the 31st of December. 1889, the pas- Bender traffic increased by over three million persons, and the gross receipts by over 50,000 pounds, or about $250,- 000. As the total number of people annually carried by the Hungary railroads has not, hitherto, exceeded 1,500,000 persons, fhe large increase in live months is remarkable. It is said that no extra expense has been incurred, and. in fact, that economies have been effected in the ticket issue department, owing to the facilities now afforded for obtaining tickets at postofflces, stores, and other places in town. In real truth, the Hungarians send themselves by stamps, just as they and we do our letters. This is a showing that merits the most careful attention, and especially when it is remembered that the State railways of Hungary cover only 0,170 miles. The fare is so low that a ride of six miles costs only one cent, moreover the wages of railroad men have been doubled since government ownership began. Vrooman's report of the German railroads are that the gov ernment lirst assumed the ownerehip of the railways in 1843. The cost to the end of 1892 has been 10,020.240,000 marks. Receipts for 1892 on Government roads were 1.348,804,000 marks. Expenses, 877,054,000 marks. Profits, 472,810,000 marks (or 4.4 cents). The average passenger fare * is .0117 per mile and the average freight rate is .0147 per ton per mile. During the last ten years the profits have increased 41 per cent, and wages are 120 per cent, higher than under private ownership. The fare for third class travel (which is a large per cent, of all) is only one cent for four miles. The State employed 340,553 persons on railways in 1890, and paid them 404,286,555 marks (about $90.- 220,000). There were 59,130 other per sons employed in shops on repairing, gas making, etc. There were 1,316 employed for every 100 miles of road ! in 1890. There were 7,331 stations I and 1,305 signal stations. In speed the law prescribes a limit j of 50 to 55 miles per hour for main line passenger trains with air I brakes. The fastest trains in the world, taking average speed, are on the Berlin & Hamburg line of 178 miles, where the rates for through passenger trains average 48.9 miles an hour. Now then you will note that the average rate on freight is .0147 cents per ton mile. The study of this per ton mile rate on freight is an inter esting study. 1 hold in my hand a re ceipted freight bill for the freight charges on a car load of oil well sup plies shipped from Harmony, Pa., to Unity, Pa., a distance of 49 miles; the cost was $46.60 for the car load of 16 tons, or $2.91 per tor for the 49 miles, or 5.93 cents per ton mile. Here I have another freight bill that shows that 1 paid 4.32 cents per ton mile. Both of these shipments were of the liftli and sitftli class, and I take it that these bills ar<- about the average freight rates that the people pay on the transportation of their products, but the statistics show that the average of all the freight shipments of the United States is only .85 of 1 cent per ton mile. These facts con vict the railroad managers of a great crime. For these freight bills here show that the public is being robbed for the benefit of the stockholder, wli'Y the statistics show that the stockholders are being robbed for the benefit of the trusts, monopolies and favored shippers. Here is a problem. If the average cost for freight in SUPPLEMENT. America is only .85 ui o ie cent per ton mile, and the public i* obliged to j pay from 4.32 to 5.93 c per ton mile, ; then in order to bring the average j freight rate of the country down to .85 of one ton mile, what i must the monopolies and favored i shippers pay? The answer to this ! question would answer the eve * occur- j ing question: Why are so m. .Ny of! our railroads in the hands of re- : ceivers? The facts are that many of i these (bankrupt roads have been j robbed for the benefit of the favored ' shippers, just as the Atcheson, Topeka and Santa Fe railroad was. | In the United States, under corpor- | ate ownership, in 1892, the railways carried 575,770.000 passengers, and i killed 7,047 passengers, and injured j 37,164, including employes. Under ! government ownership, in Germany, I in 1892, the German railroads carried j 464,013,000 passengers, killed 726 pass- ! engers, and injured 2.542 passengers. \ The figures show that the persons | killed under corporate ownership in I the United States, are nearly one I thousand percent greater than they ' are under government ownership, in I Germany, and that the people injured ! , under corporate ownership is nearly | ! six hundred per cent greater than j they are under government ownership. : These figures speak volumes, and I present them to you tor your earnest consideration. In conclusion let me say, that the power of the ten billions of capital organized in the highways of the Republic, backed by the billions of the monopolies and trusts organized J ■ in one common conspiracy to take I from the people the wealth produced I by them, is a power that is taking j awav the control of government from the intelligent rule of the masses, and we must shake loose tl. se fetters 1 that bind us. or American liberties I ; are lost, and lost forever. The author of the "Highways of the Republic,' 1 is a thorough Democrat, j He at one time ably represented his i district in the State legislature and has j always taken a leading part in every forward movement of the party. With bin Democracy means the rule of the common people; govern- ■ ment administered for the protection j of their rights, the preservation of i their liberties, the advancement of i their interests, the promotion of their ! welfare. He looks upon the Demo- j cratic party as the party of the peo-1 pie, and believes that it should be this j ■ at all times everywhere. He is an ! ardent supporter of the principles of j the Chicago platlorm, believing them , I to lie the expression of true Democ-1 ; racy, and hopes to see them made the i ' basis of government by the triumphant i i election, in 1900.0f the great advocate i [ and exponent, William J. Bryan.— I EDITOU. I BRYAN CN THE RATIO. The Great Leader Says Silver Is the Issue and 16 to i the Ratio. No one b lieves that bimetallism will , prove a j uuacea lor all political ills, but the money question must bo settled before othei qnestious can he reached. ' Financial independence is a condition precedaut ro reform along other lines. The power that controls our financial I policy can control ihe policy of our gov ernment on every other subject when ever occasion arises lor the exercise of that coutrOi Suppose, for instuuco, that the money question were dropped and the light against the trusts made the ! main issue Much foreigu capital is iu vested in trusts, ami foreign financiers could announce that any legislation bos- ' tile to trusts would I e followed by me withdrawal of fnreicrn capital and a pauic. If tbcy can threaten the with diawal of foreign capital to preveut a change of our financial policy, they can threaten such withdrawal to prevent the annihilation of trusts or the regula tion of other corpe ations. Not only can this throat be made in regard to our domestic policy, hut it can be made to prevent the adoption of any foreign poli cy which does not meet with fi. vor in Europe. We cannot proteu the rights of our citizens, avenge uu insult to the flag, enforce the Monroe doctrine or ex press our sympathy with those who are struggling to bo free if we aro to be de terred by the threats of foreign invest ors. The right to legislate for our peo ple on the money question involves the right to legislate on all questions, and until this right is secured the discussion of other questions will uvuil nothing. When we have released ourselves from the dictation of foreign financiers and overthrown the local money trust which controls our financial policy, we shall be in a position to undertake the extermi nation of other trusts and the protection of our people from all loruisof monopo listic oppression. The other planks of the Chicago plat form are not abandoned Those who fa vor free coiuuge at 16 to 1 advocate and will carry out all the other reforms enumerated in the platform, but they will not lessen the emphasis placed upon the money question by ihe party itself in its latest utterances. Why 10 to 1? Dot there are some \vho admit the necessity fur bimetallism and who con fess that it can only be secured by inde pendent action, but suggest a change of ratio. They ask, Why 16 to 1? 1 answer that there are several reasons. Sixteen to one is the ratio at which we had free coinage from 1834 to 1873. It is the ratio uow existing between the gold and silver coins in circulation, and it is more favorable to gold than the ratio uow existing in most Luropeau coun tries To change the ratio by independent actinu, besides changing existing con tracts. lessening our currency and in curring great expense, would put us out of harmony with other nations. Especially would it put us out oi har mony with 1 ranee, the Kuropeun na tion most triendly to silver, where the ratio is J ok, to 1. If by international agreement we should change the ratio to Hi to 1, fur instance, it would neces sitate the recoiuuge of more than *4,- 000.000,000 of silver into coins twice us large (provided the change was made by increasing the size of the silver coins) To uouble the size of the silver coin of the world would diminish by one-half the silver money of the world. It would diminish by one-quarter the entire volume of metallic money of the world. Such a shrinkage in ihe volume of money would in effect add bil lions of dollars to the debts of tbe world. Should HO great i n injury Ledone with out tLe necessity for it being proved be yond u reasonable doubt? Bnuetallists contend that gold and silver have been driveu apart by bos tile legislation