THE BEDFORD GAZETTE
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TSVwm TO BE REMEMBERED.
A3 SUNG BY H. M. ROGERS.
'Tis sweet to be remembered in the turmoils of
this life,
Wbilo toiling up its pathway, while mingling in
its strife,
While wnnd'ring o'er eartlW borders, or sailing
on the sea,
'lis sweet to be remembered wherever wc may be.
When those we love arc absent from our hearth
stone and our side,
'Tis toy to know that pleasure, that peace with
them abide,
And thpt although we're absent, we're thought
of day by day,
'Tis sweet to be remembered by those who're far
away.
When all our toil is ended, the conflict all is done,
And peace in sweetest accents proclaims the vic
tory won,
When hushed are all our sorrows and calm is
all the strife,
'Tis sweet to be remembered in the closing hour
of "life.
STATE EDUCATIONAL CONVENTION.
SECOND MEETING.
The Professors and Trustees of Colleges and
Normal Schools, the Principals and Assistants
of Academies and Female Seminaries and the
Trustees of such as are incorporated, the Prin
cipals and Assistants of the High and Graded
Common Schools, the Teachers of such other
Common Schools as can attend, the Directors
and County Superintendents of the State, and
the active friends of education generally, are re
spectfully invited to meet in Convention, in the
Hall of the House of Representatives, at the
City of Harrisburg, on TUESDAY, Acottaro,
1852, at 10 o'clock, A. M.
The business of the Convention will be to
hear reports on, and to discuss and if possible
arrive at a ci"" ,,on an d harmonious undcrstand-
j n{r ~f itte following subjects:
COMMON SCHOOLS :
"Standard of Qualiticutions of Teachers; the
means of rendering it uniform throughout the
State."—Committee: Messrs. Deans, of Dela
ware, Johns, of Tioga, of Beaver,
Ford, of Indiana, und MeCrcary, of Adams.
"School Visitation byCountySuperintendents;
its main object and the best mode of performing
j(. pninniittcc . Rallm*". "f
"woodruff", of Chester, and Berry, of Clinton.
"Relation of the County Superintendent to In
stitutes —District and County." —Committee:
Messrs. Coburn, of Bradford, Evans, of Lan
caster, and Jack, of Westmoreland.
"The Grading of Schools, and the duty of the
County Superintendent in promoting it."—Com
mittee : Messrs. Cruikshank, of Montgomery,
Savage, of Erie, and Blair, of York.
"The Sphere of the Common School, its pe
culiar position in the general edneuronal system
of theState."—Committee:
•of Berks. Smith, of Mifflin, and Builington, of
Washington.
NORMAB SCHOOLS:
Their relation to the Teachers' Profession. —
Committee: Messrs.Walker,of Luzerne, llouek,
of Lebanon, and Tyler, of Susquehanna.
Their relation to the County Superintenden
cy.—Committee: Messrs. Home, ol Bucks,
Morrison, of Lawrence, Hobbs, of Lancaster.
Their Course of Study and Methods of In
struction.—Committee: Messrs.Wickersliam, ot
Lancaster, Taylor, of Chester, and Burgess, of
Columbia.
The arrangement of their Buildings.—Com
mittee: Messrs. Bates, of Dauphin, Dicffeubach,
of Clinton, and Wickershatn, of Lancaster.
The best means of promoting their establish
ment.—Committee: Messrs.Overholt,ot Bucks,
Burr, of Lancaster, and Lit core, of Elk. *
HIGH SCHOOLS, ACADEMIES AND FEMALE SEMI
NARIES.
Their Course of Studies.—Committee: Mes
srs. Davis, of Franklin, Darlington,' of Chester,
and Hamilton, of Cumberland.
The relation of the Common High School to
the Academy and Female Seminary.—Commit
tee: Messrs. Dcnlingcr, of Cumberland, Hay,
of Harrisburg, and McFarland, of Juniata.
