THE BEDFORD GAZETTE |S PUBLISHED EVERT FRIDAY MORNINQ BT B. F. !tlEl' lifts, At the following terms, to win $1.50 per Annum, CAAH, in advance.. $2.00 " " P ,ID WITBIN JNR. $2 5# " " •' not P*' J w ' th ' n ,he y e ®r. yNo subscription taken lor leas than six months . jjyflo paper discontinued until all arrearages aid, unless at the option of the publisher, it Keen decided by the United States Courts that the' stoppage of a newspaper without the payment 0 l arrearages, is prima facie evidence ol fraud and „a criminal offence. pyThe courts havedecided that persons are ac eountable for the subscription price of newspa pers, if they take them from the post office, whetl,- tr theyaubscribe for thein. or not. Select JJoetry. ( TSVwm TO BE REMEMBERED. A3 SUNG BY H. M. ROGERS. 'Tis sweet to be remembered in the turmoils of this life, Wbilo toiling up its pathway, while mingling in its strife, While wnnd'ring o'er eartlW borders, or sailing on the sea, 'lis sweet to be remembered wherever wc may be. When those we love arc absent from our hearth stone and our side, 'Tis toy to know that pleasure, that peace with them abide, And thpt although we're absent, we're thought of day by day, 'Tis sweet to be remembered by those who're far away. When all our toil is ended, the conflict all is done, And peace in sweetest accents proclaims the vic tory won, When hushed are all our sorrows and calm is all the strife, 'Tis sweet to be remembered in the closing hour of "life. STATE EDUCATIONAL CONVENTION. SECOND MEETING. The Professors and Trustees of Colleges and Normal Schools, the Principals and Assistants of Academies and Female Seminaries and the Trustees of such as are incorporated, the Prin cipals and Assistants of the High and Graded Common Schools, the Teachers of such other Common Schools as can attend, the Directors and County Superintendents of the State, and the active friends of education generally, are re spectfully invited to meet in Convention, in the Hall of the House of Representatives, at the City of Harrisburg, on TUESDAY, Acottaro, 1852, at 10 o'clock, A. M. The business of the Convention will be to hear reports on, and to discuss and if possible arrive at a ci"" ,,on an d harmonious undcrstand- j n{r ~f itte following subjects: COMMON SCHOOLS : "Standard of Qualiticutions of Teachers; the means of rendering it uniform throughout the State."—Committee: Messrs. Deans, of Dela ware, Johns, of Tioga, of Beaver, Ford, of Indiana, und MeCrcary, of Adams. "School Visitation byCountySuperintendents; its main object and the best mode of performing j(. pninniittcc . Rallm*". "f "woodruff", of Chester, and Berry, of Clinton. "Relation of the County Superintendent to In stitutes —District and County." —Committee: Messrs. Coburn, of Bradford, Evans, of Lan caster, and Jack, of Westmoreland. "The Grading of Schools, and the duty of the County Superintendent in promoting it."—Com mittee : Messrs. Cruikshank, of Montgomery, Savage, of Erie, and Blair, of York. "The Sphere of the Common School, its pe culiar position in the general edneuronal system of theState."—Committee: •of Berks. Smith, of Mifflin, and Builington, of Washington. NORMAB SCHOOLS: Their relation to the Teachers' Profession. — Committee: Messrs.Walker,of Luzerne, llouek, of Lebanon, and Tyler, of Susquehanna. Their relation to the County Superintenden cy.—Committee: Messrs. Home, ol Bucks, Morrison, of Lawrence, Hobbs, of Lancaster. Their Course of Study and Methods of In struction.—Committee: Messrs.Wickersliam, ot Lancaster, Taylor, of Chester, and Burgess, of Columbia. The arrangement of their Buildings.—Com mittee: Messrs. Bates, of Dauphin, Dicffeubach, of Clinton, and Wickershatn, of Lancaster. The best means of promoting their establish ment.—Committee: Messrs.Overholt,ot Bucks, Burr, of Lancaster, and Lit core, of Elk. * HIGH SCHOOLS, ACADEMIES AND FEMALE SEMI NARIES. Their Course of Studies.—Committee: Mes srs. Davis, of Franklin, Darlington,' of Chester, and Hamilton, of Cumberland. The relation of the Common High School to the Academy and Female Seminary.—Commit tee: Messrs. Dcnlingcr, of Cumberland, Hay, of Harrisburg, and McFarland, of Juniata. Their relation to the lower schools and also to the Colleges.—Committee: Messrs. Dodge, of Lancaster, Loomis, of Crawford, and Hei ges, of York. COLLEGES : Present condition and wants of the Colleges; The relation of the Colleges to our Education al system, and also to the community generally; and The proper course of Studies for the Col legos.—Committee: Messrs. Johnson, of Dick enson, Kennedy, of the Polytechnic, and Ger hart, of Franklin and Marshall. EDUCATIONAL SYSTEMS OF THE STATES : A condensed report on the Educational sys tem of the various States of the Union.