ami that they can he bronpht together by friendly legislation They contend that legislation lavorable to gold has increased the purchasing power of an ounce of gold throughout the world ami lowered the general level of pi lees, while tbe same legislation bus lessened ths demand for silver aud lowered the gold price of that metal. They oouter.d that the restoration of the tree aLd unlimited coinage by a great nation like the United States will increase the demand for silver to a point where tbe miuts will require all tbe surplus silver of the world, aud thus by raising the gold price of silver and lowering the purchasing power of an ounce of gold will restore the parity at 16 to 1 and thereafter maintain tbe jarity at that ratio. It is true that some bimetal lists do not believe that this nation alone can maintain the parity at that ratio, but shall the gr at majority who do believe surrender their conviction to the com paratively lew who doubt? Upon what principle ess a minority demand of the majority the right to dictate a plat form? Those who are opposed to the gold staodard must act together, and the plan of action must ho determined by the majority. The moment the ratio of 10 to 1 is surrendered our silver plank loses its force. Those who oppose the ratio of 10 to 1 are not agreed among themselves. No considerable body of men ask for any other i jeoifio ratio. One inuu Buys 2J to 1, another 24, another 32, hut all the objectors to gether are small in number when com pared with those who iiruily believe in the ability of this nation to muintain the parity at 16 to 1. If it is proposed to leave the ratio to congress it must be remembered that those who desire bimetallism demand affirmative action, and every one opposed to the ratio fixed in any proposed bill will be counted against any kind of bimetallism. If the ratio is left to be determined by con gressmen who run upon different plat forms, it gives a chance for a variety of ratios which will effectually prevent any legislation favorable to bimetallism and will also give a chance for frienda of the gold stundard to slip into con gress under the pretense of favoring some undefined ratio, but who, as a matter of fact, would uso their positions to maintain the gold standard. The Popular Ratio. The ratio of 10 to 1 has been adopted by the Democratic party in a convention which, morn than aiiy recent conven tion, received its authority direct front the people. The rault and file of the Tarty, instead cf leaving the ratio to the h aders, expressed their own opinion upon the subject, and that opinion has not changed since the convention. This ratio has also been indorsed by the Pop ulist party the National Silver party and the Silver Republicans. To aban don the ratio would be wrong in itself and as impolitic as it would be wrong. If the Democratic party were to allow its policy on this question to he deter mined by a few doubting Thomases, or by the deserters who supported the ene my in the great struggle between de mocracy and plutocracy, it would lose the respect and confidence of those who now look to it as an efficient means of restoring government of the people. To turu from its cleur and courageous enun ciation to wallow again in the mire cf ambiguity uud deception would alienate those who have been drawn to it by the platform of 189(1. The Democratic party could have re tained within its folds the deserters of 189(1 if it hud consented to a meaning less platform, but it preferred to lose some members of (he body rather than have the whole body destroyed. Regen eration did not come too soon. The gold Democrats were rapidly malting the party a rival of tbo Republican party for the favor of trusts aud monopolies. If the Chicago platform did nothing else, it drove from the party those who had been manipulating the party for private gaiu ami usiug the goverumeut for public plunder. There are many of these deserters whoso return to the party would bring weakness rather than add strength, aud there are millions of Dem ocrats who would not surrender a siugle line of the Chicago platform to recover everv deserter who left because of real antagonism to the principles set forth in that platform. 1 do not refer to those who were misled. There were many who left becuuso tbey did not fully un derstand the issues raised, aud they are comiug back of tbeir own uccord be cause they find themselves iu sympathy with our platform. The party can win more voters by steadfastly standing by the right than by weakly compromising with error, aud those wen back to the platform will bo useful when tbey return, while those who profess aitaebmeut to the Democratio tiauio rather than to Demo cratic principles will always require watching The Democratio party has put its band to tho plow, and nuless I mistake the spirit which animates the members it will not look back. W J. BRViN.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers