mere breakfast spell. Again they
cheated youl Again they proved false proph
ets, and, liko falso prophets of old, they ought
all to bo stoned tq death. [Choers and laugh
ter.] No; they would not compromise. They
wanted a little blood-lotting—it was absolutely
necessary to the future pcaco. They said it
would not come to much; theso people down
South would not fight at all. And at length
your President called for an army of seventy
five thousand men, and you were told that they
would make rapid work of the rebellion. It
was to be annihilated at a single blow,-—So
Freedom of Thought and Opinion.
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 3, IBG2.
said those men. Well how does the mutter
stand now? We liuvc already mustered in
six hundred and ninety-three thousand and still
there is room for more. [Laughter. ] Ah my
friends, tlflfce men were never more mistaken in
their lives than when they assumed to place
such a slight value upon the rebellion and the
people of the South. It is no particular cred
it to any Ameriean to say that lie will fight;
that is one quality which is common to the whole
American race.—They have always displayed
that characteristic wherever they have been.
These men, therefore, when they told you that
Southern people would not fight, either did not
exactly understand the subject, or they willfully
misled you.
Well what next? They come now, after they
have found out that Southern soldiers will fight,
they come to you again and cry, "We have
been mistaken this tinio, hut we have it now—
just arm the negroes, and the work will bo fin
ished in short order.-" Fellow citizens, as often
as I hear a man talk in that way, I.como to the
conclusion that he wants to find spine excuse
for changing the issue so as to get some one
else to do the fighting.—lie don't want to volun
teer. [Laughter.] No man of common intellect
can be induced to believe that the negro, natu-'
rally an inferior race, and debased by ignorance I
as he is, can ever compete with the white man J
upon the battle-field, any more than he can any
where else. Set them against each other, throe j
to one, and the white man will be the victor all j
the time.
In Mexico where our soldiers fought a mixed
race, they were victorious on every battle-field,
although outnumbered in ratio of five to one.
Now if the African is afraid of anything on
this earth it isgunpowdor. In what estimation
can you hold that man who tells you that the
liberty, independence and Constitutional Gov
ernment of the country depend upon a few mis
erable, ignorant, cowardly negroes! We have
a population of twenty millions of white peo
ple, and immense wealth; properly directed,
we are capable of heating any army the world
ever saw or over will F and he who has the
effrontery to say that we cannot maintain our
Government without the help of negroes, utters
a libel upou the American nation.
It is false that slavery is the cause of the
present unfortunate condition of things. The
cause docs not lie there; it lies in another
place. The mischievous legislation of these
abolitionists in Congress is the cause. I speak
plainly, but 1 speak precisely what I think.
year agotn uongress, both
branches pledged themselves that the war should
be prosecuted for the preservation of the Union
and the Constitution, and for that alone. All
of these abolitionists either voted for the resolu
tion which was adopted embodying that senti
ment, or ran out of the House to avoid voting
at all. Woil the resolution won adopted. The
President issued his call for volunteers, and six
hundred and ninety-throe thousand rushed to
arms, upon the faith of the solemn pledge which
Congress had given to the people. Time rolled
on, and success seemed to smile upon our efforts.
Our Western armies had won great and glori
ous victories. The Southern people were still
divided, .lust at this juncture Congress meets.
The dominant party goes immediately to work
to undo all the wise legislation of the called ses
sion. Every proposition that is brought for
ward is for the negro. It soon became appar
ent the majority in Congress was no longer
bound by the Constitution. Instead of com
ing forward with measures of peace and con
ciliation, they came with confiscation, fire and
sword, and by those measures they at once fired
and united tluj hearts of the Southorn people.
Thus far we conservative men had gone hand
in hand with these hypocrites, in good faith;
but hero we left them. We parted from them
with great sorrow and pain. Then it was that
I became satisfied that the majority controlling
Congress meditated the destruction of the Gov
ernment—that they preferred a divided Govern
ment, with the chances of power and plunder.
History is full of examples that go to show
that Governments are never destroyed by means
of either relx-llion or foreign foes without some
fault upon the part of their own ruler. You
limy turn to the scriptures and you will find nu
merous instances in point. The children of Is
rael were not, nor could they have been, divided
by the wicko.lnesss of Jeroboam, the son of
Nebat, who rebelled against the Government;
but it required the mad folly of Rehoboam, their
rightful sovereign to divide them.
When the wise men who had been for many
years the faithful advisers of his father came to
Kehoboam and endeavored to persuade hint to
respect the rights of all his subjects and admin
ister the Government without partiality to any,
his answers was: "My father lashed you with
whips, but I will lash with scorpions, and my
little linger shall he thicker than my father's
thigh." From that day forward Israel was a
divided kingdom, shorn of its glory and of its
power. This last Congress has done for us, as
far as was in their power, the very same thing
that Kehoboam did for the kingdom of Israel.
As I have said before, therefore, there was a
large Union sentiment at the south one year a
go. In view of this fact, what should have
been our policy 1 Should we not havo endeav
ored to convince these people that beneath the
flag of their country all their rights of proper
ty were secure ? I (lo not know how you are go
ing to reconcile this Union without some basis
it upon. Such basis wo might have
had in this strong Union element at the South.
Who does not know that two-thirds of the se
ceded States were oarried into tho wickedness
of secession absolutely without tho consent of
the people and against their willt
Tho hearts of theso people were for tho old
Government, in which they had always trusted,
and the old Constitution, whiqji they had al
ways revered. Suppose our policy had lieen to
foster and encourage instead of driving off that
' Union sentiment. There would have been no
• army in the field to-day. But, in lieu of that
i policy of conciliatiori which would have been
1 our salvation, we adopted the policy of meet
ing them all with fire and sword, and the fatal
: consequences are not yet all told.
Now, I agree that it is right and proper in
every government that, where you put down re
bellion like tliia, you should punish the leaders,
but no government ever adopted the policy in
relation to themselves that ours has. A few
years ago tho Hungarians rebelled against Aus-1
tria. That is one of the most despotic govern- j
ments on tho face of the glolie. Tho govern- !
ment succeeded in overthrowing the rebellion— 1
howl They executed a few of the leaders,
sent tho remainder into exile, and passed am
nesty to the residue who were not loaders in the
rebellion. There never was a government that j
! has not uniformly let the burden fall upon the
leaders, while the great mass of the people were
permitted to return and resume their
to the government. And I will venture to as
sert that if, after the battle of Fort Donelson, j
the government bad adopted this policy of con
ciliation, there would have been no rebel army ,
in the field to-day. But instead of that being j
the case, they are at this moment confronting
ius with an army more numerous and superior
jto our own, anil we are compelled to call for j
! more volunteers. Now, the volunteering now
j going on, in \ iew of the doubt already cast
j upon the subject, stands fair; hut it is evident I
j that our people are not rushing to arms with 1
j the spirit and in such numbers as they did when j
i the former call was made, when there was a j
I hope that the war was to be .conducted upon
I more humane and conservative, principles. In
1 this State and in Illinois we shall probably sue- j
| eeed after a while in raising our quota of vol- J
untecrs, but in many of the States they will be :
i forced to draft.—The Congressional legislation ;;
of late has been fatal to us in every way.
I hear a good deal said now and then about j i
the "Statesmen" of this Republican party, but j
I have never been able to put my finger upon j ]
any of their Statesmanship. I have served a
long with them in Congress, and I have found 1
it invariably the case that, whenever any man t
called by their name begins to rise to the posi- <
tion of a true Statesman, they crowd him out f
of the ranks. Take Mr. Cowan, of Pennayl- i
vania, as an example.—They hate that man
worse, and denounce him more bitterly even than t
they do me; for they say Richardson is an old , f
sinner anyhow, and they do not expect much of j >
hup.
C.imCT~ fcjttb historian
will group these inert, with respect to Statosman
ship, iind will say, "Here is a set of one idea
fools, who permitte<l the government iisnded
down to thcin by their forefathers to fall to the
ground rather than give up an absurd notion
which can never be realized or carried out."
You cannot administer government success
fully with one idea, and let me tell you that
these men, when, in the pursuit of their one
idea, they come to make the negro do everything
and have everything dwindle down, down, down,
until they become totally incapable of anything
like true Statesmanship. Last winter when I
saw my venerable friend licre from Kentucky,
together with Air. Crittenden —men who had
been associated in days gone by wilh Clay and
Webster and Benton —occupying seats upon
the floor of Congress amongst these intellectual
pigmies and one-idea men, the poetry of Moore
suggested itself very forcibly to iny mind as pe
culiarly applicable to their situation:
"I feel like one who treads alone,
Some banquet hall deserted,
Whose lights are fled, whose garlands dead,
And all but he departed."
When wc pass into the page of history, as
wo soon shall, I fear that not one of all the
representatives of the republican party now in
Congress will ever have been found to have
produced a paper—that Is worthy of the great
cause and the great interests that are commit
ted to their charge.
IN'OW, if you send these men back to Congress,
the history of the Republic is written. Our
days are numbered, ami wo are numbered with
the past. Infamously, ingloriously, without a
struggle, we passed away, and bccuine"a school
boy's tale—the wonder of an hour."
I have heard a good deal said about the
"conservative Republicans in Congress." These
so culled conservatives m-e excellent men, judg
ing them by what they say; indeed, they talk
the best, to vote so badly of any sot of men I
ever saw. We did think at first that your Rep
resentative from tli is Congressional district woidd
vote with us all the time, but we were ndly
disappointed when tho time for talking was pass
ed by and he was called upon to vote. That is
the way with all these men. I'or a time tbey
would make good Union speeches, talk_ng tol
erably conservative all ti'.o time, and voting just
exactly like Lovejoy and his trie.ids.
I came to tho same conclusion about there
"conservative" .Republicans that u \ anfceo once
came to in regard tc the Siamese twins. The
Siiuucse twins had come to Boston, ami the old
Yankee had paid his money and went into the
show. He examined the ligaments that bound
the young men together, and, as soon as he had
satisfied himself that it was a real thing, and
no humbug, he said, "Well, I rather guess them
fellows are brothers " Just so, my fellow-citi
zens, I havo been compelled to conclude that
theso "conservative" Kepublicans and abolition
ists are brothers. [Choers aud laughter.] One
is about as bad ns the other, or, if there is any
difference, it is in favor of the abolitionists.
Lovejoy avowed his policy. 1 like a bold man.
If lie is 011 the wrong principle, I can at least
admire the courage which enables him to avow
himself. I always could understand Lovejoy,
but I never could understand your Representa
tive from this Congressional district. [Laugh
ter.] If, during tho last Presidcntal election,
these "conservative" Republicans had avowed
the sentiments they expressed by their votes, the
country would not havo been in tho condition
WHOLE NUMBER, 3094
!itis at present. Now, let me urge you, if you
■ are going to send Republicans to Congress at
all, let us have the full-blooded fellows, and none
of these men who talk one way and vote anoth
' er. I know Lovejoy will notcheatmc. I hate
to be cheated, so I would ratjier have the full
blooded abolitionists to deal with. I understand
i their position. The danger of the country a
rises not from these men, because we can strip
j them; but it arises from these "conservatives,"
j falsely so called.
j There is u class of men who are always very
; busy—who go about the country denouncing cv
' cry man who does not agree with them as a trai
tor to the country. You talk to one of thesemen,
and ask him what he is for, and he will tell yon,
if he tells the truth, that lie is for divertiug this
war from its legitimate object, so as to make it
a war of emancipation. Ask him then—"Are
you for the Constitution f' Ho will answer,
"Oh, no, the Constitution is played out; tho
South has overthrown the Constitution." Sir,
that mau is no more nor less than a traitor, and
whenever it becomes his interest, no matter where
he may le, North or South. East or West, lie
will betray the country. Such men occupy a
double relation. In the first place they are cow
ards, for they will not enlist in defense of their
principles; und, secondly, they arc traitors to
the Constitution of their country, for they de
clare it is no longer binding.
Now, it's plain that if we wait for sncli fel
lows as these and for the negroes to put down
the rebellion, we will all die before it is done.
When this rebellion is put down, it will be put
down by men who are devoted to the Constitu
tion and the Union.
j Uno thing is certain—if these Republicans
| maintain the power in Congress, our government
j with constitutioual lilwrty, Is gone forever. If
i you return to the next Congress conservative
j men, who are anxious only to preserve the con
| stitution, we arc safe, and the old ship of state
j will land in a sufe harbor, where we can find
j protection.
The stake we are playing for now is infinite
ly greater than we ever played for before. If
the Republican party is retained in power in
Congress, we are gone. If we send a different
class of men, they can but lose all, and they
may save all.
This much I will say for Illinois—we intend
to maintain our grouud in that State. We shall
advance our line somewhat: and I think that
when we shall come to present these great issues
to our people, duty to the dead, duty to our
selves. and dutv to those who are to cguie after i
most of these iueri from Congress iii the tit ate of
Illinois.
One thing I know will be done— -lite issue will
l>cpresenteil. It will be presented in no coward
ly, truckling spirit. It will be presented by men
who are not afraid to speak their true sentiments,
with the panoply of American citizens around
them.
My fellow-citizens, I can hardly express to
you my feelings when I have seen these terrible
disasters coming upon my country, and when I
reflect that her free institutions are all the her
itage 1 have to bestow upon my children. I have
seen more of the good results that have flowed
from our institutious—more of prosperity and
happiness among my fellow-citizens—than most
men of my day. And now, in the decline of
life, with a sun tending towards the twilight, no
longer with a vigorous arm to defend or assail,
I shall endeavor cheerfully to accept whatever
the Almighty ifly place upon me. But, if it is
in the providence of God that lie is to punish
us with afflictions, to destroy our government,
then I cure not how soon the summons may
coine to go hence. I would not desire to live
louger. Hence it is that I say that in the dis
charge of tile duty before our people, thero is
no power on earth that shall prevent mo from
telling plainly and candidly wlmt I think ought
to be douo for the welfare of our beloved couu
try.
But not only does every consideration of pa
triotism urge us to tho vigorous prosecution of
this war, if restricted to its legitimate objects,
but every consideration of interest also.
As for me, I feel that all that I hold dear is
at stake—all is involved in the safety of my
country, and 1 would be willing even now to
close my eyes forever if I knew that I was be
queathing to tuy children, unimpaired, the civil
liberties which I have enjoyed under the consti
tution. I desire to live long enough to see pence
restored all over tbo land from the great lakes
to the Gulf of Mexico. I desire to see all my
Countrymen worshipping oucc more at the same
ullur, and all united in an effort to transmit to
posterity unimpaired the glorious privileges won
for us by the blood of our patriotic ancestor's,
[Loud cheers.]
Warning of Henry Clay.
Extracts from hu speich in the U. 8. Senate,
February 8, 1839.
Abolition ikould no longer be regarded as an im
aginary danger. The Abolitionists, let mo sup
pose, sueeeod in their present uiiu of uniting the
inhabitants of the freo States as ono man a
gainst the inhabitants of the slavo States. •U
--nion on one side will l>eget union on the other,
and this process of reciprocal consolidation will
lie attended with all the violent prejudices, em
bittered and and implacable animosities which
ever degraded or deformed human nature. A
virtual dissolution of the Union will havo ta
ken place while tho forms of its existence re
main.
EI'OENF. PUJMMEK McCAirniT, formerly a
practising solicitor in Quecnstown, Ireland, has
been sentenced to eighteen months imprisonment
for stealing books from the British Museum.
THE Ojibway Indians have volunteered to
fight the Sioux, providing the Government of
Minnesota will furnish them with arnisand am
munition. Governor Rninscy, distrusting their
i sincerity, refused.
Hates of 3U)oertisitig
Ohe Square, three weezsor lass . .ft 00
One Square, each additional insertion lata
than three months .... i , 35
3 MONTHS. 8 MONTHS. 1 his
One square ; .;. .. . $2 00 $3 00 $5 0 Q
Two squares . 3 00 5 00 9 0
Three squaros ...... 400 700 13 0 ®
i Column 500 900 IS 00
i Column . 800 12 00 20 00
i Column 13 0(1 18 00 30 0„
One Column ...... 18 00 30 00 50 Ob
_ The space occupied by ten lines of this size of
type counts one square. All fractions of a square
under five lines will be measured as a half square t
and all over five lines as a full square. All legal
advertisements will be charged to the person hdnd
in them in.
VOL. 6. NO. 9
The War Tax—lts Collection— Why
Postponed.
A month ago, perhaps, the Secretary of tha
1 rcasury gave official notice that operations un
der the war tax should commence on the first of
September. Assessors and collectors were ap
pointed in August, and there the machine appa
rently stopped. The first of September came
and passed—the 24th of September has been
reached—and who litis beard of assessments t
Who of collections, or attempts to assess or col
lect .' There must be a reason for this—and tho
question, what is it? presents itself to every
mind. The debt of the country is immense; if
it does not already, by-the end of tho fiscal year
it will, amount to $2,000,000,000 more or less.
Our opinion is, it will be more. On a portion
of this the interest will soon be, if it is not al
ready, due. The credit of the government is
above all value now, and should not be tamper
ed with. However unpopular taxation may be,
even for war purposes, the administration should
meet it promptly, without any postponement of
the inevitable hour, or any attempt to dodge the
responsibility. If tliey liavo shown no discre
tion heretofore, it is incumbent on them to make
some display of manly firmness; statesmanlike
wisdom, and patriotic determination now. De
lay may injure the credit of the government, but
cannot lessen the unpopuhuity of the measure.
Procrastination, therefore, is folly—and more
exhibitions of folly on the part of our rulers
than we have already had is useless. The tax:
must come. It must be assessed —it must be colled
ft/—and why not at once? Why did not the as
sessors proceed with their business, as the Secre
tary of the Treasury said they should, oh tho
first of September?— That direction has not
been changed by any public official notice from
the head of the department—and yet all isqui
:t; not an assessor is in the field; the word tour
is not mentioned. Can it be—is it possible that
the department is controlled by party considera
tions, and that postponement is tho consequence
jf a policy that regards the success of the Ke
pubiicun party as of more importance then the
preservation of the honor, the integrity and cred
it of the government?
We are loth to believe this. It seems almost
incredible. And yet how else are we to account
for the present inactivity of the tax officers ?
Humiliating as it is, we are forced to believe
that there will be no assessments, no collections,
jntil AFTER THE ELECTION!
Wo have long since ceased to look for states
manship in the cabinet; are wo also to dieut
the: iiloa tW they oossrai cilhcr.itaJLriiitiiin <>r.
But suppose the absence of all these—who
would have thought them shallow enough to be
iievo that the people could be deceived by so
transparent a trick, or depraved enough to at
tempt it 1
They must be idiots or knaves. Perhaps to
a certain extent both—the relative proportion
being, one part idiot to two parts knave.
Nicely, however, as they may think they have
woven this web, they shall catch no flies if we
can help it.
Postponement is not payment; and wo take
the liberty of suggesting to the people that vo
ting the Republican ticket will not settle their
bill with the Republican collector, who will call
upon them after the election.
The tax which every assessed man and wo
man must pay after the election, is to pay the
interest on a portion of the §2,000,000,000 debt,
every farthing of which was contracted by a
Republican administration, to carry on a war
brought upon the country by the refusal of a
Republican majority in Congress to accede to the
Crittenden compromise.
And this first Republican tax which the Repub
lican collectors will call for after the election,
large as it may appear in the eyes of many, and
onerous as it may prove in some cases, is but as
a tlron in the bucket to what it will be next year,
and the year after, and for years almost beyond
computation after that.
Can, then, the people believe that the Repub
lican party that caused the tax, imposed the tax,
and will collect the tax, is the party to look to
for any relief from the tax 1
Mind, we (io not say that any party can re
lieve you —good people, voters of Pennsylvania
—from the tax necessary to pay the interest on
the immense debt already contracted—that nice
little Republican bauble which you contracted for
when you elected President Lincoln and an Ab
olition Congress, you must pay, principal and
interest, to the uttermost farthing. It was a
costly bon-bon ; but you bought it, and must
pay tho price.
But by repudiating this Republican party and
electing a Democratic Congress and a Demo
cratic Legislature, you may save yourselves from
an increased burthen of debt and taxation.
You may stop the debt where it is, ami taxa
tion where it is on the debt already contracted,
by placing Congress and the Legislature under
Democratic control. And this is the only way
in which you can do it—for remember, every
Uepublicnn candidate for Congress or the State
Legislature is pledged to an " unconditional, un
questioning support of the administration" that
made the debt, and that, by its utter incompe
tency, its profligacy, and gross mismanagement,
will double it before the end of its time, unless
checked and controlled by a Democratic Con
gress, whose superior wisdom and sounder poli
cy alono can save the people from utter ruin, re
store the Union as it was, and maintain the be*'
niguunt rule of the Constitution*
Choose, therefore, between the Kepublican
party that has saddled the nation with a debt of
$2,000,000,000, and burthened you with taxa-r
tion, and that will increase the debt and taxa-'
tion if continued in power, and the Democratic
party, that will, if successful in the Congtaa
sional elections, put a stop to any unnecessary
increase of debt, and make taxation as equal
und light as possible.— [Patriot Union.
THERE arc over seventeen hundred volunteers
awaiting marching orders in Camp Lincoln, at
Portland, Maine-