3nqinrcr anl Clirouide.
BY DAVID OVER.
SONG OF THE SUMMER WIND,
1 come from the Southern shores of balm,
From the spice-fields f.ir away,
1 come with the breath Of oraiige-biooius,
And the light of the summer day;
I kiss the cheek of the fevered child,
And play with her sunny brow,
I soethe the woes of the sorrowing ones,
And realise their hearts of care.
1 licur aloft, to the white, white clouds.
The wandering school-boy's kite;
And he gazes up till his eyes grow dim,
With a look of lbnd delight;
While o'er the brow of the laughing one,
1 toss the auburn curl,
A< by the throng. In the lingering eve,
. .My pathless way 1 whirl.
i oj*:d the bad* of the dainty flowers,
By lite wild wood, field and del 1;
And I rock Xhs fairies fast asleep,
(Who bide it the lily's bell.
'ihie-twß Brass nods us i *'nder by,
yViifcatl e lireutt upniurmws with glee.
And joy a lid.glad tees spring up iu my path.
Wherever my pathway -be-
On, what would the warrior's banner be,
Were it not for luygeutie power!
Aye. dark would b>- the patriot's hopes.
And darker liberty's hour.
But the starry flag of Freedom's laud
Floats gaily along the tvay,
And the freemen shout, with joyous pride,
As he views my force to-day.
i e-line with the voidb of Hope and Truth
J Cotne with the good God's love.
And I bring earth's weary ones a taste
Of the joys of that band above;
- •[ whisper to them of that inner light-
Tile love that never dies" —
.How the soldier of the cross may rest
On the fields of Paradise.
IiEPLY OF HON. JOIIN DAVIS,
in the u. S. Senate, January 23, 1840, to
the speech of lion. James Bitckanan in
favor of loic wages.
But, ur, I fear I have dwelt too long on
flheae mattors, and will hasten to notice
that for which I chiefly arose. Much has
been suit! of labor, *ul what is it? I may
sav, whltlwwt offence, it is a commodity to
be bought and sold like merchandize iu the
market. A man ha bis skill and service
to sell to whomsoever will buy them, and his
anxious desire is to ofewin the most liberal
remuneration. The Senator says the value
of it is regulated by bank paper- Sot so,
Mr. President, not BO: but chiefly by the
amount in market, and the demand which
exists for it; currency may, however, at
times, have its influence. If the supply is
great and the demand small, then wages are
necessarily low. When business is flour
ishing, the demand is urgent, and wages
rise; whop it is depressed, the demand di
minishes, end wages fall. Hence, too, in
countries densely populated, tlte supply is
necessarily greater, in proportion to the busi
ness, titan in count rid thinly peopled.—
Thus we see why wages in a great country,
new and full of resources, like ours, are in
• prick demand, while in China, where there
is a vast surplus population, the market is
overstocked, and they are low. Hence;
too. it is, that in such conditions of society
we always find the greatest, poverty, suffer
ing, and degradation. Bank paper is ob
viously not the sole cause, or chief cause
which fixes the value of wages.
But, sir, let us pursno this subject a 'ut
ile further, as it is capable of further illus
tration.
There arc three great classes of
those who produce from the earth arc agri
culturists: those wist convert the products
of the earth into useful forms, are manufac
turers: and those who are engaged iu trans
porting and exchanging the products of
the other classes, are commercial. These
great division*of mankind arc founded on
no law hut that of civilized, social exist
ence. In our country, at least, each and
every person niay pursue any or all kinds of
business. But experience teaches us the
necessity of those divisions, for wool, cot
ton, and flax arc of little value till turned
into cloth, hut the farmer would find it
•difficult to run a mill to make cloths, or to
build and sail a ship to take his produce to
market. From this division, too, come to
our markets. We must have food and
clothing, and we must bta : .u tbeiu by an
exchange of the products of labor, but we
cannot exchange a horse or a watch for a
joint of meat, or for a pair of shoes; such
property must first be broken into parts, and
this is the peculiar office and almost the use
of money. It measures the value of pro
perty, and brings it into a form suitod to
our convenience. This is the relation which
it hears to business, and no other, and while
I admit its great importance, I deny that it
lies at the foundation,' and is the great re
gulator of the affairs of men, as seems here
to be supposed. The friends of this bill, I
know, assume that we have on inflation, ami
that money rules, guide*, and regulates
business; when, in truth, the inquiries ought
to be, firs', how much is necessary as a eir-
A Weekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &c—Terms: Two Dollars per annum.
dilating medium, that we tray know whether
there is an excess; and, second, does pape r
necessarily create an expansion, or unneces
sary enlargement of the curtcney, that we
may judge whether it ought to be abandon
ed. These matters, which are assumed a re
precisely what ought to bo proved. The
Seuators assume, as evident truth, what is
not apparent. They affirm that paper be
comes redunJant, excessive and inflated.—
But they do not attempt to establish 'he
fact by any proof, since the first of Janu
ary, IS3B,our circulation has uot exceeded
one hundred millions; it may, at some peri
ods, have reached one hundred and twenty,
inclusive of metal and paper. Is this ex
cessivel Has it reached a point above the
urgent necessities of business for two years
past? If it lias, how much is enough? Souie
duvs ago I put this inquiry distinctly to the
Senate, and it remains, auJ will reiuaiu,
unanswered. If it can be proved that we
have too much, it is not difficult to ascertain
with sufficient exactness, what amount is
necessary. I desire Seuators to make
known the process hy which they arrive at
ilieir conclusions in *o vitally an important
matter. They seem to take it for granted
ihat there is no evil but expansiou to fear,
while nothing is tuore certain thau (hat too
suiail a circulation medium works out as
great, if not greater injuries, than one too
large.
We have heard much declamation about
bloated credit, gambling and speculation,
but if the existence of all these were estab
lished at this moment by unquestionable
proof, it would have little tendency to estab
lish the fact of excessive circulation, for
they have no necessary connection, but eacb
may exist independent of the other.
Will the Senators maintain the proposition
that paper cannot and has uot circulated
without inflation or excessive credits in
trade generally? Igo further, aud ask him
if excess is anything more than an occa
sional occurrence, growing out of markets
qtisjteued iuto activity by events rather
casual than permanent? Is there any ex
cess of paper in the casual course of busi
ness from sound Banks wbo redeem and are
able to redeem their paper at sight, dollar !
for dollar, in metal? It is not easy to see
how excess ever exists under such circum
stances. I can go to-day into any Bur.k in
Boston or New York, and draw out a dol
lar with the same amount of paper, and that
dollar is ss good, and will buy as much in
France or Germany, as any dollar there. —
The paper, then, is clearly worth as much
as the silver, for it buys it. If the pnper
of banks is maintained at this value, And
so redeemed at all times, it is not easy to
comprehend how it is inflated, or that more
is in circulation than is needed for use. The
idea of inflation presupposes some unsound
ness. All money, metallic as well as pa
per, does and will fluctuate in value, and, tf
this be inflation, then gold and silver is no
more exempt from it than paper. It is by
no means easy tn determine which fluctuates
often-lintes, money or property. Cotton is
forty dollars a bale to-day, to-morrow it is
thirty five, and next day forty-five; it docs
not follow that the cotton alone has flncta.
ated, or tint it has Undated at all: for gold
and silver may be so abundant as to depress
the value of property, or so scarce as to
raise it. It is every day's occurrence to
find gold and silver fluctuate in value,com
manding at one tium a premium, and then
none: nay, under some cireumstaneas, fad
ing below good paper. -No matter what wc
have for currency, there will be fluctuations
tn its value greatly affecting trade, as aoir.
culatiou medium of uniform amount cannot
j be maintained any more than you can limit
| business to an exact amount.