—Com mittee: Messrs. Kennedy, of Phil'a., Bates, of Harrisburg, and Pugh, of Centre. It is earnestly urged on all who feel an inter est in the great work of harmonizing the scat tered elements of our educational system, and of thus completing the grand idea of our ances tors,' adequately to the wants of the present and the protccticTt and safety of the future, —to as semble on this occasion. At the first meeting, when nothing was done further than a hasty survey of the ground to be occupied and an es timate of the work to be done—beyond the ex pectation of all. the time was pleasantly spent and the proceedings were interesting and profit able. Now, who., the results of a careful in vestigation are to be heard and matured conclu sions on so many vitally important points to be presented,—the intcres' of the occasion and its permanent utility cannot fail to be much grent- BeMoxb VOLUME as. NEW SERIES. or. It is therefore hoped that tl>e effort will be sustained by till who glory in the present unci are willing to labor for the future of our belov ed commonwealth. The order of exercises and the length of the session will of course depend upon the pleasure of the Convention itself; but probably the pro ceedings will be somewhat in the order above given—each report being followed by a discus sion of its subject. The duration ot the session, if the convention be fully attended, will proba bly be three days. The usual arrangements for the accommoda tion of the members at the place of meeting and for facilitating their travel thither, will be made in time and announced in the Philadelphia, llur risburg und Pittsburg papers, before the day of meeting. Tito. 11. BUTQTOWES, S. D. INGRAM, D. S. BURNS, J. B. LOOMIS, W. C. WILSON, Com. of Airungeincnt. Harrisburg, June 30, 1862. Pennsylvania State Teachers' Association: Meets at Rending, Berks county, TUESDAY, August 12, 1862, and continues three days. PROGRAMME OF EXERCISES. Tuesday, A. M., 10 o'clock —lst. Organiza tion. 2d. Miscellaneous business. Afternoon, 2 o'clock. —3d. Address by the President, AZARIAH SMITH, Esq. 4th, Report, subject: "Illustrated Science in our Schools," byE. McKec, of Alleghany county. sth, Dis cussion. subject: "What are the prominent ob jects ot Text-Books, and to what extent should thev 1)0 used?" 'Evening, 8 o'clock. —6th, Address by Prof. S. D. Tillman, of Dickinson College, subject: "Natural Science." 7th. Miscellaneous business. Wednesday, B.l o'clock, A.M. —lst, Discus sion, subject: "Should a military spirit bo en couraged among the pupils of our schools?" 2d, Report, subject: How to teach the English lan guage to German children, by J. S. Ermentrout, of Berks county. Afternoon, 2 o'clock. —3d, Report, subject: "Should pupils who attend school six hours a day be required to study at home?" by E. B. Weaver, of Lancaster county. 4 tli, Discussion, subject: "To what extent should Gymnastic exercises lie introduced in tho schools ?" Evening, 8 o'clock. —sth, Address. (Not yet engaged.) 6th, Poem, by Annie F. Kent, of Chester county. Thursday, 8J o'clock, A. M. —Ist, Election of officers and Report of Executive Committee. 2d, Discussion, subject: "What is tho true phi- Report, subject: "The study of History and Geography in the common schools," by \V. F. Wyers, of West Chester. 4th, Discussion, subject: "Should Vocal Music be taught in the public schools ?" sth, General business." Evening, 8 o'clock. —Social meeting. Addres ses by the State Superintendent and others. THE PRESIDENT'S APPEAL To the Border .States and the Reply of their Representatives. [From tho National Intelligencer.] The Representatives and Senators of the Bor der Slaveholding States having, by special imi tation of the President, been convened at the Executive Mansion on Saturday morning last, Mr. Lincoln addressed them as follows from a written paper held in his hands: GENTLEMEN '.—After the adjournment of Con gress, now near, I shall have no opportunity ot seeing you for several months. Believing that you of the Border States hold more power for good than any other equal number ot mem bers, I feel it a duty which 1 cunnot justifiably waive to make this appeal to you. I intend no reproach or complaint when I as sure you that, in my opinion, if you all had voted for the resolution in the gradual emanci pation message of last March, the war would now be substantially ended. And the plan therein proposed is yet one of the most potent anil switt means of ending it. Let the States which are in rebellion sec definitely and certain ly that in no event will the States you represent ever join the proposed Confederacy, and they cannot much longer mnintain the contest. But you cannot divest them of their hope to ulti mately have you with them so long us you show a determination to perpetuate the .nslitution within your own States. Beat them at elec tions, as you have overwhelmingly done, and, nothing daunted, they still claim you as their own. You and I know what the lever of their power is. Break that lever before their faces, and they can shake you no more forever. Most of you have treated me with kindness and consideration, and I trust you will not now think I improperly touch what is exclusively your own, when, for the sake of the whole country, I ask, "can you, for your States, do better than to take the course I urge 1 Discar ding punctilio and maxims adapted to more man ageable times, and