Their relation to the lower schools and also
to the Colleges.—Committee: Messrs. Dodge,
of Lancaster, Loomis, of Crawford, and Hei
ges, of York.
COLLEGES :
Present condition and wants of the Colleges;
The relation of the Colleges to our Education
al system, and also to the community generally;
and The proper course of Studies for the Col
legos.—Committee: Messrs. Johnson, of Dick
enson, Kennedy, of the Polytechnic, and Ger
hart, of Franklin and Marshall.
EDUCATIONAL SYSTEMS OF THE STATES :
A condensed report on the Educational sys
tem of the various States of the Union.—Com
mittee: Messrs. Kennedy, of Phil'a., Bates, of
Harrisburg, and Pugh, of Centre.
It is earnestly urged on all who feel an inter
est in the great work of harmonizing the scat
tered elements of our educational system, and
of thus completing the grand idea of our ances
tors,' adequately to the wants of the present and
the protccticTt and safety of the future, —to as
semble on this occasion. At the first meeting,
when nothing was done further than a hasty
survey of the ground to be occupied and an es
timate of the work to be done—beyond the ex
pectation of all. the time was pleasantly spent
and the proceedings were interesting and profit
able. Now, who., the results of a careful in
vestigation are to be heard and matured conclu
sions on so many vitally important points to be
presented,—the intcres' of the occasion and its
permanent utility cannot fail to be much grent-
BeMoxb
VOLUME as.
NEW SERIES.
or. It is therefore hoped that tl>e effort will be
sustained by till who glory in the present unci
are willing to labor for the future of our belov
ed commonwealth.
The order of exercises and the length of the
session will of course depend upon the pleasure
of the Convention itself; but probably the pro
ceedings will be somewhat in the order above
given—each report being followed by a discus
sion of its subject. The duration ot the session,
if the convention be fully attended, will proba
bly be three days.
The usual arrangements for the accommoda
tion of the members at the place of meeting and
for facilitating their travel thither, will be made
in time and announced in the Philadelphia, llur
risburg und Pittsburg papers, before the day of
meeting. Tito. 11. BUTQTOWES,
S. D. INGRAM,
D. S. BURNS,
J. B. LOOMIS,
W. C. WILSON,
Com. of Airungeincnt.
Harrisburg, June 30, 1862.
Pennsylvania State Teachers' Association:
Meets at Rending, Berks county, TUESDAY,
August 12, 1862, and continues three days.
PROGRAMME OF EXERCISES.
Tuesday, A. M., 10 o'clock —lst. Organiza
tion. 2d. Miscellaneous business.
Afternoon, 2 o'clock. —3d. Address by the
President, AZARIAH SMITH, Esq. 4th, Report,
subject: "Illustrated Science in our Schools,"
byE. McKec, of Alleghany county. sth, Dis
cussion. subject: "What are the prominent ob
jects ot Text-Books, and to what extent should
thev 1)0 used?"
'Evening, 8 o'clock. —6th, Address by Prof. S.
D. Tillman, of Dickinson College, subject:
"Natural Science." 7th. Miscellaneous business.
Wednesday, B.l o'clock, A.M. —lst, Discus
sion, subject: "Should a military spirit bo en
couraged among the pupils of our schools?" 2d,
Report, subject: How to teach the English lan
guage to German children, by J. S. Ermentrout,
of Berks county.
Afternoon, 2 o'clock. —3d, Report, subject:
"Should pupils who attend school six hours a
day be required to study at home?" by E. B.
Weaver, of Lancaster county. 4 tli, Discussion,
subject: "To what extent should Gymnastic
exercises lie introduced in tho schools ?"
Evening, 8 o'clock. —sth, Address. (Not yet
engaged.) 6th, Poem, by Annie F. Kent, of
Chester county.
Thursday, 8J o'clock, A. M. —Ist, Election of
officers and Report of Executive Committee.
2d, Discussion, subject: "What is tho true phi-
Report, subject:
"The study of History and Geography in the
common schools," by \V. F. Wyers, of West
Chester. 4th, Discussion, subject: "Should
Vocal Music be taught in the public schools ?"
sth, General business."
Evening, 8 o'clock. —Social meeting. Addres
ses by the State Superintendent and others.
THE PRESIDENT'S APPEAL
To the Border .States and the Reply of
their Representatives.
[From tho National Intelligencer.]
The Representatives and Senators of the Bor
der Slaveholding States having, by special imi
tation of the President, been convened at the
Executive Mansion on Saturday morning last,
Mr. Lincoln addressed them as follows from a
written paper held in his hands:
GENTLEMEN '.—After the adjournment of Con
gress, now near, I shall have no opportunity ot
seeing you for several months. Believing that
you of the Border States hold more power for
good than any other equal number ot mem
bers, I feel it a duty which 1 cunnot justifiably
waive to make this appeal to you.
I intend no reproach or complaint when I as
sure you that, in my opinion, if you all had
voted for the resolution in the gradual emanci
pation message of last March, the war would
now be substantially ended. And the plan
therein proposed is yet one of the most potent
anil switt means of ending it. Let the States
which are in rebellion sec definitely and certain
ly that in no event will the States you represent
ever join the proposed Confederacy, and they
cannot much longer mnintain the contest. But
you cannot divest them of their hope to ulti
mately have you with them so long us you show
a determination to perpetuate the .nslitution
within your own States. Beat them at elec
tions, as you have overwhelmingly done, and,
nothing daunted, they still claim you as their
own. You and I know what the lever of their
power is. Break that lever before their faces,
and they can shake you no more forever.
Most of you have treated me with kindness
and consideration, and I trust you will not now
think I improperly touch what is exclusively
your own, when, for the sake of the whole
country, I ask, "can you, for your States, do
better than to take the course I urge 1 Discar
ding punctilio and maxims adapted to more man
ageable times, and looking only to the unprc
cedontly stern facts of our case, can you do bet
ter in any possible event? You prefer that tho
constitutional relation of the State to the. na
tion shall lie practically restored without distur
bance of the institution; and, if this were
done, my whole duty, in this respect, under the
Constitution and my oath of office, would be
performed. But it is not done, and wc are
trying to accomplish it by war. The incidents
of the war cannot be avoided. If the war con
tinues long, as it must if the object be not soon
er attained, the institution in your Slates will
be extinguished by tnere friction and abrasion—
by the mere incidents of the war. It will bo
gone, and you will have nothing valuable in
lieu of it. iluch of its value is gone already.
How much better for you and for your pcoplo
to take the step which at once shortens the war,
and secures substantial compensation for that
which is sure to be wholly lust in any other e
?reedom of Thought and Opinion.
BEDFORD, PA* FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 1, 18S2-
vent! How much better to tints save the tnon- i
ev which else we sink forever in the war! llow
much better to do it while we can, lest the war
ere long render us pecuniarily unable to do it!
How much better for you, as seller, and the
nation, as buyer, to sell out and buy out that
without which the war could never have been, I
than to sink both the thing to he sold and the
price of it in cutting one another's throats 1
I do not speak of emancipation at once, but
of a decision at once to emancipate gradually.— j
Room in South America forcolonizatiou can be '
obtained cheaply, and in abundance, and when!
numbers shall be large enough to bo company 1
and encouragement for one another, the freed
people will not lie so reluctant to go. j
I am pressed with a difficulty not yet men
tioned—one which threatens division .among
those who, united, are none too strong. An
instance of it is known to you. Gen Hunter
is an honest man. Ho was, and I hope still is,
my friend. I value him none the lass for his a
greeing with me in the • general wish that all
men everywhere could be freed. He proclaim
ed all men free within cc'rtain States, and I repu
diated the proclamation. He expected more
good nrd less harm from the measure than I
could believe would follow. Yet, in repudia
ting it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not offence, to
many whose Support the country cannot afford
to lose. And this js not .the end of it. The
pressqre in this direction is still upon mo und
is increasing. By conceding what I now ask
you can relieve me, and, much more, can re
lieve the country in this important point.