Tins all proves what seems not to be well
understood, or Senators would reason differ
ently—that there is but one way to deter
mine how much circulation is necessary. It
is impossible to ascertain how much money
may be necessary for each member of the
Senate for the current year, and it is equal
ly impossible to anticipate the wants of the
great public. The question is left, there
fore, to be settled by the laws of trade, as
all other matters of business. We learn
how much flour and corn are required annu
ally, by the demand for - them. Just so we
learn how much money is required to carry
forward business, by the ability of men to
buy it. So much is necessary, be the
amount great or small, and in a growing
country it would be just as wise to limit the
amount of produce as the amount of mone
tary capital. Surely nothing can be more
ab-urd than to attempt to determine the
amount without reference to the exigencies
to the country; to say that 80,000,000 or
any other arbitrary amount, is enough.—
There is no advantage to be gained by low
ering the value of property, unless the
same amount of labor, or tbo same amount
of property, enables us to obtain more of
tbo necessaries of life This fact should,
therefore, be first clearly established, for
the process i necessarily attended with
great sacrifices. The Senator from Penn
sylvania seems to understand that reducing
the circulation will reduce property end
wages in the same ratio. If it does, in what
is our condition bettered, even if we could
reconcile debtors o it, wbo would be ruined?
He seems to believe that our relations in
foreign trade will be improved, but 1 shall
show him his error, and that he ought to
arrive at exactly the opposite conclusion, for
bis theory, if carried into execution, would
inflict upou the laborer as well as the owner
of property the most injurious and oppres
sive consequeuces. lie solemnly affirms,
and I give him ail credit for sincerity, that
he believes a reduction iu wages and pro*
perty would be beneficial. Let ns see.
Suppose that wages aud property will be
reduced or.e half by the bill —that is, if
wages are now a dollar a day. they will be
half a dollar; and if beef and mutton are
now eight cents a pound, they will bo four,
and so of all the productions of the United
States, and of all property created here.—
Upon this state of facts, as tilings are, the
laborer would have, at the expiration of
twenty days' labor, twenty dollars to pro
vide supplies for his family. As they will
be, he will have ten dollars. Now, sir, be
it remembered that wc can buy and sell in
foreign markets by their standard of cur
rency, and that lowering wages and pro
perty here is to have no effect there, accord
ing to the reasi uingof the Senator, as their
currency must regulate the pi ice of their
wages aud products, but cotton is to sell,
and goods are to be bought, as if no change
had taken place. Goods, therefore, will
come into this country no cheaper. I'*,
then, the laborer goes into the market with
his money, as his wages arc, he will have
twenty dollars to expend in tea, coffee, su
gar, and the thousand necessaries which
come from foreign countries; but if be goes
into it as they will be—ten dollars, under
the operations of the new theory—it is
slain, therefore, that with the saute amount
0 f labor, he can purchase but half as much
foreign merchandize: in other words, it will
in effect be doubled in price, while it is ap
parently the same.
But the Senator did not stop here, for be
alleged that, while the laborer would be in
a better condition the exporter of produce
—that is, cotton, &c.—would derive a
greater profit, the measure of which would
he the amou.tt of reduction of wages aud of
I property, and he would thus be able to pro
; duce so much cheaper. To make myself un
derstood, I will proceed with the same sup
position that wages and property are to be
reduced one-half. Then his theory is, that
the cotton planter, for example, would pro
duce his crop at half the present cost, by
the saving in labor and the support of it,
and consequently derive double profit
That he would produce cheeper is undeuia
i bly true; and if he should sell for the same
I price he now does, and brim home specie,
lie would realize double profits, provided hi*
laborers are supported wholly on the pro
ducts of the United States. This, however
is not I lie course of trade or of business.—
But from whence would the profits come?—
Not from foreign countries, for no change
Lto occur there, but front the pockets of
every consumer of foreign goods in this
country, for the change is wholly in the
wages and produce of our own country.—
The idea is, that, if wages and property
sink together one half, the relative positions
of the laborer and the owner of property
are the same, for the laborer can purchase
as much with one-half the money, and the
same amount of property will purchase as
much as labor before. But the laborer
will, at the end of any given period, have
but half as much money, and the same
amount of property will be worth but half
as much; consequently, all the surplus gains
of the farmer, mechanic, manufacturer; and
laborer, will be but half what they now
are, in noutiual amount. If property in
foreign countries should descend tn the
same ratio, tho most that could be said of
our condition is, that it is no worse, for it
is obviously no bettor. But if we dosoer.d
while they remain stationary, and a profit is
thence gained to the exporter, nothing is
plainer than that such profit Is drawn from
the consumer of foteign merchandize, as it
will take twice as much of our labor or pro
ducts to buy it as it is now required. If
the theory establishes the fact that the ex
porter is to reap double profits for cotton, it
establishes, beyond controversy, the fact
also that that profit will be a tax npon
every man that consumes a foreign article,
and that it will be drawn wholly from their
pockets. The Senator has led himself into
an error by supposing that foreign produc
tions are to come to us cheaper, while our
exports are to keep up where they are. He
thinks the importer sells in a market inflat
ed by paper, and realizes an extraordinary
BEDFORD. PA., FRIDAY, JUNE 27,1856.
profit. But he must perceive that the low
and depressed state of th working classes
iu Europe is proof enough that no excessive
profit is obtained here upon goods—none
that can bear essential reduction —and that
while raw cotton maintains its price, foreign
goods must also maintain theirs. In the
great competition of trade this idea of ex
cessive profit to the importer is fallacious,
and as the notion of a reduction is founded
on it, that is also fallacious.
To follow out the ease, I have supposed:
The income of every man, except the ex
porter, is to be reduced one-half in the
value of wages and property, while all for
eign merchandise will cost the same, which
will obviously, in effect, double the price, as
it will take twice the amount of labor, or
twice the amount of the products of labor,
to purchase it.
Ido net ascribe this power to the bill,
but it is enough fur tue that friends do.——
What response will the fanners, mechanics,
manufacturers and laborers make to such a
flagitious proposition? Can they be recon
ciled to such a measure of opposition?—one
that extorts from thcui the fruits of their
industry, to professedly enrich the planter,
who now enjoys a prosperity unequalled in
the rest of the country? No, sir, such
plans of sectional aggrandizement, and such
a disregard of the interests ot the greatest
and most powerful class of people ;n the
country, can only excite their disgust and
indignation. Thus, sir, I have traced the
benefits of this bill, if it have any, as inter
preted by its friend.* to the rich and pow
erful. I have, if I mistake not, demon
strated that they are to be made richer by a
tax upon tbeir less fortonatt, but more in
dustrious and more necessitous fellow-citi
zens—a tax that they never can and never
will submit to, so long as tbeir power can
be felt through the ballot-box.
Brt sir, this is not all. bile we are
thus to have intolerable burdens loaded up
on us, to add to the weight of our etnbar
assmeuts, and to increase our sufferings, and
while the debtor portion the public are
to bo crushed aud ground to dust between
the upper and nethci millstone of this pro
cess, the maD of money is not only to es
cape unharmed, but to have bis property
doubled. lie who holds cash, or its equiv
alent in notes, bonds, or stocks, will be
able to buy double the amount of property
with it, and will therefore have its value
doubled on his hands; for, while wages aud
property arc to go down, money is to go up
in the santc ratio.
If the friends of the bill have given it a
true construction, it is a bill of privileges
to the rich, but a scourge to all others.—
What is the debtor portion of the public?
Is it so insignificant as to be disregarded?
Sir, T will venture to assert that the amount
of existing indebtedness, in any commer.
cial country, is nearly, if not quite, equal
to the value of all property in that country
whether it be rich or poor, prosperous or
unprosperous, and you cannot change, t
the extent gentlemen have supposed, the
relation of debtor and creditor, or thus di
minish the resources of the debtors without
a crash, a waste and desolation such as has
never been experienced. Suppose a man
has purchased $lO,OOO worth of property,
at present prices, ar.d given his bond for it,
vou reduce its value or.e half, and it is
worth $5,000. llow is it pos iLio that,
without resources, thus reduced, most debt
ors can ever pay.
But, sir, you cannot maintain a state of
things such as has been supposed. You
ruay enibarass, and distress us as you have
done, but this bill will, in the end, work
out no such advantages as are anticipated
for the planters. The theory contains in
itself a principal that will defeat the end in
view. Go on, sir if you please, aud so leg
islate as to bring to the cotton planters the
extraordinary profits anticipated, at the ex
pense of the other branches of industry;
how long will it be before that pursuit will
be overhauled with competitors, till the
market wilt be inundated with cotton, and
its price fall just in the ratio you have stim
ulated its productions? Down it will,
down it must by the laws of trade, come to
a level with the fall of other productions.