looking only to the unprc cedontly stern facts of our case, can you do bet ter in any possible event? You prefer that tho constitutional relation of the State to the. na tion shall lie practically restored without distur bance of the institution; and, if this were done, my whole duty, in this respect, under the Constitution and my oath of office, would be performed. But it is not done, and wc are trying to accomplish it by war. The incidents of the war cannot be avoided. If the war con tinues long, as it must if the object be not soon er attained, the institution in your Slates will be extinguished by tnere friction and abrasion— by the mere incidents of the war. It will bo gone, and you will have nothing valuable in lieu of it. iluch of its value is gone already. How much better for you and for your pcoplo to take the step which at once shortens the war, and secures substantial compensation for that which is sure to be wholly lust in any other e ?reedom of Thought and Opinion. BEDFORD, PA* FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 1, 18S2- vent! How much better to tints save the tnon- i ev which else we sink forever in the war! llow much better to do it while we can, lest the war ere long render us pecuniarily unable to do it! How much better for you, as seller, and the nation, as buyer, to sell out and buy out that without which the war could never have been, I than to sink both the thing to he sold and the price of it in cutting one another's throats 1 I do not speak of emancipation at once, but of a decision at once to emancipate gradually.— j Room in South America forcolonizatiou can be ' obtained cheaply, and in abundance, and when! numbers shall be large enough to bo company 1 and encouragement for one another, the freed people will not lie so reluctant to go. j I am pressed with a difficulty not yet men tioned—one which threatens division .among those who, united, are none too strong. An instance of it is known to you. Gen Hunter is an honest man. Ho was, and I hope still is, my friend. I value him none the lass for his a greeing with me in the • general wish that all men everywhere could be freed. He proclaim ed all men free within cc'rtain States, and I repu diated the proclamation. He expected more good nrd less harm from the measure than I could believe would follow. Yet, in repudia ting it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not offence, to many whose Support the country cannot afford to lose. And this js not .the end of it. The pressqre in this direction is still upon mo und is increasing. By conceding what I now ask you can relieve me, and, much more, can re lieve the country in this important point. Upon these considerations I have again lag ged your attention to the message of March last. Before leaving the Capitol, consider and discuss it among yourselves. You are patriots and statesmen, and as such I pray you consider this proposition, and at the least commend it to tho consideration of your State and people. As you would perpetuate poiiul.tr government for the best people in tho worid, I beseech you that you do in nowise omit 40?. Our common country is in great peril, the lofti est views and boldi st action to a speedy relief. Once relieved, its form of government is saved to tho world ; its beloved history and cherished memories are via heated, aal its happy future fully assured and rendered incon ceivably grand. To you, more than others, the privilege is given to assure that happiness ami swell that grandeur, and to link ►our own names therewith forever. After the conclusion of these remarks sonre conversation wus had between the President and several members of the delegation from tho Border Stutes, in which it was represented jßilf. tJ, rtfUl nil WiA,ili i.y ■* j4. 1 ■ mtmjl I in so great a matter as that brought to their notice in tho foregoing address while as yet tire Congress had taken no step beyond the passage of a resolution, expressive ratiier of a senti ment than presenting a substantial and reliable basis of action. The President acknowledged tho force of this view, and admitted that the Border States were entitled to expect a substantial pledge of pecu niary aid as the condition of taking into con sideration a proposition so important in re lations to their social system. It was further represented, in tho Confer ence, that the people of tho Border States were interested in knowing the great importance which the President attached to the policy in question, while it was equally duo to the coun try, to the President mi l to themselves that the Representatives of the Border Slaveholdmg Slaves should publicly announce the motives under which tiny wire called to act and tho considerations of public policy urged upon them and their constituents by the President. With a view to such a statement of their pos ition. the members thus addressed met in coun cil to deliberate on the reply they should make to the President, and, as the result of a com parison of opinion among themselves, they de termined u[ion the adoption of a majority and a minority