Upon these considerations I have again lag
ged your attention to the message of March
last. Before leaving the Capitol, consider and
discuss it among yourselves. You are patriots
and statesmen, and as such I pray you consider
this proposition, and at the least commend it
to tho consideration of your State and people.
As you would perpetuate poiiul.tr government
for the best people in tho worid, I beseech you
that you do in nowise omit 40?. Our common
country is in great peril, the lofti
est views and boldi st action to a speedy
relief. Once relieved, its form of government
is saved to tho world ; its beloved history and
cherished memories are via heated, aal its
happy future fully assured and rendered incon
ceivably grand. To you, more than
others, the privilege is given to assure that
happiness ami swell that grandeur, and to link
►our own names therewith forever.
After the conclusion of these remarks sonre
conversation wus had between the President
and several members of the delegation from
tho Border Stutes, in which it was represented
jßilf. tJ, rtfUl nil WiA,ili i.y ■* j4. 1 ■ mtmjl I
in so great a matter as that brought to their
notice in tho foregoing address while as yet tire
Congress had taken no step beyond the passage
of a resolution, expressive ratiier of a senti
ment than presenting a substantial and reliable
basis of action.
The President acknowledged tho force of this
view, and admitted that the Border States were
entitled to expect a substantial pledge of pecu
niary aid as the condition of taking into con
sideration a proposition so important in re
lations to their social system.
It was further represented, in tho Confer
ence, that the people of tho Border States were
interested in knowing the great importance
which the President attached to the policy in
question, while it was equally duo to the coun
try, to the President mi l to themselves that the
Representatives of the Border Slaveholdmg
Slaves should publicly announce the motives
under which tiny wire called to act and tho
considerations of public policy urged upon them
and their constituents by the President.
With a view to such a statement of their pos
ition. the members thus addressed met in coun
cil to deliberate on the reply they should make
to the President, and, as the result of a com
parison of opinion among themselves, they de
termined u[ion the adoption of a majority and
a minority answer.
JJEI'LY OF THE MAJORITY.
Tlic following paper was yesterday sent to the
President, signed by the majority of tho Rep
resentatives from the Borderslaveholding States:
WASHINGTON, July 14, 18(52.
To the President: —The undersigned, Repre
sentatives of Kentucky, Virginia, .Missouri, and
Maryland, in the two Houses of Congress, have
listened to your address with the profound sen
sibility naturally inspired by tho high source
from which it emanates,'the earnestness which
marked its delivery, and tho overwhelming im
portance of the subject of which it treats. \\ e
have given it a most respectful consideration,
and now lay before you our response. We regret
that want of time has not permitted us to make
it more perfect.
We have not been wantir\g, Mr. President,
in respect to you, and in devotion to the Consti
tution and the Union. Wo have not been in
different to tho great difficulties surrounding
you, compared with which all former national
troubles have been but as tho summer cloud;
and wc have freely given you our sympathy and
support. Repudiating the dangorous horcsics
of the Secessionists, we believed, with you, that
the war on tlicir part is aggressive and wicked,
and the objects for which it was to be prosecu
ted on ours, defined by your message at the ope
ning of the present Congress, to be such as all
good men should approve, we have not hesita
ted to vote all supplies necessary to carry it on
vigorously. We have voted allthe men and mon
ey you have asked for, and even more; we have
imposed onerous taxes on our people, and they
are paj ing them with cheerfulness and alacrity;
we have encouraged enlistments and sent to tho
field many of our best men; and some of our
number have offered their persons to the enemy
as pledges of fheir sincerity and devotion to
country. have done all this under tho most
discouraging circumstances and in the face of
measures most distasteful"to us and injurious to
the interests we represent, and in Jjic hearing
of doctrines avowed by those who claim to be
your friends most abhorrent to us and our con
stituents. But, for all this, we have never fal
tered, nor shall we as long as wc have a Con
stitution to defend and oG ovcrnment which
protects us. And we for renewed
efforts, and even yea, any
sacrifice, when we are satisfied it is required to
preserve our admirable form of government and
priceless blessings of constitutional liberty.
A few of our number voted for the resolu
tion recommended by your message of the 6th
of March last, the greater portion of us did
not and wc yill briefly state the prominent rea
sons which influenced our action.
j In the first plaee, it proposed a radical change
' <L our social system, and was hurried through
both Houses with undue haste, without reason
able time for consideration and debate, and
nath no time at ail for consultation with our
constituents, whose interests it deeply involved,
i It seemed like an interference by this Govertt
■ ment with a question which peculiarly and ex
i elusively belonged to our respective States, on
Which they had not sought advice or solicited
aid. Many of us doubted the constitutional
power of this Government to make appropria
tions of money for the object designated, and all
of us thought our finances were in no condition
to bear the immense outlay which its adoption
ATID faithful execution would impose upon the
National Treasury. If we pause but a moment
in think of the debt its acceptance would have
i;)tailed we are appalled by its magnitude. The
proposition was addressed to all the StatPS,
und embraced the wholetiutnlier of slaves. Ac
cording to the census of 1860 there were then
very nearly four millions slaves in the country;
from natural increase they exceed that number
now. At even the low average of three hun
dred dollars, the price fixed by the emaneipa
i tjwn act for the slaves of this District, and great
lv below*oeir real worth, their value runs up
! to the enormous sum of twelve hundred millions
of dollars; and if to that we add the cost of de
j portation and colonization, at one hunercd dol
i lars each, which is but a fraction more than is
| actually paid by the Maryland Colonization
' Society, we have four hundred millions more!
| We were not willing to impose a tax on our
: people sufficient to pay the interest on that sum,
; in addition to the vast and daily increasing debt
' already fixed upon them by the exigencies of
I the war; and, if we had Iteen willing, the eoun
j try could not bear it. Stated in this form the
' ptwposition is nothing less than the deportation
I from the country of sixteen hundred million
1 dollars wonh t producing labor and the sub
; stjmtion in its plaee of an iuterest bearing debt
V if we are tolh tltaf it was expected that
oft)' the States we represent would accept the
proposition, wc respectfully submit that even
then it involves a sum too great for the financial
ability of this Government at this time. Ac
cording to the census of 1860—
i Kentucky had 225,490 slave?.
Maryland 87,188 "
Virginia 490,887 "
Delaware 1,798 "
Missouri 114,965 "
Tennessee 275,784 "
i Making in the whole 1,196,112 "
i At the same rate of valuation this would a
i mount to $358,833,600
Add for deportation and colonization SIOO •
i each $119,224,532
s And we have the enormous sum of $ 178,078,-
i 133.
> We did not feel that we should he justified in
voting for a measure which, if carried out,
• would add this vast amount to our public debt
" at a moment when the Treasury was reeling
s under the enormous expenditures of the war.
Again, it scorned to us- that this resolution
was but the annunciation of a sentiment which
' could not or was not likely to be reduced to an
actual, tangible proposition. No movement was
then made to provide and appropriate the funds
required to carry it into effect; and we were
' not encouraged to believe that funds would lie
• provided. And our belief lias laicn fully justi
: tied by subsequent events. Not to mention
other circumstances, it is' quite sufficient for
- our purpose to bring to your notice the fact,
1 that, while this resolutiu® was under consider
s ation in the Senate, our colleague, the Senator
- from Kentucky, moved an amendment appro
-3 printing $500,000 to the object therein designa
l ted, and it was voted down with great ttnnnimi
- ty. What confidence, then, could we rcaaon
;' ably feel tbat if wc commited ourselves to the
, ! pulley it proposed, our constituents would reap
t the fruits of the promise held out; and on what
3 ground could we, as fair men, approach them
and challenge their support ?
The right to hold slaves is a right appertain
ing to all-the States of this Union. They have
the right, to cherish or abolish the institution, as
their tastes or other interests may prompt, and
no one is authorised to question the right, or
limit its enjoyment. And no one lias more
1 clearly affirmed that right than you havo.—Your
j inaugural address does you groat honor, in this
t respect, in yout fairness and respect for the law.
, Our States are in the enjoyment of that right.
■ We do not feel called ou to defend the institu
■ tion, or to affirm it is one which ought to bo
I cherished; perhaps, if wc were to make tho at
- tempt, we might find tlint wo differ even among
t ! ourselves. It is enough for our purpose to
- know that it is a right; and, BO knowing, wc
> did not see why wo should now be expected to
r yield it. We had contributed our full share to
; relieve the country at this terrible cri. is; we
s bad done us much as had been required of otli
• ers, in like circumstances; anil we did not see
r why sacrifices should bo expected of us from
i which others, no more loyal, were exempt. —
t Nor could wc see what good tho Nation would
f derive from it. Such n sacrifice' submitted to
> bv us would not have strengthened the arut of
; this Government or weakened that of the one-
WHOI.G NVMBER, 3013
my. It was not necessary as a pledge of our
loyalty, for thiit had been manifested beyond a
reasonable doubt, in every form, and at every
date, and at every place possible. There was
not the remotest probability that the States we
represent would join in the rebellion, nor is there
now; or of their electing to go with the South
ern section in the event of a recognition of the
independence of any part of the disaffected re
gion.—Our States are fixed unalterably in their
resolution to adhere to and supportlhe Union; they
see no safety for themselves and no hope for
constitutional liberty but by its preservation.
They will under no circumstances consent to
its dissolution, and we do them no more than
juetice when we assure you that while the war
is conducted to prevent that deplorable catastro
phe, they will sustain it as long as they can
muster a man or command a dollar. Nor will
they ever consent, in any event, to unite with
the Southern Confederacy. The bitter fruits of
the peculiar doctrines of that region will forever
prevent them from placing their security and
iiappiness in the custody of an association
which has incorporated in its organic law the
seeds of its own destruction.
\Ve cannot admit, Mr. President, that if we
had voted for the resolution in the emancipa
tion message of March last the war would now
be substantially ended. We are unable to see
how our action in this particular has given, or
could gifrc encouragement to the rebellion. The
resolution has passed; and if there be virtue in
it, it will be quite as eiiicacious as if we had
vctod for it. We have no power to bind our
States in this respect by our votes here; and
whether we had voted the one way or the oth
er, they are in the same condition of freedom
to accept or reject its provisions. No, sir; the
war has not been prolonged or hindered by our
action on this or any other measure. We must
look for other causes for that lamented fact.—
We think there is not much dillieulty, not much
uncertainty, in pointing out others far more
probable and potent in their agencies to that
end.
The rebellion derives its strength from the un
ion of all classes in the insurgent and
while that union lasts the war will nwer end
untill they are utterly exhausted. We know
that at the inception of these troubles Southern
society was divitfed, and that a large portion,
perhaps a majority, were opposed to secession.
Now the great mass of Southern people are uni
ted. To discover why they are so we must
glance at Southern society and notice the clas
ses into which it has been djgjjded, and which
still distinguish it. Tbey are in arms, but
for the the same objects; they are moved to a
, "'tinning end, but by different and even inconsis
tent reasons' x#b leader*, wliub c*Mutirtiheod#-j
what was previously known as the State Eights
party, and is much the lesser class, seek to
break down national independence and set up
State domination. With them it is a war a
gainst nationality. The other class is fighting,
■as it supposes, to maintain and preserve its rights
of property anil domestic safety, which it has
been made to believe are assailed by t his Gov
ernment. This latter class are not disunionisti
per se, they are so only because they have been
made to believe that this Administration is in
imical to their rights, and is making war on
their domcßlic institutions. As long as these
two classes act together they will never assent
to a peace. The policy, then, to be pursued is
obvious. The former class will never bo re
conciled, but the latter may be.—Remove their
apprehensions: satisfy them that 110 harm is in
tended to them and their institutions; that this
Government is not making war on their rights
of property, but is simply defending its legiti
ttc authority, and they will gladly return to
ir allegiance as soon as the pressure of mili
tary dominion imposed by the ConfiSleruto au
thority is removed from them.
Twelve months ago both Houses of Congress,
adopting the spirit of your message, then but
recently sent in, declared with singular unan
imity the objects of the war, and the country
instantly hounded to your side to assist you in
carrying it on. If the spirit of that resolution
had beentulhered to we are confident that wo
should itfcrc now have seen the end ol this de
plorable conflict. But what have we seen? In
both Houses of Congress we have heard doc
trines subversive of the principles of the Con
stitution, and seen measure after measure foun
ded in substance on those doctrines proposed
and carried through which can have noother ef
fect than to distract and divide loyal men, and
exasperate and drive still further from us ami
their duty the people of the rebellious States.
Military officers, following these bad examples,
have stepped beyond the just limits of their au
thority in the same direction, until in several
instances you have felt the necessity of inter
fering to arrest them. And even the passage
of the resolution to which you refer has been
ostentatiously proclaimed as the triumph of a
principle which the people of the Southern
States regard as ruinous to them. The effect
of these measures was foretold, and may now
be seen in the indurated state of Southern feel
ing.
To these causes, Mr. President, and not to
our omission to vote for the resolution recom
mended by you, we solemnly believe we arc to
attribute the terrible earnestness of those in
arms against the Government and the continu
ance of the war. Nor do we (permit us to aay,
Mr. President, with all respect for you) agroo
that tho institution of slavery is "tho lever of
their power," but we are of tho opinion that,
"the lever of their power" is the apprehension
that the powers of a common Government, cre
ated for common and equal protection to tho
interests of all, will bo yielded against tho in
stitutions of the Southern States.
There is one other Iffoa in your address we
feel called on to notice. After stating the fact
of your repudiation of Gen. Hunter's procla
mation, you a'll:.
"Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction,
if not otf.nco, to many whose support the ecu;.-
Rates of fttajertifltaj
One Squire, three weester 1eek....... .91 M
One Sqitere, each additional iniertioo ieae
than three montbi
a MONTBI, 6 MONTHB, t rill.
One iquare • 92 00 93 00 $5 09
Two tquarei 3 00 3 00 0 00
Three iquarea *OO.JJ 00 12 00
i Column 300 %00 13 00
i Column 800 13 00 20 00
i Column 12 00 18 00 30 00
One Column 18 00 30 00 30 00
The ipiee occupied by ten linei f this aiae of
type rounti one iquare. All fraction! of a iquara
under fiee lines will be measured as a half square 4
and all over five lines ai a full iquare. All legal
advertisement! will be charged person band
ing them in. *
VOL. 5. NO. 52
try cannot afford to lose. And this is not the
end of it. The pressure in this direction is
still upon me and increasing. By conceding
what I now ask, you can relieve the country in
this important point."
Wc have anxiously looked into this passage to
discover its true import, but we are yet in pain
ful uncertainty. How can we, by conceding
what you now nsk, relieve you and the country
from the increasing pressure to which you refer?
We will not allow ourselves to think that the
proposition is, 'that we consent to give up sla
very, to the end that the Hunter proclamation
raawbe let loosqon the Southern people, for it „
is too well known that we would not be parties f''
to any such measure, and w t e have too much re
spect for you to imagine you would propose it.
Can it mean that by sacrificing our interest in *
slavery we appease the spirit that controls that
pressure, cause it to be withdrawn, and rid the
country of the pestilent agitation of the slavery
question? We are forbidden so to think, for that
spirit would not be satisfied with the liberation
of seven hundred thousand slaves, and cease its
agitation, while three millions remain in bondage.
