Statisticians estimate that the world's stock of silver coin amounts to 84,000,000,000. The Vermont State prison is a self sustaining institution. "Every Stato prison shonld be," maintains tho New port (R. I.) Herald. In the Nuremberg Obess Tourna ment, the young German, Dr. Laskar, fairly earned the honor of being the greatest living player of tho royal game. Lawn tennis has fallen into a state of almost hopeless desuetude in this country, and even in England, its home, it has been eclipsed by the more fascinating sports of bicycling and golf. An optimistic livery stable keeper says that the use of the bicycle will die out. Hope, springing eternal in the human breast, and, in tho estima tion of the San Francisco Examiner, has seldom given a more sprightly ex hibition than this. A German physician says that Stan ley owes the fact that ho alone of those who made np his party has so long survived the most dangerous of his African trips to his having sub mitted five times to a trausfusion of African blood into his veins, which is believed in Africa to be a great aid to acclimatization. It is not generally known, except by certain persons whose offico it is to learn of such matters, that the im mense sum of 89,500,000 is annually expended in charity in tho city of New York. That, at least, is tho approxi mate amount, estimated as closely as cireumstanees admit of on tho part of experts. There are about 5000 fam ilies .7ho are listed "givers" to char- Rj- The accident insuranco business in the United States has boon of rapid growth. It is hardly more than twen ty years ago that it was undertaken by a tingle company as an experi ment, bat tbero are now ten largo stock companies and many more mu tual or assesssment companies in tho field. Last year they reeoived nearly 87,000,000 in premiums, and paid out about $3,000,000 in losses. In 1895 ten of the leading mutual companies carried $301,539,750 of risks, received $933,397 in premiums, and paid out $441,172 in losses; the loss ratio was 47.2 percent. In tho samo time the ten stock companies carried $1,201,- 274,617 in risks, eollceted $5,752,623 in premiums, and paid ,$2,515,850 in losses; their loss ratio was 43.7 per sent. In San Francisco the telephone com pany is putting in what it culls kitchen telephones at fifty conts a mouth. For this sum ,the subscriber may call up and talk to one other subscriber as often as ho chooses. But he bus no bell by which the other subscriber may call him up. Tho kitchen tele phono is connected usually with the grocery. For fifty cents more the sub scriber may have a telephone connec tion with his doctor, or any other per son. He may call up any subscriber to the general service of the citv for five cents. The company does not say that this service can be given with profit at the rate named; it expects to reconp by getting the people into tho habit of using telephones, knowing that the telephone hubit is a hard ono to break. The action of the German Govern ment in passing a law by which the Government is to oxercise control over all stock exchanges will doubt less result in a similar attempt in the United States, predicts tho New York Commercial Advertiser. It is tho purpose of tho German Government to exercise severe control over the stock exchange transactions and the issue of stocks and bonds by new com panies, with a view to lessening spec ulation and protecting tho public from fraudulent or uncertain financial and commercial enterprises. A com prehensive law to this end has just been adopted by the Reichstag by au overwhelming majority. It is likely to cause a revolution in tho present stock exchange methods. In the first place, it is intended to discourage stock speculating by forbidding cer tain borsen-tormm-handol (exohango time contracts) for grain, as well as stocks and bonds. Tho Government will assume a certain control over tho stock exchange business, with special reference to listing on the stock ox change of now issues of stocks and bonds or paper of now companies. It will endeavor to maintain less fluctu ating and, as the agrarians hope, higher prices for grnin and mill pro ducts by forbidding all time delivery contraots being made on 'change for such grain and products. WILSON LAW A SUCCESS. AMPLE EOR REVENUE AND PROTEC TION TO LABOR. McKinlcy's Letter Reviewed by John lie Witt Warner, a Member of tlic Committee of Congress That Framed tlio Wilson lilt!. Mr. McKinley begins tho unfortun ate highqiroteotion portion of his let ter of acceptance by claiming that iu December, 1892, under the tariff net bearing his nam ;, the country was iu a condition of extraordinary pros perity. Ho cites from President Har rison's message tho statement that be tween October, 1890, and October 22, 1892, 3-15 additional industrial plants had been established and 108 exten sions had of existing plants, and that during the first six months of the cal endar year 1892, 135 new faotorios had been built. The facts were that the two preceding years had been those of steadily increasing industrial depression. Omitting all instances of labor troubles the cause of which was either doubtful or clearly other wise to be classified, there has been collated and published as a challenge to proteetionists, with date and place and circumstances in each case, nearly twelve hundred instances of wage re ductions during those very two years, with strikes against them or lookouts by employers in order to force aeoept anoe. The number of new plants and factories and extensions of such quoted by him from President Harrison is so petty, when the size of this country and tho myriads of its industries are taken into account, us to bo but a tricing offset to the terrible record of of disaster then daily being added to, and iu reality a humiliating confession of tho failure of MoKinley legislation which has promised better things. As proof of Democratic depravity Mrs McKiuley then quotes from Presi dent Cleveland's message of August 8, 1893. It correctly characterized the condition of our country eight months later, when its condition, btill under Republican legislation, had reached suoli a crisis that Congress was called together in midsummer to save our tiuunces from ruin by tho repeal of tho purchasing clause of the Sherman not, for which Mr. MoKinley had voted and which tho party which now poses as a knight errant of sound finance had vociferously pointed to with pride iu its platform of a short year previ ous. Tho abyss from which tho action of tho Demooratic Administration then rescued the country was but tho end of tho descent upon which it bad beeii started by the twin "protection" sis ters. Mr. MoKinley says that from ISBO to 1592 we had "a protective turifl un der whioh nmple revenues were col lected for tho Government and an tic stimulating surplus." Of these yoars ho was responsible only for two—lS9o to 1892—during whioh his law was in operation. So far from a surplus ac cumulating under his bill tho annual surplus had fallen from $190,000,009 (iu thh year beforo the passago of the MoKinley bill) to $37,000,000 in tho first year of its operation, to $10,000,- 000 iu tho second year, and to $2,300,- 000 in tho third year, and had turned to a deficit of §00,000,000 in IS9I, thy last yoar before its repeal. Sach is tho demoralization of our finauoee,. resulting from Republican legislation, with which our commerce and manufactures have struggled fo: years; and Mr. McKiuley's figures bv wbieb, charging to the Wilson bill the ruin caused by the Sherman net, he strives to make tho MoKinley bill tolerable by comparison, are not merely unfair, but, when rightly road, the best proof that ho is wrong. That, under all the circumstances, our ex ports of manufactured goods aro so nearly tho maximum figure for out most prosperous years; that the bal ance in our favor of our foreign trade is so large and o rapidly growing, shows hotv ihuch tho Wilson bill has done to offset the disaster bred by the Sherman act. Mr. MoKinlev charges the Wilson tariff with failure to raise revenue sufficient to satisfy the neeils of Gov ernment. What does he mean? Does he not believe that, even from a pro tectionist standpoint, all interests of business demand that in adjusting a tariff it should bo so fixed as to remain without substantial change for a con. siderable period, say eight or ten years? If this be true, must ho not also admit that its rates should be so adjusted, not in view of the maximum revenue probable utider exceptional prosperity or to the possible minimum under an extraordinary depression, but to the probable average of condi tions during the entire term contem plated? To adopt tho latter measure, Mr. McKinley must admit, would be wantonly to overtax our people and derange their linauces by locking up in the Treasury au increasiug propor tion of our inelastic circulation. The monthly receipts and expendi tures of our Government each vary so much, both in fact and in relation to each other, that any urgumeut drawn from comparing singlo months would bo misleading. But if wo tako tbo first complete year under the opera tion of the Wilson bill (the one ending June 30, 1896, anil ouo of extraordin ary depression) we tind tlie deficit for tho wuolo year to bo soma #29,000,• 000 only. Even during that year not merely had our pension expenditures shown the beginning of a decrease which must rapidly accelerate, but our postal receipts had shown such a tendency to increase as, through these two sources alone and without any im provement in business, to turn the deficit into a surplus beforo the act shall have lasled half of its natural life. It is not, however, claimed but that any conceivable revenue could bo turned into a deficit by Republican expenditure. That, however, oonsti tutes no oxcnso for attempting to meet limitless waste by pitiless taxation. I And if for any reason it becomes desirable to provide for more revenue it can bo and it should bo raised by I taxes on wealth, or by tariff or excise upon urticlcs comparatively those ol | luxury, rather than by increased tax ation upon wool and sugar. For these are the two articles which—the ono in clothing and the oth-r in food—have I become at onco the leading ones of all those consumed by our people, pud l those as to which the poor and the rich are most nearly on a par as to per j capita consumption; and upon which, therefore, any tax is ideally vicious j us an adjustmeut of burdens in pro portion to want rather than wealth. . Even were Mr. MoKinley correct in ■ his charge that tho Wilson act is in j adequate for revenue purposes, his j proposal now to increase taxation i would be none the less absurd when i we consider tho actual condition of I the Treasury. At tho beginning of (his fiscal year it contained of iree ensh some 8270,000,000, that is to iav, §170,000,090 in addition to tho SIOO,- ! 000,000 gold reserve. It is true that I of the receipts of bond sales a portion | had been used to meet Treasury defi cits—by far the greater portion of these having grown under McKinlfly's | own bill. But as a net result there remained at the beginning of this fiscal year, a couple of months ago, sntiieient tree cash in the Treasury, after making provision of $100,000,- 000 for tho gold reserve, to have met, without additional taxation, all defi cits for six years to come, even though pension expenditures should during that time remain—as they cannot—at their late high figures, and though postal receipts should stop increasing —as they will not—and though busi ness should remain until 1002 as de pressed as it has been ever since, the Treasury was put at hazard. Under such conditions, with a surplus in the Treasury abovo the gold reserve, ol more than 10 per cent, of the entire circulation in the country outside ol the Treasury, Mr. McKiuley proposes, without uny necessity for revenue, and Eolely as a sacrifice to tho protection fetish, further to tax our people and iurther to contract the currency. Mr. McKiuley charges that American labor is not sufficiently protected un derlie Wilson bill. What would he have? The average duty levied hv tho Wil son hill upon all imports, including free as well dutiable ones, is above 2U per cent., which is about the total la bor eo3t in American products. In the more highly developed manufac tures it is of course higher. Of these those of iron and steel and textiles constitute the greater part of our im ports, and steel rails and cotton and woolen sloths are probably tho most representative items. Taking the re ports for 1890 and 1891 of the United States Commissioner of Labor, we find that the total labor cost per ton oi steel rails "from materials in earth to tho finished product" was then in the United States $11.59, in Great Britain $7.81 and on the Continent somewhat higher than in Great Britain. To meet this $3.78 difference per ton in labor cost, tho Wilson bill gives $7.81 per ton protection, which, with tho trans port cost of such bulky articles, in sures the American producer protec tion of at least his total labor cost. In cotton and woolen cloths tho sumo re ports show tho labor cost then to have been on tho average well under 25 per cent., while tho Wilson bill protects thorn by duties averaging4o percent., or, with every atlowaueo (and adding nothing lor transportation), giving protection of more thun tho total la- Dor cost. If. in fact, labor, with such a tariff, is not sullieiently subsidized, even from the protectionist stand point, would it not bo well before pro posing further taxation to find out what proportion of the tariff taxes la bor actually gets, and into whose pockets goes tho bulk of tho "protec tion" claimed to be imposed for la bor's eifce benefit? •*"* " John He Witt Wajineu. Japan's Business Boom. In 1873. in Japan, an ounce of gold bought 151 ounces of silver. In 1893 half un ounce of gold buys 15i ounces of silver. Prices in gold standard countrios aro calculated in gold value. Tho Japanese manufacturer em, there fore, make goods in that country, send them to the United States, sell them for half tho gold prico of 1873, got with that gold as much silver as he did in 1873, take that silver to Japan and with it purchase as much of everything as he ever did nud pay as much debts and taxes a3 bo over did. As gold rises still higher in value, compared with silver, tho Japanese can afford to make still lower and low er gold jiriees for his goods, and as the same goods must sell for the same price in the same market tho Ameri can manufacturer must cotno down iu his price, although his debts and taxes do uot come down. This is tho secret of tho recent importations of Japanese goods at prices that have alarmed our manufacturers. —Cumberland (\H.) Times.' Farmers and (he Nail Trust, Each keg of nails used by tho farm ers this year will cost more than twieo us much as last year. The highly pro tected nail trust will make fortunes for tho few firms which control tho nail industry. How will that holp tho farmers ? Can the United States Do It? Any Nation which is tho equal of England can do lor silver what Eng land has done lor gold. The United Btntes can do it, and the duty rests with her. Tho Government should ruako the citizen's dollar worth com mercially what it Bays it is worth. Topcka (Kan.) Journal. SILVER NUGGETS. Tlioro is no yellow streak in Mr. Bryan's white metal speeches. America is about old enough and big enough and strong enough to stand alone. A good mauy gold uowspapors soora to think they can fool their roadors with 53-cents facts. The term "sound money" is tho most dangerous and wicked deception that tho prolific brain of speculators ever promulgate d. Tho indictment brought against Mr. Bryan is that ha does not consider a millionaire any better tban any other American citizen. If, ns tho goldhugssay, the fight for sound money is in tho interest of tho wago workers when woro their employ ers seizod with this sudden desire to sacrifice another slice of their profits to their employes? Bryan is in favor of coining silvCr without the consent of England. Me- Kiulov will coin silver if England will allow it. Which is tho American patriot? Work for America aud lot England attend to her own business. Abundant currency made up of gold, silver and good paper, means activity in every department of irado aud manufactures, employment for ali, living wages for the artisan, and good prices for tho farmer. Let all friends of bimetallism call a halt to internecine strit'o and stand shoulder to shoulder against, tho com mon foo that threatens destruction to American liberty, American pros perity, America 11 institutions. Senator John Sherman says that tho free coinage of silver would raise prices of farm products, but what good would tho money do when it would requiro so much more of it to pur chase anything? Why it would do much good every way, if tliero was more to pay to buy something there would be moro to pay it with and as so many are in debt it would bo tbeir very salvution. If free coinage would cnahlo tho savings bank to pay oil' their $1,350,- 000,000 of deposits in 53-cent dollars and thereby muko a profit of SO3-1,- 500,000, why is it that tho heads ol those banks, who aro in the business to make monoy, are so bitterly op posed to freo coiuage? Don't they want to make all that profit? W. J. Bryan stauds for this princi ple : America fir.st, the world after wards. Win. MclCinley stands for a principle that is just tho opposite. It is this: England's grip on this couu try, even though obtained by unfair and secret means, must be perpetua ted if it takes tho last shingle oil the roof of your house. Every attempt to rcstoro silvor, every appeal pointing out tho awful effects which havo followed its de monetization, has been met and fought back. Tho old cry has been time and timo again raised: "If you try it, all tho gold wilt drift away ; if you try it, there will bo a panic," which is precisely as though some people had a man in an air chamber, and hud exhausted nearly all the air and stood with one hand hold of tho pump haudle, saying to him: "If you daro to kick, wo will givo you two or three strokes and take away what air you have." ' The People Versus Plutocracy. In tho matter of the action of the People versus Plutocracy, the formal pleadings of tho jiarties have raised its issue of tho standard of monetary currency. But tho verdict in tho great trial now proceeding before the Amer ican peoplo should bo given not only with strict regard to the evidence pro duced, hut also with reference to the character and credibility of thopartiei producing it. The Democratic party has always boen the friend of the toil ers of tho Nation and has ever stood as tho champion of equal rights and individual liberty. It represents tin best interests of all tbe people. Aud yet it is claimed that thoy are now en deavoring to accomplish the ruin of the country, to depress labor, bring about panic, shookiug credit and par alyzing every industry. Can it be pos sible, is it reasonable to believe thai the Democratic party is about to com mit hari-kari? That its special objeel in to render (ho peoplo miserable and to spread universal ruin ? Tho Democracy which wo lovo and for which we stand has ever been the firm and faithful friend of tho poor and weak as against the rioh and strong. Tho Republican party is at tempting to pose ns tho guardian ol the people, who will hardly bo de ceived by tbo cheap, false halo with which it seeks to docorato itself. That party comes into court with unclouu hands, stained by the crime of u stolen Presidency in 1876. It did not hesitate the most daring aud despic able treason by assassinating the in stitution under which wo live, and undermining the best hope of every lover of tho human race—government of the people, for the people, by the people. The counting out of that matohloss statesman and Democrat, Samuel J. Tilden, from tho Presidency, should novor bo condoned or forgotten aud the professions of patriotism coming from tho party that perpetrated that wrong bears upon it the stamp of fraud and insincerity. If tho country needs to bo saved, let it bo tavod from tbe clntohes of a party guilty of the foulest crimo in American history—tho disgraceful robbery of the Presidonoy in 1876. New y<wi Suburban. LABOR ANI) COMMODITIES Why Wages Must Rise-Under Free Coinage of Silver. Many workingmen fear that under a law for the frao coinage of silver the prices of the necessaries of life would rise so much fastor than their wages would bo increased, that in the end thoy would bo the sufferers. This is not the exporiouoo of tho past. The prices of the product of labor always liavo risen with wages, and they al ways have fallen together. The price of tho necessaries of life constitutes the wages of tho producer. The price of wheat is just as muoh tho wages of tho farmer as the so much a week is the wages of the factory hand, tho only difference being that the farmer deals directly with tho market,whereas tho factory hand doals with it through a middleman, his employer. It is important to repeat tho truth that the law of supply and domand governs tho prices of labor, that is, wages. If the producers of tho neces saries of life get twice as much money for their product, they will create twice tho demand for other prodncts of labor. This country can no more prosper unless these producers, by far tho largest factor in this commun ity, have more money to spend than a man can prosper with half his body paralyzed. The increased demand by Ike producers of tho noaessaries of life is absolutely necessary to every wage earner. Without this dernund his wages cannot rise. The important and sorious point for workingmen to consider is that tho prosperity of the farmers and cotton growers of this country is not ouly a hepe for them, but their only hope. Without an increase ill that prosper ity their wages cannot rise. If that riso comes quickly, so much the bet ter. But, so long as the prices of the necessaries of life are where they are to-day, nothing can rise, generally, the prices of labor, the wages of the workingman. Labor organizations may struggle boroically to keep wages from going down, and may cbeck their tendency to all for a time, but without tho inereased demand for the products of tho toil of their members, all the labor organizations in tho world cannot raise wages. Let the providors of tho necessaries of lifo get more money for their pro duct, and they will spend that money at once. Tho farmer who gets a few hundred dollursmoro needs u thousand and one things. Ho will not wait a luinuto for what ha wants after getting tho money with which to buy. Direct ly bo buys, other workingmen feel tho demand. First unemployed labor will bo employed; then wages will rise. Again let it bo said tliat this is not one process by which workingmen may bo benefited; it is the only one possible. Opponents of freo silver admit that the prico of the necessaries of life will rise, in tho hope of frightening tho workingmau. In making the admis sion, which they hardly can help do ing, they have rofuted their own ar guments ; they have Hhown the work ingman tho only road of progress. There has been no more hopeful sigu and abundant proof of the progress of humanity in tho whole, long history of this world than tho earnest and in telligent way inwhich tho workingmen of this country, thoso who work with their lier.ds as well as those who work with their hands, havo entered upon tho study of tho silver questiou, tho most important political question now before all tho Nations of tbo world. Tlie skill and intelligence which com mands higher wages in tho workshop may also be used at the polls to bring higher wages to every workingmau.— Harold Johnston. Money's Narrow 15as:s. Tbo only money in tho country is tho gold estimated at between $300,- 000,000 and $000,000,000, but in iaofc probably muoh less. All other forms of currency are in fact or in practice, promises to pay money. Tho silvor movement has for its purpose an in crease of the amount of actual mouoy, and nothing else. Putting tho highest estimate on tho amount of gold in the country, there would then bo less than $lO per capita on which to carry on tho business. It is oiistoinary to uso all tho currency as a basis in estimating the per capita circulation. Such a courso is no moro justifiable than it wonld be to include ul! bauk checks, promissory notes and drafts as a part of the circulation. Thoy, liko greenbacks, National bank notes and Treasury certificates, aro mere promises to pay money, which is gold, and in which all other medi ums of exchange must bo finally re deemed. Silver men think the monetary basis is too narrow for the superstructure. —'J'opoka Journal. "Laiior Crucified." The London Timos has the follow ing, which laboring meu, producers, aud business men should read caro fuliy: "If the single gold standard can be forced upon South America and Asia, as it has been since 1873 forced on North America and Europe, gold mu3t inevitably appreciate to at least four times its present absurd value, or to put it otherwiso, commodities must decline to one-fourth of tho present prico aud labor all tho world over, bo crucified as it was uover crucified bo foro—in days of mediaoval serfdom or evon chattel slavery. Such is the contest. If tho money lords can force monometallism upon tho whole world, thoy will ancccod in establishing the most gigantio moneyed aristocracy among tho rioh, and tho worst system of peonage serfdom among tho masses that has over cursed the hapless sons of men." If praying were only done by those who could look into heaven like Ste phen. the wUlenium would never come, WOULD DESTROY SUM ME. BRYAN MAKES PLAIN THE OE JECT OF THE GOLDBUGS. Thoy Would Compel This nnd Other Countries to Turn From the Uso o£ Silver—A Scheme to Corner the World's Money and Knsluve Men. Thirty thousand people is a conser vative estimate of tho solid acres of humanity gathered in High School Square, Toledo, last evening to hear Mr. Bryan deliver a campaign ad dress. Forty thousand would proba bly bo nearer the correct figure. Tho audience was very enthusiastic, nnd at times its cheers becamo a deafening uproar. Mr. Bryan was introduced by Judge Ijemmon, and spoko, in part, as follows: "Ladies and gentlemen: As I look over this vast audience, which is meas ured by the uore rather than by the head, I am led to regret that the sil ver craze is dying out. (Great nn plause and laughter.) If this is what tho people do when tho silver senti ment is on the wane, what are they go ing to do when the sentiment begins to increase? "Between a gold standard and bi metallism, whether that bimetallism be independent or international (cries of 'lndependent!'),there is an impassa ble gulf. Those who believe in u gold standard cannot politically affiliato with t hose who believe in bimetallism, and those who believo in bimetallism cannot for one hour remain in politi cal association with thoso who would fasten a gold standard upon tho hu man race. "Upon tbo action of the United States may depend the action of other Nations upon tho money question. If the influences which ore ut work hero for the dostroval of silver as a stand ard money succeed in this otection, und the inliuencoof this Nation is oust deliberately upon the success of gold, you must remember that those same influences will bo turned against weaker Nations, and