answer. JJEI'LY OF THE MAJORITY. Tlic following paper was yesterday sent to the President, signed by the majority of tho Rep resentatives from the Borderslaveholding States: WASHINGTON, July 14, 18(52. To the President: —The undersigned, Repre sentatives of Kentucky, Virginia, .Missouri, and Maryland, in the two Houses of Congress, have listened to your address with the profound sen sibility naturally inspired by tho high source from which it emanates,'the earnestness which marked its delivery, and tho overwhelming im portance of the subject of which it treats. \\ e have given it a most respectful consideration, and now lay before you our response. We regret that want of time has not permitted us to make it more perfect. We have not been wantir\g, Mr. President, in respect to you, and in devotion to the Consti tution and the Union. Wo have not been in different to tho great difficulties surrounding you, compared with which all former national troubles have been but as tho summer cloud; and wc have freely given you our sympathy and support. Repudiating the dangorous horcsics of the Secessionists, we believed, with you, that the war on tlicir part is aggressive and wicked, and the objects for which it was to be prosecu ted on ours, defined by your message at the ope ning of the present Congress, to be such as all good men should approve, we have not hesita ted to vote all supplies necessary to carry it on vigorously. We have voted allthe men and mon ey you have asked for, and even more; we have imposed onerous taxes on our people, and they are paj ing them with cheerfulness and alacrity; we have encouraged enlistments and sent to tho field many of our best men; and some of our number have offered their persons to the enemy as pledges of fheir sincerity and devotion to country. have done all this under tho most discouraging circumstances and in the face of measures most distasteful"to us and injurious to the interests we represent, and in Jjic hearing of doctrines avowed by those who claim to be your friends most abhorrent to us and our con stituents. But, for all this, we have never fal tered, nor shall we as long as wc have a Con stitution to defend and oG ovcrnment which protects us. And we for renewed efforts, and even yea, any sacrifice, when we are satisfied it is required to preserve our admirable form of government and priceless blessings of constitutional liberty. A few of our number voted for the resolu tion recommended by your message of the 6th of March last, the greater portion of us did not and wc yill briefly state the prominent rea sons which influenced our action. j In the first plaee, it proposed a radical change ' <L our social system, and was hurried through both Houses with undue haste, without reason able time for consideration and debate, and nath no time at ail for consultation with our constituents, whose interests it deeply involved, i It seemed like an interference by this Govertt ■ ment with a question which peculiarly and ex i elusively belonged to our respective States, on Which they had not sought advice or solicited aid. Many of us doubted the constitutional power of this Government to make appropria tions of money for the object designated, and all of us thought our finances were in no condition to bear the immense outlay which its adoption ATID faithful execution would impose upon the National Treasury. If we pause but a moment in think of the debt its acceptance would have i;)tailed we are appalled by its magnitude. The proposition was addressed to all the StatPS, und embraced the wholetiutnlier of slaves. Ac cording to the census of 1860 there were then very nearly four millions slaves in the country; from natural increase they exceed that number now. At even the low average of three hun dred dollars, the price fixed by the emaneipa i tjwn act for the slaves of this District, and great lv below*oeir real worth, their value runs up ! to the enormous sum of twelve hundred millions of dollars; and if to that we add the cost of de j portation and colonization, at one hunercd dol i lars each, which is but a fraction more than is | actually paid by the Maryland Colonization ' Society, we have four hundred millions more! | We were not willing to impose a tax on our : people sufficient to pay the interest on that sum, ; in addition to the vast and daily increasing debt ' already fixed upon them by the exigencies of I the war; and, if we had Iteen willing, the eoun j try could not bear it. Stated in this form the ' ptwposition is nothing less than the deportation I from the country of sixteen hundred million 1 dollars wonh t producing labor and the sub ; stjmtion in its plaee of an iuterest bearing debt V if we are tolh tltaf it was expected that oft)' the States we represent would accept the proposition, wc respectfully submit that even then it involves a sum too great for the financial ability of this Government at this time. Ac cording to the census of 1860— i Kentucky had 225,490 slave?. Maryland 87,188 " Virginia 490,887 " Delaware 1,798 " Missouri 114,965 " Tennessee 