And what will be gained by tho whole pro
cess? Nothing; absolutely Dothing, except
that it mill take more of our labor and
moro of our productions to buy foreign mer
chandize; our gain will turn Morally into
a loss. Tbis is capable, I think, of dem
onstration, if it docs not already sufficient
ly appear; but I have no time to enlarge,
interesting and all important as the subject
is.
What motive can we have, sir, to reduce
wages and the value of property' t\ hen
did the sun ever shiue upon a laboring peo
ple so blessed as those of our country have
been? Where have tbey over been able, by
industry, to feed, clothe and educate them
selves so well? The history of tho world
praises nothing more certainly—nothing
with clearer demonstration than that where
wages are the lowest, there is the greatest
jioverty and suffering; there the condition
of the laborer is most forlorn and wretched;
there is the least moral and intellectual cul
ture; and there our race is sunk iuto the
depths of political degradation, incapable
of raising itself to that lofty elevation at
tained by a free enlightened people, capa
ble of governing their own affairs. It
tends to the opposite of every thing dear
est to us, for the descent will carry with it
not only wages, but all the high qualities
which fit us to be what we arc—free and
independent. This is a sufficient answer to
all that can be said upon the subject.
Snch is the remedy for the disease which
afflicts our country; and while its advo
cates shadow forth its evils far beyond any
conception of mine, if the bill be carried
into effect, as has been proposed here, I
must confess that I see in it nothing to
soothe or relieve the public—nothing to re
store coufidence, which Is the great and de
sirable end—nothing to avert future pan
ics —nothihg to stop this scramble after the
gold and stiver going ou between us and
other eouutiies —nothing that has hoaling
Power enough to revive and maintain pros-
peritv.
But, sir, much as remains to be said, I
must draw to a elose, as uiy object was
merely to notice some leading remarks o*
Senators, which have developed the new
and extraordinary doctrines of this Admin
istration. 1 was anxious to vindicate the
rights of the great mass of the people, who
acquire their support by labor, and whose
interests, as laying at the basis of all pros
perity, I have at all times and ott all fitting
occasions espoused aud maintained with
whatever of ability I possess. In this, sir,
I have taken great aud sincere satisfaction,
believing it. to he the great end of our free
Government, and the only sure means of
sustaining it. In the name and in behalf o*
that groat, powerful and enlightened class
of uiy fellow citizens of
whom I have the lionor to represent, I en
ter my solemn protest against the doctrines
here advanced; and if my voice could
reach them in their dwellings, their shops,
and on the decks of their vessels, I would
exort thorn not to be deluded hy false the
ories leading them on to ruin, but to rouse
up tbeir energies, and, at the ballot box,
manifest their indignation at all attempts to
oppress them by diminishing their business
and taxing their labor to enrich others. —
I would entreat them not to sit still and be
made such as they see the distressed and
impoverished laborers of Europe and
Asia.
NOTES.
The statistics referred to in the remarks
of Mr. Davis are contained in Porter's Pro
gress of Nations and Wade's History of
the Middle aud Working Classes, two re
cent and respectablo authorities, relying
for the correctness of the facts con
tained in the following extracts chiefly up
on the statistics collected by the British
Government.
Those developments show the farmer and
all other working men the condition of the
working classes in Europe, and upon what
limited means they subsist. It is this class
of men with whom they are to run the race
of cheap production, and consequently of
coarse and wretched existence; for the
same causes which rednee them to hopcle s
penury will produce "like results here. It
a few pence a day will not support men
there, it will fail to do it here. The intel
ligent working man of the United States
will pause before he precipitates himself iu
to such irretrievable wretchedness to cheap
en the products of labor. He will inquire
whether it tends to elevate or depress his
race; whether the privileges and hopes of
a freeman are utterly delusive, and cud in
retracing his steps to the degraded condi
tion from which we all believed we had es
caped. In his descent from bis present
commanding position, ho may well carry
with btm these reflections, sit down in de
spair, and spurn all the dazzling theories of
self government as illusory, if they leavo
him to subsist on the humble diet, and to
grapple with the sufferings of the most des
olate portion of mankind.
IVages in France. —Calais common la
borers 7i d per day, with board and with
out dwelling; Boulogne, 5d per day do., do;
Nantes, Sd per day without board aud with
out dwelling; Marseilles, 4d to id per day
with board, and without dwelling. The
food in some districts consists in rye bread
soup made of millet, cakes mado of Indian
com, now and then some salt provisions and
vegetables, rarely, if over, butcher's meat.
In others, wheatcn bread, soup made with
vegetables, and a little granscor lard twice
a day, potatoes, or olher vegetables, but
•eldom butcher's meat.
Sweden.— The daily wages of a skilled
agriculturist are 7d or 8d; while the un
skilled obtain no more than 3d or 4d and
board themselves. Agriculturists iu the
southern provinces live upou salt fish and
potatoes; in the northern provinces, por
ridge and rye bread form their food.
Bavaria. —Laborers are paid at the rata
of 8d per day in the country, without
! board.
Belgium. —A skilled artisan may earn in
summer Is 2d to Is sd; in winter, from 10
d to Is 2d; unskilled half as much, xitbout
board, live upon rye bread, potatoes and
milk. Agricultural laborers have less.
Germany. —Dantzig laborers 4id to 7d
per day, without board; Muihhurg 7d per
day, do; Holstein, 7d per day, without
board.'
Netherlands. —South Holland laborers,
3d to 4d per day, with board; North Hol
land 20d per day without board; Antwerp,
5d per day, do; West Flanders, 96s to 104
per year, with board.
Italy. —Trieste laborers, 12d per day,
without board: do 6d per day with board;
Istrie, 81 to lOd per day, without board;
do 4d to 5d per day, with board; Lombar
dy, 4d to 8d per day do; Genoa, 5d to 8d
per day do, ami without lodgings; Tuscany,
6d per day, without either.
Saxony. —ln 1837 a man employed at bis
own loom working very diligeutly from
Monday moruing to Saturday night, from
5 o'clock in the morning until dusk, and
even at times with a lamp, bis wife ass-st
ing hint in finishing and taking him the
work, could not possibly earn more than 20
srosehen [about 60 cents] per week- Nor
could one who had three children aged 12
years and upwards, all working at tr.e loom
as well as himself, with his wife employed
{ doing up the work, earu in the whole more
j Unto §1 weekly.
THE POISONED VALLEY OF JAVA.
It is known as the Gueva Upas, or poi
soned Valley: and following a path which
had been made for the purpose, the party
shortly reacted it with a couple of dogv
and some fowls, for the purpose of making
some experiments. On arriving at the
mountain, the party dismounted and scram
bled up the side of the hill, a distance of a
quarter of a mile, with the assistance of the
branches of trees and projecting roots.
When a few yards from the valley, a
strong nauseous smell was experienced, but
on approaching the margin, the inconveni
ence was no longer fouud. The valley is
about a mile in circumference, of an oval
shape, about thirty feet in length. The
bottom of it appears to be flat without any
vegetation, and a few large stones scatter
ed here and there. Skeletons of human
beings, tigers, bears and deers, and all oth
er sorts of wild animals, lay about in pro
fusion. The ground on which they lay at
the bottom of the vale appeared to be a
hard sandy substance, and no vapor was
perceived. The sides were covered with
vegetation. It was now proposed to en
ter it, and each of the party having lit a
cigar managed to get within twenty feet of
the bottom, where a sickening nauseous
smell was experienced, without any diffieul
ity of breathing. A dog was now fastened
at the end of a bamboo, and thrust to the
bottom of the valley, while some of thepar
j ty with their watches in their hands, ob
served the effects. At the expiration of
fourteen seeonds, the dog fell off his legs,
without moving or looking around, and con
| tinned living only eighteen minutes, liie
I other dog now left the party, and sought
! his corapaniou, on reaching him he was ob
served to stand quite motionless, and at the
end of ten seconds fell down; he hever
i moved his liiubs afte? and died at the end
jof seven minutes. A fowl was now tbiowD
i in, which died iu a minute and a half. On
S the opposite side of tho valley to that
! which was visite d, lay a human skeleton,
the head resting on the right arm. The ef
fect of the weather had bleached tho bones
as white as ivory. This was probably the
remains of some wretched rebel, hunted
towards the valley, and taking shelter there
unconscious of its character.
WEBSTER IN DEATH.
The Boston Post gives the following in
teresting memorial of the great man:—
"Webster's forehead, renouned for its
massive breadth and fullness, presented a
much smaller appearance as be lay in his
coffin iu tho library at Marsbfield. An
ordinarysiied hand could easily have cover
ed the whole of it. Perhaps this was owing
to the removal of the brain. Before the
open ooffin was carred oat upon the lawn,
numbers placed their bands upon that famil
iar brow as they took their last look. Th
lips were slightly parted, the teeth so long
of extrewß whiteness, being just jmrccptr
hie. A strong resemblance regained be-
VOL. 29, -NO 26.
tween the fee-of the dead and the portrait
of the living Webster which bung upon the
wall—where also looked down upon the
corpse the pictures of bis beloved eon Ed
ward, who died in Mexico, and of 'Lord
Ashburton, his friend, distinguished for bis
part in the settlemcut of the northeastern
boundary question. The body, it will be
remembered, was clad in the citizen's dress
be best liked—blue coat and bright buttons,
white vest and neckcloth, black pantoloon*
and while silk gloves. There was no ex
pression of pain or melancholly upon the
swarthy face, but rather a look of satisfac
tion. When the coffin was carried down
the steps leading into the tomb, one of the
silver bandies was accidentally pressed a~
gainst the granite portal and lifted up. In
the next moment it was disengaged and fell
with a knock agaiast the side of the coffin,
which instantly disappeared in the vault.—
To the writer, wbo alone noticed the cir
cumstance, trivial in itself, it seemed like
the knock of death, announcing that th s
great man was shut forever from the world.
The day was bright iu the morning, but
clouded up just as the funeral commenced,
and closed in rain."
A SENSITIVE CONSCIENCE.
A melancholy result arising out of sen
sitiveness for the loss of an employer s con
fidence lately occurred in Pennsylvania.—
One Robert Andrews, foreman to a respec
table Nnrsery, man living a short distance
from Philadelphia, wbo had lived with bis
employer for ten years, and had always
born a good character, lately made an ap
plication for the wages of a man up to that
dav, who had been discharged souie days
before.
His employer looking the foreman stead
| ily in the face said.
"Robert, do you wish to cheat me by ask
ing wages for a man you discharged eight
days ago?"
He bad DO sooner said this than the Wood
foresook the face of the conscience-stricken,
man, as if be bad been stabbed to the heart.
When bis employer noticed bis affliction, he
told him he might retaiD his situation, bnt
after such a dishonest attempt, his charac
ter, and his confidence in it, were gone
forever.
On the following Monday, the foreman
made his appearance in the nursery ground,
but he was an altered man. The agitation
of bis mind bad reduced his body to the
condition of an infant's.
He took bis spade and tried to use it,but
in vane, and being compelled to desist, it
was wiili difficulty he reaceed borne. He
went to bed immediately and medical aid
was procured, but to no purpose, and the
poor fellow sunk under the degradation, and
expired on the follow Wednesday. Ilig
neighbors who watched at his sick bed, say,
that a short time before he died he declared
that the agony consequent on the loss of his
characaer as an honest man which he had
maintained from childhood, was the sole
cause of his death.
Poetry is said to be the flower of litera
ture; prose is the corn, potatoes and meat:
satire is the acquafortis; wit is the spice *ud
pepper; loveletters are the honey and sugar
letters containing the remittances are the
apple dumplings.
"Why, my dear sir," said a dandy re
provingly to bis bootmaker, "you have mad 3
my boots large enough at the toes to k>W a
a bushel of grain."
"I thought replied," Snob, coolly, "that
corns were grain."'
are like patient wives with
dissipated husbands—they are used to 'set
ting up.'
Qjp"Women are like tulips—the more
modest and retired they appear, the better
you love them.
OCF"Gamblers are like condemned dar.
kies gnashing their teeth —always rattling
the ivories.
EJ-Much of the world's 'progress' is in
a wrong direction.
A bloediug finger is more noticed
than a bleed teg heart.
POETHJAL LOVE-LETTER.
2U.0! 2 U,
1 vow to be true ;
2 C U, Y I
To the world's end would fly:
IBL N G
Always follow me;
Pur T, O'. U R
Better looking by far!
So when IC L N j -t
My head I shall toss;
And U, if U chance %
B sure 2 look K J