Nation after Na tion will be driven from the uso of sil ver as a standard money to the use of gold alone, and every Nation that re joices in the demand for gold may help to increase the purohasiug power of an ounce of gold, and every time the purchasing power of nn ounce of gold shall rise tho prices of the pro duets of human labor will fall (ap plauso), because a dear dollar is sim ply another definition of cheap prop erty. "A dollar cgnuot buy more unless property soils for less. If you think you have hard times what would it bo if these Bamo iufiuoncos succeeded in driving India to a gold standard, if thoy should succeed in suspending tho frco coinage of silver in India? Wait until they mako gold tho standard in India. Wait until thoso 250,000,000 of people thero roach out for tboir share of tho world's supply of gold. Whore will thoy get it ? Thoy will got it from tho Nations which now have it, aud they will havo loss. Wait un til these influences have driveu China to a gold standard and her 350,000,000 of pcoplo demaud thoir share of tho world's supply of gold. Whoro will thoy get it? From tho Nations which now liavo it, and they will havo still less than thoy have now. Wait until they havo driven Japan aud South America and all tho other silver-using Nations to a gold standard and thou what? Thou you havo a littlo chunk of gold only Iwonty-two feet each way when melted into cubes, aud that lit tlo chunk of gold will measure all of tho property of the gold. (Appdauso.) You will thou havo somothing liko 5i,000,000,000 of standard monoy in stead of $5,000,000,000, and thoso 31,000,000,000 will bo in shapo whero the monoy can bo cornered by tho great monoy owners of the world, and doled out to mankind at such prices as tho owners shall determine. Ap plause.) That, my friends, is what tho gold standard means. "Suppose tho peupio of this city should derivo their water supply from ono great spring that furnishes water for all tho nennle. aud that onosurinof was controlled by onepersou, or a few persons, who acted iu concert. What would bo tho result? No matter how hard times might bo for all tho rest of tho people those \yho own that spring and furnish thut water at what price they would, would always get aloug tolerably well iu this world. (Ap plause.) "I believe that illustrates just what will go on if tho close crusado in favor of gold continues to its legitimate, its natural, its logical conclusion. It will mean that those who aro able to con trol tho supply of the gold ot tho world will be able to dictate terms to tho rest; it will simply mean that while the people aro nominally freo thoy will simply bo hewers of wood and drawers of water for those who control tho money supply of tho world." (Ap plause.) McKiuley's False Statements. "Work and wages havo been cut in two," said Mr. McKinloy to tho West Virginia editors. Isn't it dangerous tc make wild and self-evidently false Btatoments Buck as this? Do they not tend to causo people to suspect that tho mail who utters thorn is either a foolish fellow who never knows what ho is talking about, or else n person who is reckless with the truth? The truth never needs tho crutches of ex aggeration, and thoir uso is a confes sion that tho truth is not there.—New York World. Wiggles—"There's one good thing nbout Ilieks. He is always willing to admit it when he is in tho wrong." Waggles—"l don't think It Is a good thing. It doesn't seem to trouble htm u bit,' —Som .vtlle Journal. A NATIONAL POLICY. Why Wo Ncort tho Frco Coinage o.T (o!d and Silver. In tho first ]>laco we boliovo in bi metallism as a National polioy. Wo know that thero was no serious dis turbance between tho mint and mar kct valuo of silver until bv legislation its right to coinage and legal tender was destroyed, and the past, exporienco of our country with the frco coinage of gold and silver justifies us in tho assertion that with tho restoration of that right to silver bullion values will return to their old place. Until silver was demonetized in 1873 thoro wan never any suggestion in tho United States as a fifty-cent dollar, and that no silver coin turnod out of our mints ever failed to circnlato at par with gold, that consequently no creditor ever lost a cent whoso debt was paid in silver. Tho people now realize that gold monometallism wan suggested and afterwards established in tho interest of lenders and investors in securities to tho detriment of bor rowers and producers; and they also recognize that the spirit of protection played its part in tho selection of gold and the exclusion of silver as tho so called standard of value, and that cheap silver for its silver-using sub jects could bo secured from its commercial rivals by Great Britain only through itR demonetization. If the figures of the Director of tho Mint be reliable, the combined annual silver product of all the gold standard countries is less than half that of tho United States, while tho combined annual gold product of all tho silver standard countries is less than half that of Great Britain and her depen* dencies, a fact which tho gold standard members of tho British Monetary Com mission made good uso in their celebrated roport. Wo repudiate the charge that tho "silver barons" of tho West (in truth the majority of thorn in tho East) aro seokiug by unjust legislation to de bauoli tho National currency, or that sordid motives of personal gain prompt all tho agitation in silver's behalf. Bilvor mine owners are interested in the question, as the gold minors •ire, and have a light to be. Tho chargo involves an admission of tho falsity of tho assertion that froo coin age can not exalt tho bullion valuo of silver. An enhancement of its value, while personally beneficial to tho miner, is comparatively so to every industry in tho laud, if thoro beany truth in tho economic maxim that an increasing and stable circulation raises prices and stimulates business. As it is, tho profit derived from silver min ing largely goes to others. For ex ample, the silver mine ownors of tho world realized less profit, on tho out put of 1592 than did Great Britain upon her purchases ol that year from tbo United States aud Mexico at a ratio of 23 to 1, which sho either coined or deposited in fine bars at a ratio of 15 to 1 for her India subjocts; a profit realized at our expense and by tho oporation of laws evidently made for her benefit. Did her dependencies produco silver instead of gold, every advocate of "sound money" in either hemisphere would denounce tho cheap and nasty yellow metal and all who advocatod its use iu tho monetary uso of tho world. It is truo that our gold output is in creasing. So is the perceiitago of its consumption iu the arts and indus tries. So aro tho hoardings of tho great military Powers and bankers of Europe. So is tbo absorption by Great Britain of an undue proportion of tho world's stock of gold. So is tho in 6utiato domaud of tho creditor for gold. So is tho absence of it from tho treasuries of debtor Nations cud tho pockets of their people. In 1891-92 the gold coinago of Great Britain at her London and Australian mints was groator than that of tho rest of tho wcrld. Her RE CAPITA gold coin ago was thrco times as great as that of United States. Sho is reaching out and seeking by forco or fraud to ac quiro dominion over gold mining coun tries everywhere, aud divert all their product into hor capacious maw. Wo, her only rival, her superior in all that makes a Nation groat and independent, ehane our course to suit her purposes, and accept her policy to tlio end that she may utilizo our powers and re sources to our own undoing. She has but to suggest that our wisdom and statesmanship aro inferior to her own, that her monotury system is tho per fection of human rcasou, that her su premacy is caused by the color of her monoy, that philanthropy ban been tho lode star of her wondrous curcor, and that sho can be eclipsed only by imi tation, and our rulers become tbo pas sive creatures of her schoming ambi tion. No country producing half as much gold as tho United States ever estab lished silver monometallism. No couu . try producing half as much silver ever I established gold monometallism. None ] but a creditor country ever bogan tho scheme of demonetizing either. Tho success of puch a scheme is only possi ble through tho co-operation of its vic tims. Its overthrow is essential to the lusting indopendenco and prosperity not only of the South and West, but of every section of our Union. With tho history beforo us of thirty centuries of mining, wo know that an injurious and excessivo iuoreaso ol metallic monoy has novor occurred. Wo may feel assured that it never can occur, beeauso the enlargement oI commercial exchanges, which results from an iucreaso of mouoy, spcolily rostores the equilibrium.—Now YorJi Suburban. rcasant—l spoke to our herb drctor and he advised me that I should Doctor (interrupting)—Oh! he gave you some idiotic advice, I don't doubt. Peasant—He advised me to see you.— Ilumoristische Bluet tor. Character building Is bigger work than building railroads,
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