Can it mean tlpit by abandoning slavery in our
States we are removing the pressure from you
and the country, by preparing for a separation
on the lincttf the cotton States? We are forbid
den so to tliiuk, because it ia known that we are,
and we believe that you are. unalterably oppo
sed to any division at all. We would prefer to
think that you desire this concession as a pledge
of our support, and thus enable you to with
stand a pressure which weighs heavily on you
and the country. Mr. President, no such sac
rifice is necessary to secure our support. Con
fine yourself to your constitutional authority;
confine your subordinates within the same lim
its; conduct this war solely for the purpose of *
restoring the Constitution to its legitimate au
thority ; concede to each state and its loyal citi
zens their just rights, and we are wedded to you
by indissoluble ties. Do this, Mr. President,
and you touch the American hoarv and invigo
rate it with new hope. You will, as we solemn
ly believe, in due time restore peace to your
country, lift it from despondency to a future of
glory, and preserve to your countrymen, their
posterity, and toman, the inestimable txeusureof
constitutional government.
Mr. President, we have stated with frank new
and candor the reasons on which we forbore to
vote for the resolution you have mentioned; but
you have again presented this proportion, and
appealed to us, with an earnestness and elo
quence which have not failed to impress us, to
"consider it, and at least to commend it totho
consideration of our States and people." Ihue
appealed to by the Chief Magistrate of ° ul '. b®*
tr^ann^hdlH^"'e nf
trust evory question relating to their interest and
happiness to the consideration and ultimate judg
ment of our own people. While differing from
you as to'the necessity of emancipating the slave*
of our States as a means of putting down 'be
rebellion, and while protesting against the pro
priety of any extra territorial interference to in
duce the people of our States to adopt any par
ticular line of policy on a subject which peculi
arly and exclusively belongs to them; yet when
you and our brethren of the loyal States sin
cerely believe that the retention of slavery by
us is an obstacle to peace and national harmp"
ny, and arc willing to contribute pecuniary aid
to compensate our States and people for the in
conveniences produced by such a change of sys
tem, wo are not unwilling that our people sjiatf
consider the propriety of putting it aside.
But we have already'said that we regard this
resolution as the utterance of a sentiment, and
wc had no confidence tlmt it would assume tho
shape of aAangible practical proposition, which
would yielcnhe fruits of the sacrifice it required.
Our people are influenced by the same want of
confidence, and will not consider the proposition
in its impalpable form. Tho interest they aro
asked to five up is to them of immense import
ance, and they ought not to beexpocted even to
entertain the proposal until they are assured
that when they accept it their just expectations
will not be frustrated. We regard your plnn as
a proposition from the Nation to the States to
exercise an admitted constitutional right in a
particular manner and yield up a valuable inter
est. Before they ought to consider the proposi
tion it should be presented "in such a tangible,
practical, efficient shape as to command their
confidence that its fruits are contingent only up
on their acceptance. Wo cannot trust any thing
to the contingencies of future legislation. If
Congress, by proper and necessary legislation,
shall provide sufficient funds and place them
your disposal to bo applied by yon to the pay
ment of any of our States or the citi sens there
of who shall adopt the abolishment of slavery,
cither gradual or immediate, as they may deter
mine. and the expense of deportation and colo
nization of the liberated slaves, then will our
States and people take this proposition into care
ful consideration, for auoh decision as in their
judgment is demnnded by their interests, for their
honor, and their duty to the whole oountry.
We havo the honor to be, with great respect-,
C. A. WICKLIFFE, Chairman
. GARRETT DAVIS,
R. WILSON,
I J. CRITTENDEN,
J NO. S. CARLTLE,
J. W. CRIBFJELD, ■
i S. JACKSON,
H. GRIDER,
JOHN 8. PILKLFB,
FR ANCTS 'THOMAS, ,
CHARLES B. CALVEBT,
C. L. T,. LEAKY,
EDWIN IJ. WEBSTER,
K. MALLORY,
• AARON HARDING.
JAMES S. ROLLINS,
J. W. MF.NOTES.
TIIOS. L. I'RTCE,
G W. DUNLAP,
WM. A lIALt.