275,784 " i Making in the whole 1,196,112 " i At the same rate of valuation this would a i mount to $358,833,600 Add for deportation and colonization SIOO • i each $119,224,532 s And we have the enormous sum of $ 178,078,- i 133. > We did not feel that we should he justified in voting for a measure which, if carried out, • would add this vast amount to our public debt " at a moment when the Treasury was reeling s under the enormous expenditures of the war. Again, it scorned to us- that this resolution was but the annunciation of a sentiment which ' could not or was not likely to be reduced to an actual, tangible proposition. No movement was then made to provide and appropriate the funds required to carry it into effect; and we were ' not encouraged to believe that funds would lie • provided. And our belief lias laicn fully justi : tied by subsequent events. Not to mention other circumstances, it is' quite sufficient for - our purpose to bring to your notice the fact, 1 that, while this resolutiu® was under consider s ation in the Senate, our colleague, the Senator - from Kentucky, moved an amendment appro -3 printing $500,000 to the object therein designa l ted, and it was voted down with great ttnnnimi - ty. What confidence, then, could we rcaaon ;' ably feel tbat if wc commited ourselves to the , ! pulley it proposed, our constituents would reap t the fruits of the promise held out; and on what 3 ground could we, as fair men, approach them and challenge their support ? The right to hold slaves is a right appertain ing to all-the States of this Union. They have the right, to cherish or abolish the institution, as their tastes or other interests may prompt, and no one is authorised to question the right, or limit its enjoyment. And no one lias more 1 clearly affirmed that right than you havo.—Your j inaugural address does you groat honor, in this t respect, in yout fairness and respect for the law. , Our States are in the enjoyment of that right. ■ We do not feel called ou to defend the institu ■ tion, or to affirm it is one which ought to bo I cherished; perhaps, if wc were to make tho at - tempt, we might find tlint wo differ even among t ! ourselves. It is enough for our purpose to - know that it is a right; and, BO knowing, wc > did not see why wo should now be expected to r yield it. We had contributed our full share to ; relieve the country at this terrible cri. is; we s bad done us much as had been required of otli • ers, in like circumstances; anil we did not see r why sacrifices should bo expected of us from i which others, no more loyal, were exempt. — t Nor could wc see what good tho Nation would f derive from it. Such n sacrifice' submitted to > bv us would not have strengthened the arut of ; this Government or weakened that of the one- WHOI.G NVMBER, 3013 my. It was not necessary as a pledge of our loyalty, for thiit had been manifested beyond a reasonable doubt, in every form, and at every date, and at every place possible. There was not the remotest probability that the States we represent would join in the rebellion, nor is there now; or of their electing to go with the South ern section in the event of a recognition of the independence of any part of the disaffected re gion.—Our States are fixed unalterably in their resolution to adhere to and supportlhe Union; they see no safety for themselves and no hope for constitutional liberty but by its preservation. They will under no circumstances consent to its dissolution, and we do them no more than juetice when we assure you that while the war is conducted to prevent that deplorable catastro phe, they will sustain it as long as they can muster a man or command a dollar. Nor will they ever consent, in any event, to unite with the Southern Confederacy. The bitter fruits of the peculiar doctrines of that region will forever prevent them from placing their security and iiappiness in the custody of an association which has incorporated in its organic law the seeds of its own destruction. \Ve cannot admit, Mr. President, that if we had voted for the resolution in the emancipa tion message of March last the war would now be substantially ended. We are unable to see how our action in this particular has given, or could gifrc encouragement to the rebellion. The resolution has passed; and if there be virtue in it, it will be quite as eiiicacious as if we had vctod for it. We have no power to bind our States in this respect by our votes here; and whether we had voted the one way or the oth er, they are in the same condition of freedom to accept or reject its provisions. No, sir; the war has not been prolonged or hindered by our action on this or any other measure. We must look for other causes for that lamented fact.— We think there is not much dillieulty, not much uncertainty, in pointing out others far more probable and potent in their agencies to that end. The rebellion derives its strength from the un ion of all classes in the insurgent and while that union lasts the war will nwer end untill they are utterly exhausted. We know that at the inception of these troubles Southern society was divitfed, and that a large portion, perhaps a majority, were opposed to secession. Now the great mass of Southern people are uni ted. To discover why they are so we must glance at Southern society and notice the clas ses into which it has been djgjjded, and which still distinguish it. Tbey are in arms, but for the the same objects; they are moved to a , "'tinning end, but by different and even inconsis tent reasons' x#b leader*, wliub c*Mutirtiheod#-j what was previously known as the State Eights party, and is much the lesser class, seek to break down national independence and set up State domination. With them it is a war a gainst nationality. The other class is fighting, ■as it supposes, to maintain and preserve its rights of property anil domestic safety, which it has been made to believe are assailed by t his Gov ernment. This latter class are not disunionisti per se, they are so only because they have been made to believe that this Administration is in imical to their rights, and is making war on their domcßlic institutions. As long as these two classes act together they will never assent to a peace. The policy, then, to be pursued is obvious. The former class will never bo re conciled, but the latter may be.—Remove their apprehensions: satisfy them that 110 harm is in tended to them and their institutions; that this Government is not making war on their rights of property, but is simply defending its legiti ttc authority, and they will gladly return to ir allegiance as soon as the pressure of mili tary dominion imposed by the ConfiSleruto au thority is removed from them. Twelve months ago both Houses of Congress, adopting the spirit of your message, then but recently sent in, declared with singular unan imity the objects of the war, and the country instantly hounded to your side to assist you in carrying it on. If the spirit of that resolution had beentulhered to we are confident that wo should itfcrc now have seen the end ol this de plorable conflict. But what have we seen? In both Houses of Congress we have heard doc trines subversive of the principles of the Con stitution, and seen measure after measure foun ded in substance on those doctrines proposed and carried through which can have noother ef fect than to distract and divide loyal men, and exasperate and drive still further from us ami their duty the people of the rebellious States. Military officers, following these bad examples, have stepped beyond the just limits of their au thority in the same direction, until in several instances you have felt the necessity of inter fering to arrest them. And even the passage of the resolution to which you refer has been ostentatiously proclaimed as the triumph of a principle which the people of the Southern States regard as ruinous to them. The effect of these measures was foretold, and may now be seen in the indurated state of Southern feel ing. To these causes, Mr. President, and not to our omission to vote for the resolution recom mended by you, we solemnly believe we arc to attribute the terrible earnestness of those in arms against the Government and the continu ance of the war. Nor do we (permit us to aay, Mr. President, with all respect for you) agroo that tho institution of slavery is "tho lever of their power," but we are of tho opinion that, "the lever of their power" is the apprehension that the powers of a common Government, cre ated for common and equal protection to tho interests of all, will bo yielded against tho in stitutions of the Southern States. There is one other Iffoa in your address we feel called on to notice. After stating the fact of your repudiation of Gen. Hunter's procla mation, you a'll:. "Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not otf.nco, to many whose support the ecu;.- Rates of fttajertifltaj One Squire, three weester 1eek....... .91 M One Sqitere, each additional iniertioo ieae than three montbi a MONTBI, 6 MONTHB, t rill. One iquare • 92 00 93 00 $5 09 Two tquarei 3 00 3 00 0 00 Three iquarea *OO.JJ 00 12 00 i Column 300 %00 13 00 i Column 800 13 00 20 00 i Column 12 00 18 00 30 00 One Column 18 00 30 00 30 00 The ipiee occupied by ten linei f this aiae of type rounti one iquare. All fraction! of a iquara under fiee lines will be measured as a half square 4 and all over five lines ai a full iquare. All legal advertisement! will be charged person band ing them in. * VOL. 5. NO. 52 try cannot afford to lose. And this is not the end of it. The pressure in this direction is still upon me and increasing. By conceding what I now ask, you can relieve the country in this important point." Wc have anxiously looked into this passage to discover its true import, but we are yet in pain ful uncertainty. How can we, by conceding what you now nsk, relieve you and the country from the increasing pressure to which you refer? We will not allow ourselves to think that the proposition is, 'that we consent to give up sla very, to the end that the Hunter proclamation raawbe let loosqon the Southern people, for it „ is too well known that we would not be parties f'' to any such measure, and w t e have too much re spect for you to imagine you would propose it. Can it mean that by sacrificing our interest in * slavery we appease the spirit that controls that pressure, cause it to be withdrawn, and rid the country of the pestilent agitation of the slavery question? We are forbidden so to think, for that spirit would not be satisfied with the liberation of seven hundred thousand slaves, and cease its agitation, while three millions remain in bondage. Can it mean tlpit by abandoning slavery in our States we are removing the pressure from you and the country, by preparing for a separation on the lincttf the cotton States? We are forbid den so to tliiuk, because it ia known that we are, and we believe that you are. unalterably oppo sed to any division at all. We would prefer to think that you desire this concession as a pledge of our support, and thus enable you to with stand a pressure which weighs heavily on you and the country. Mr. President, no such sac rifice is necessary to secure our support. Con fine yourself to your constitutional authority; confine your subordinates within the same lim its; conduct this war solely for the purpose of * restoring the Constitution to its legitimate au thority ; concede to each state and its loyal citi zens their just rights, and we are wedded to you by indissoluble ties. Do this, Mr. President, and you touch the American hoarv and invigo rate it with new hope. You will, as we solemn ly believe, in due time restore peace to your country, lift it from despondency to a future of glory, and preserve to your countrymen, their posterity, and toman, the inestimable txeusureof constitutional government. Mr. President, we have stated with frank new and candor the reasons on which we forbore to vote for the resolution you have mentioned; but you have again presented this proportion, and appealed to us, with an earnestness and elo quence which have not failed to impress us, to "consider it, and at least to commend it totho consideration of our States and people." Ihue appealed to by the Chief Magistrate of ° ul '. b®* tr^ann^hdlH^"'e nf trust evory question relating to their interest and happiness to the consideration and ultimate judg ment of our own people. While differing from you as to'the necessity of emancipating the slave* of our States as a means of putting down 'be rebellion, and while protesting against the pro priety of any extra territorial interference to in duce the people of our States to adopt any par ticular line of policy on a subject which peculi arly and exclusively belongs to them; yet when you and our brethren of the loyal States sin cerely believe that the retention of slavery by us is an obstacle to peace and national harmp" ny, and arc willing to contribute pecuniary aid to compensate our States and people for the in conveniences produced by such a change of sys tem, wo are not unwilling that our people sjiatf consider the propriety of putting it aside. But we have already'said that we regard this resolution as the utterance of a sentiment, and wc had no confidence tlmt it would assume tho shape of aAangible practical proposition, which would yielcnhe fruits of the sacrifice it required. Our people are influenced by the same want of confidence, and will not consider the proposition in its impalpable form. Tho interest they aro asked to five up is to them of immense import ance, and they ought not to beexpocted even to entertain the proposal until they are assured that when they accept it their just expectations will not be frustrated. We regard your plnn as a proposition from the Nation to the States to exercise an admitted constitutional right in a particular manner and yield up a valuable inter est. Before they ought to consider the proposi tion it should be presented "in such a tangible, practical, efficient shape as to command their confidence that its fruits are contingent only up on their acceptance. Wo cannot trust any thing to the contingencies of future legislation. If Congress, by proper and necessary legislation, shall provide sufficient funds and place them your disposal to bo applied by yon to the pay ment of any of our States or the citi sens there of who shall adopt the abolishment of slavery, cither gradual or immediate, as they may deter mine. and the expense of deportation and colo nization of the liberated slaves, then will our States and people take this proposition into care ful consideration, for auoh decision as in their judgment is demnnded by their interests, for their honor, and their duty to the whole oountry. We havo the honor to be, with great respect-, C. A. WICKLIFFE, Chairman . GARRETT DAVIS, R. WILSON, I J. CRITTENDEN, J NO. S. CARLTLE, J. W. CRIBFJELD, ■ i S. JACKSON, H. GRIDER, JOHN 8. PILKLFB, FR ANCTS 'THOMAS, , CHARLES B. CALVEBT, C. L. T,. LEAKY, EDWIN IJ. WEBSTER, K. MALLORY, • AARON HARDING. JAMES S. ROLLINS, J. W. MF.NOTES. TIIOS. L. I'RTCE, G W. DUNLAP, WM. A lIALt.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers