3nqinrcr anl Clirouide. BY DAVID OVER. SONG OF THE SUMMER WIND, 1 come from the Southern shores of balm, From the spice-fields f.ir away, 1 come with the breath Of oraiige-biooius, And the light of the summer day; I kiss the cheek of the fevered child, And play with her sunny brow, I soethe the woes of the sorrowing ones, And realise their hearts of care. 1 licur aloft, to the white, white clouds. The wandering school-boy's kite; And he gazes up till his eyes grow dim, With a look of lbnd delight; While o'er the brow of the laughing one, 1 toss the auburn curl, A< by the throng. In the lingering eve, . .My pathless way 1 whirl. i oj*:d the bad* of the dainty flowers, By lite wild wood, field and del 1; And I rock Xhs fairies fast asleep, (Who bide it the lily's bell. 'ihie-twß Brass nods us i *'nder by, yViifcatl e lireutt upniurmws with glee. And joy a lid.glad tees spring up iu my path. Wherever my pathway -be- On, what would the warrior's banner be, Were it not for luygeutie power! Aye. dark would b>- the patriot's hopes. And darker liberty's hour. But the starry flag of Freedom's laud Floats gaily along the tvay, And the freemen shout, with joyous pride, As he views my force to-day. i e-line with the voidb of Hope and Truth J Cotne with the good God's love. And I bring earth's weary ones a taste Of the joys of that band above; - •[ whisper to them of that inner light- Tile love that never dies" — .How the soldier of the cross may rest On the fields of Paradise. IiEPLY OF HON. JOIIN DAVIS, in the u. S. Senate, January 23, 1840, to the speech of lion. James Bitckanan in favor of loic wages. But, ur, I fear I have dwelt too long on flheae mattors, and will hasten to notice that for which I chiefly arose. Much has been suit! of labor, *ul what is it? I may sav, whltlwwt offence, it is a commodity to be bought and sold like merchandize iu the market. A man ha bis skill and service to sell to whomsoever will buy them, and his anxious desire is to ofewin the most liberal remuneration. The Senator says the value of it is regulated by bank paper- Sot so, Mr. President, not BO: but chiefly by the amount in market, and the demand which exists for it; currency may, however, at times, have its influence. If the supply is great and the demand small, then wages are necessarily low. When business is flour ishing, the demand is urgent, and wages rise; whop it is depressed, the demand di minishes, end wages fall. Hence, too, in countries densely populated, tlte supply is necessarily greater, in proportion to the busi ness, titan in count rid thinly peopled.— Thus we see why wages in a great country, new and full of resources, like ours, are in • prick demand, while in China, where there is a vast surplus population, the market is overstocked, and they are low. Hence; too. it is, that in such conditions of society we always find the greatest, poverty, suffer ing, and degradation. Bank paper is ob viously not the sole cause, or chief cause which fixes the value of wages. But, sir, let us pursno this subject a 'ut ile further, as it is capable of further illus tration. There arc three great classes of those who produce from the earth arc agri culturists: those wist convert the products of the earth into useful forms, are manufac turers: and those who are engaged iu trans porting and exchanging the products of the other classes, are commercial. These great division*of mankind arc founded on no law hut that of civilized, social exist ence. In our country, at least, each and every person niay pursue any or all kinds of business. But experience teaches us the necessity of those divisions, for wool, cot ton, and flax arc of little value till turned into cloth, hut the farmer would find it •difficult to run a mill to make cloths, or to build and sail a ship to take his produce to market. From this division, too, come to our markets. We must have food and clothing, and we must bta : .u tbeiu by an exchange of the products of labor, but we cannot exchange a horse or a watch for a joint of meat, or for a pair of shoes; such property must first be broken into parts, and this is the peculiar office and almost the use of money. It measures the value of pro perty, and brings it into a form suitod to our convenience. This is the relation which it hears to business, and no other, and while I admit its great importance, I deny that it lies at the foundation,' and is the great re gulator of the affairs of men, as seems here to be supposed. The friends of this bill, I know, assume that we have on inflation, ami that money rules, guide*, and regulates business; when, in truth, the inquiries ought to be, firs', how much is necessary as a eir- A Weekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &c—Terms: Two Dollars per annum. dilating medium, that we tray know whether there is an excess; and, second, does pape r necessarily create an expansion, or unneces sary enlargement of the curtcney, that we may judge whether it ought to be abandon ed. These matters, which are assumed a re precisely what ought to bo proved. The Seuators assume, as evident truth, what is not apparent. They affirm that paper be comes redunJant, excessive and inflated.— But they do not attempt to establish 'he fact by any proof, since the first of Janu ary, IS3B,our circulation has uot exceeded one hundred millions; it may, at some peri ods, have reached one hundred and twenty, inclusive of metal and paper. Is this ex cessivel Has it reached a point above the urgent necessities of business for two years past? If it lias, how much is enough? Souie duvs ago I put this inquiry distinctly to the Senate, and it remains, auJ will reiuaiu, unanswered. If it can be proved that we have too much, it is not difficult to ascertain with sufficient exactness, what amount is necessary. I desire Seuators to make known the process hy which they arrive at ilieir conclusions in *o vitally an important matter. They seem to take it for granted ihat there is no evil but expansiou to fear, while nothing is tuore certain thau (hat too suiail a circulation medium works out as great, if not greater injuries, than one too large. We have heard much declamation about bloated credit, gambling and speculation, but if the existence of all these were estab lished at this moment by unquestionable proof, it would have little tendency to estab lish the fact of excessive circulation, for they have no necessary connection, but eacb may exist independent of the other. Will the Senators maintain the proposition that paper cannot and has uot circulated without inflation or excessive credits in trade generally? Igo further, aud ask him if excess is anything more than an occa sional occurrence, growing out of markets qtisjteued iuto activity by events rather casual than permanent? Is there any ex cess of paper in the casual course of busi ness from sound Banks wbo redeem and are able to redeem their paper at sight, dollar ! for dollar, in metal? It is not easy to see how excess ever exists under such circum stances. I can go to-day into any Bur.k in Boston or New York, and draw out a dol lar with the same amount of paper, and that dollar is ss good, and will buy as much in France or Germany, as any dollar there. — The paper, then, is clearly worth as much as the silver, for it buys it. If the pnper of banks is maintained at this value, And so redeemed at all times, it is not easy to comprehend how it is inflated, or that more is in circulation than is needed for use. The idea of inflation presupposes some unsound ness. All money, metallic as well as pa per, does and will fluctuate in value, and, tf this be inflation, then gold and silver is no more exempt from it than paper. It is by no means easy tn determine which fluctuates often-lintes, money or property. Cotton is forty dollars a bale to-day, to-morrow it is thirty five, and next day forty-five; it docs not follow that the cotton alone has flncta. ated, or tint it has Undated at all: for gold and silver may be so abundant as to depress the value of property, or so scarce as to raise it. It is every day's occurrence to find gold and silver fluctuate in value,com manding at one tium a premium, and then none: nay, under some cireumstaneas, fad ing below good paper. -No matter what wc have for currency, there will be fluctuations tn its value greatly affecting trade, as aoir. culatiou medium of uniform amount cannot j be maintained any more than you can limit | business to an exact amount. Tins all proves what seems not to be well understood, or Senators would reason differ ently—that there is but one way to deter mine how much circulation is necessary. It is impossible to ascertain how much money may be necessary for each member of the Senate for the current year, and it is equal ly impossible to anticipate the wants of the great public. The question is left, there fore, to be settled by the laws of trade, as all other matters of business. We learn how much flour and corn are required annu ally, by the demand for - them. Just so we learn how much money is required to carry forward business, by the ability of men to buy it. So much is necessary, be the amount great or small, and in a growing country it would be just as wise to limit the amount of produce as the amount of mone tary capital. Surely nothing can be more ab-urd than to attempt to determine the amount without reference to the exigencies to the country; to say that 80,000,000 or any other arbitrary amount, is enough.— There is no advantage to be gained by low ering the value of property, unless the same amount of labor, or tbo same amount of property, enables us to obtain more of tbo necessaries of life This fact should, therefore, be first clearly established, for the process i necessarily attended with great sacrifices. The Senator from Penn sylvania seems to understand that reducing the circulation will reduce property end wages in the same ratio. If it does, in what is our condition bettered, even if we could reconcile debtors o it, wbo would be ruined? He seems to believe that our relations in foreign trade will be improved, but 1 shall show him his error, and that he ought to arrive at exactly the opposite conclusion, for bis theory, if carried into execution, would inflict upou the laborer as well as the owner of property the most injurious and oppres sive consequeuces. lie solemnly affirms, and I give him ail credit for sincerity, that he believes a reduction iu wages and pro* perty would be beneficial. Let ns see. Suppose that wages aud property will be reduced or.e half by the bill —that is, if wages are now a dollar a day. they will be half a dollar; and if beef and mutton are now eight cents a pound, they will bo four, and so of all the productions of the United States, and of all property created here.— Upon this state of facts, as tilings are, the laborer would have, at the expiration of twenty days' labor, twenty dollars to pro vide supplies for his family. As they will be, he will have ten dollars. Now, sir, be it remembered that wc can buy and sell in foreign markets by their standard of cur rency, and that lowering wages and pro perty here is to have no effect there, accord ing to the reasi uingof the Senator, as their currency must regulate the pi ice of their wages aud products, but cotton is to sell, and goods are to be bought, as if no change had taken place. Goods, therefore, will come into this country no cheaper. I'*, then, the laborer goes into the market with his money, as his wages arc, he will have twenty dollars to expend in tea, coffee, su gar, and the thousand necessaries which come from foreign countries; but if be goes into it as they will be—ten dollars, under the operations of the new theory—it is slain, therefore, that with the saute amount 0 f labor, he can purchase but half as much foreign merchandize: in other words, it will in effect be doubled in price, while it is ap parently the same. But the Senator did not stop here, for be alleged that, while the laborer would be in a better condition the exporter of produce —that is, cotton, &c.—would derive a greater profit, the measure of which would he the amou.tt of reduction of wages aud of I property, and he would thus be able to pro ; duce so much cheaper. To make myself un derstood, I will proceed with the same sup position that wages and property are to be reduced one-half. Then his theory is, that the cotton planter, for example, would pro duce his crop at half the present cost, by the saving in labor and the support of it, and consequently derive double profit That he would produce cheeper is undeuia i bly true; and if he should sell for the same I price he now does, and brim home specie, lie would realize double profits, provided hi* laborers are supported wholly on the pro ducts of the United States. This, however is not I lie course of trade or of business.— But from whence would the profits come?— Not from foreign countries, for no change Lto occur there, but front the pockets of every consumer of foreign goods in this country, for the change is wholly in the wages and produce of our own country.— The idea is, that, if wages and property sink together one half, the relative positions of the laborer and the owner of property are the same, for the laborer can purchase as much with one-half the money, and the same amount of property will purchase as much as labor before. But the laborer will, at the end of any given period, have but half as much money, and the same amount of property will be worth but half as much; consequently, all the surplus gains of the farmer, mechanic, manufacturer; and laborer, will be but half what they now are, in noutiual amount. If property in foreign countries should descend tn the same ratio, tho most that could be said of our condition is, that it is no worse, for it is obviously no bettor. But if we dosoer.d while they remain stationary, and a profit is thence gained to the exporter, nothing is plainer than that such profit Is drawn from the consumer of foteign merchandize, as it will take twice as much of our labor or pro ducts to buy it as it is now required. If the theory establishes the fact that the ex porter is to reap double profits for cotton, it establishes, beyond controversy, the fact also that that profit will be a tax npon every man that consumes a foreign article, and that it will be drawn wholly from their pockets. The Senator has led himself into an error by supposing that foreign produc tions are to come to us cheaper, while our exports are to keep up where they are. He thinks the importer sells in a market inflat ed by paper, and realizes an extraordinary BEDFORD. PA., FRIDAY, JUNE 27,1856. profit. But he must perceive that the low and depressed state of th working classes iu Europe is proof enough that no excessive profit is obtained here upon goods—none that can bear essential reduction —and that while raw cotton maintains its price, foreign goods must also maintain theirs. In the great competition of trade this idea of ex cessive profit to the importer is fallacious, and as the notion of a reduction is founded on it, that is also fallacious. To follow out the ease, I have supposed: The income of every man, except the ex porter, is to be reduced one-half in the value of wages and property, while all for eign merchandise will cost the same, which will obviously, in effect, double the price, as it will take twice the amount of labor, or twice the amount of the products of labor, to purchase it. Ido net ascribe this power to the bill, but it is enough fur tue that friends do.—— What response will the fanners, mechanics, manufacturers and laborers make to such a flagitious proposition? Can they be recon ciled to such a measure of opposition?—one that extorts from thcui the fruits of their industry, to professedly enrich the planter, who now enjoys a prosperity unequalled in the rest of the country? No, sir, such plans of sectional aggrandizement, and such a disregard of the interests ot the greatest and most powerful class of people ;n the country, can only excite their disgust and indignation. Thus, sir, I have traced the benefits of this bill, if it have any, as inter preted by its friend.* to the rich and pow erful. I have, if I mistake not, demon strated that they are to be made richer by a tax upon tbeir less fortonatt, but more in dustrious and more necessitous fellow-citi zens—a tax that they never can and never will submit to, so long as tbeir power can be felt through the ballot-box. Brt sir, this is not all. bile we are thus to have intolerable burdens loaded up on us, to add to the weight of our etnbar assmeuts, and to increase our sufferings, and while the debtor portion the public are to bo crushed aud ground to dust between the upper and nethci millstone of this pro cess, the maD of money is not only to es cape unharmed, but to have bis property doubled. lie who holds cash, or its equiv alent in notes, bonds, or stocks, will be able to buy double the amount of property with it, and will therefore have its value doubled on his hands; for, while wages aud property arc to go down, money is to go up in the santc ratio. If the friends of the bill have given it a true construction, it is a bill of privileges to the rich, but a scourge to all others.— What is the debtor portion of the public? Is it so insignificant as to be disregarded? Sir, T will venture to assert that the amount of existing indebtedness, in any commer. cial country, is nearly, if not quite, equal to the value of all property in that country whether it be rich or poor, prosperous or unprosperous, and you cannot change, t the extent gentlemen have supposed, the relation of debtor and creditor, or thus di minish the resources of the debtors without a crash, a waste and desolation such as has never been experienced. Suppose a man has purchased $lO,OOO worth of property, at present prices, ar.d given his bond for it, vou reduce its value or.e half, and it is worth $5,000. llow is it pos iLio that, without resources, thus reduced, most debt ors can ever pay. But, sir, you cannot maintain a state of things such as has been supposed. You ruay enibarass, and distress us as you have done, but this bill will, in the end, work out no such advantages as are anticipated for the planters. The theory contains in itself a principal that will defeat the end in view. Go on, sir if you please, aud so leg islate as to bring to the cotton planters the extraordinary profits anticipated, at the ex pense of the other branches of industry; how long will it be before that pursuit will be overhauled with competitors, till the market wilt be inundated with cotton, and its price fall just in the ratio you have stim ulated its productions? Down it will, down it must by the laws of trade, come to a level with the fall of other productions. And what will be gained by tho whole pro cess? Nothing; absolutely Dothing, except that it mill take more of our labor and moro of our productions to buy foreign mer chandize; our gain will turn Morally into a loss. Tbis is capable, I think, of dem onstration, if it docs not already sufficient ly appear; but I have no time to enlarge, interesting and all important as the subject is. What motive can we have, sir, to reduce wages and the value of property' t\ hen did the sun ever shiue upon a laboring peo ple so blessed as those of our country have been? Where have tbey over been able, by industry, to feed, clothe and educate them selves so well? The history of tho world praises nothing more certainly—nothing with clearer demonstration than that where wages are the lowest, there is the greatest jioverty and suffering; there the condition of the laborer is most forlorn and wretched; there is the least moral and intellectual cul ture; and there our race is sunk iuto the depths of political degradation, incapable of raising itself to that lofty elevation at tained by a free enlightened people, capa ble of governing their own affairs. It tends to the opposite of every thing dear est to us, for the descent will carry with it not only wages, but all the high qualities which fit us to be what we arc—free and independent. This is a sufficient answer to all that can be said upon the subject. Snch is the remedy for the disease which afflicts our country; and while its advo cates shadow forth its evils far beyond any conception of mine, if the bill be carried into effect, as has been proposed here, I must confess that I see in it nothing to soothe or relieve the public—nothing to re store coufidence, which Is the great and de sirable end—nothing to avert future pan ics —nothihg to stop this scramble after the gold and stiver going ou between us and other eouutiies —nothing that has hoaling Power enough to revive and maintain pros- peritv. But, sir, much as remains to be said, I must draw to a elose, as uiy object was merely to notice some leading remarks o* Senators, which have developed the new and extraordinary doctrines of this Admin istration. 1 was anxious to vindicate the rights of the great mass of the people, who acquire their support by labor, and whose interests, as laying at the basis of all pros perity, I have at all times and ott all fitting occasions espoused aud maintained with whatever of ability I possess. In this, sir, I have taken great aud sincere satisfaction, believing it. to he the great end of our free Government, and the only sure means of sustaining it. In the name and in behalf o* that groat, powerful and enlightened class of uiy fellow citizens of whom I have the lionor to represent, I en ter my solemn protest against the doctrines here advanced; and if my voice could reach them in their dwellings, their shops, and on the decks of their vessels, I would exort thorn not to be deluded hy false the ories leading them on to ruin, but to rouse up tbeir energies, and, at the ballot box, manifest their indignation at all attempts to oppress them by diminishing their business and taxing their labor to enrich others. — I would entreat them not to sit still and be made such as they see the distressed and impoverished laborers of Europe and Asia. NOTES. The statistics referred to in the remarks of Mr. Davis are contained in Porter's Pro gress of Nations and Wade's History of the Middle aud Working Classes, two re cent and respectablo authorities, relying for the correctness of the facts con tained in the following extracts chiefly up on the statistics collected by the British Government. Those developments show the farmer and all other working men the condition of the working classes in Europe, and upon what limited means they subsist. It is this class of men with whom they are to run the race of cheap production, and consequently of coarse and wretched existence; for the same causes which rednee them to hopcle s penury will produce "like results here. It a few pence a day will not support men there, it will fail to do it here. The intel ligent working man of the United States will pause before he precipitates himself iu to such irretrievable wretchedness to cheap en the products of labor. He will inquire whether it tends to elevate or depress his race; whether the privileges and hopes of a freeman are utterly delusive, and cud in retracing his steps to the degraded condi tion from which we all believed we had es caped. In his descent from bis present commanding position, ho may well carry with btm these reflections, sit down in de spair, and spurn all the dazzling theories of self government as illusory, if they leavo him to subsist on the humble diet, and to grapple with the sufferings of the most des olate portion of mankind. IVages in France. —Calais common la borers 7i d per day, with board and with out dwelling; Boulogne, 5d per day do., do; Nantes, Sd per day without board aud with out dwelling; Marseilles, 4d to id per day with board, and without dwelling. The food in some districts consists in rye bread soup made of millet, cakes mado of Indian com, now and then some salt provisions and vegetables, rarely, if over, butcher's meat. In others, wheatcn bread, soup made with vegetables, and a little granscor lard twice a day, potatoes, or olher vegetables, but •eldom butcher's meat. Sweden.— The daily wages of a skilled agriculturist are 7d or 8d; while the un skilled obtain no more than 3d or 4d and board themselves. Agriculturists iu the southern provinces live upou salt fish and potatoes; in the northern provinces, por ridge and rye bread form their food. Bavaria. —Laborers are paid at the rata of 8d per day in the country, without ! board. Belgium. —A skilled artisan may earn in summer Is 2d to Is sd; in winter, from 10 d to Is 2d; unskilled half as much, xitbout board, live upon rye bread, potatoes and milk. Agricultural laborers have less. Germany. —Dantzig laborers 4id to 7d per day, without board; Muihhurg 7d per day, do; Holstein, 7d per day, without board.' Netherlands. —South Holland laborers, 3d to 4d per day, with board; North Hol land 20d per day without board; Antwerp, 5d per day, do; West Flanders, 96s to 104 per year, with board. Italy. —Trieste laborers, 12d per day, without board: do 6d per day with board; Istrie, 81 to lOd per day, without board; do 4d to 5d per day, with board; Lombar dy, 4d to 8d per day do; Genoa, 5d to 8d per day do, ami without lodgings; Tuscany, 6d per day, without either. Saxony. —ln 1837 a man employed at bis own loom working very diligeutly from Monday moruing to Saturday night, from 5 o'clock in the morning until dusk, and even at times with a lamp, bis wife ass-st ing hint in finishing and taking him the work, could not possibly earn more than 20 srosehen [about 60 cents] per week- Nor could one who had three children aged 12 years and upwards, all working at tr.e loom as well as himself, with his wife employed { doing up the work, earu in the whole more j Unto §1 weekly. THE POISONED VALLEY OF JAVA. It is known as the Gueva Upas, or poi soned Valley: and following a path which had been made for the purpose, the party shortly reacted it with a couple of dogv and some fowls, for the purpose of making some experiments. On arriving at the mountain, the party dismounted and scram bled up the side of the hill, a distance of a quarter of a mile, with the assistance of the branches of trees and projecting roots. When a few yards from the valley, a strong nauseous smell was experienced, but on approaching the margin, the inconveni ence was no longer fouud. The valley is about a mile in circumference, of an oval shape, about thirty feet in length. The bottom of it appears to be flat without any vegetation, and a few large stones scatter ed here and there. Skeletons of human beings, tigers, bears and deers, and all oth er sorts of wild animals, lay about in pro fusion. The ground on which they lay at the bottom of the vale appeared to be a hard sandy substance, and no vapor was perceived. The sides were covered with vegetation. It was now proposed to en ter it, and each of the party having lit a cigar managed to get within twenty feet of the bottom, where a sickening nauseous smell was experienced, without any diffieul ity of breathing. A dog was now fastened at the end of a bamboo, and thrust to the bottom of the valley, while some of thepar j ty with their watches in their hands, ob served the effects. At the expiration of fourteen seeonds, the dog fell off his legs, without moving or looking around, and con | tinned living only eighteen minutes, liie I other dog now left the party, and sought ! his corapaniou, on reaching him he was ob served to stand quite motionless, and at the end of ten seconds fell down; he hever i moved his liiubs afte? and died at the end jof seven minutes. A fowl was now tbiowD i in, which died iu a minute and a half. On S the opposite side of tho valley to that ! which was visite d, lay a human skeleton, the head resting on the right arm. The ef fect of the weather had bleached tho bones as white as ivory. This was probably the remains of some wretched rebel, hunted towards the valley, and taking shelter there unconscious of its character. WEBSTER IN DEATH. The Boston Post gives the following in teresting memorial of the great man:— "Webster's forehead, renouned for its massive breadth and fullness, presented a much smaller appearance as be lay in his coffin iu tho library at Marsbfield. An ordinarysiied hand could easily have cover ed the whole of it. Perhaps this was owing to the removal of the brain. Before the open ooffin was carred oat upon the lawn, numbers placed their bands upon that famil iar brow as they took their last look. Th lips were slightly parted, the teeth so long of extrewß whiteness, being just jmrccptr hie. A strong resemblance regained be- VOL. 29, -NO 26. tween the fee-of the dead and the portrait of the living Webster which bung upon the wall—where also looked down upon the corpse the pictures of bis beloved eon Ed ward, who died in Mexico, and of 'Lord Ashburton, his friend, distinguished for bis part in the settlemcut of the northeastern boundary question. The body, it will be remembered, was clad in the citizen's dress be best liked—blue coat and bright buttons, white vest and neckcloth, black pantoloon* and while silk gloves. There was no ex pression of pain or melancholly upon the swarthy face, but rather a look of satisfac tion. When the coffin was carried down the steps leading into the tomb, one of the silver bandies was accidentally pressed a~ gainst the granite portal and lifted up. In the next moment it was disengaged and fell with a knock agaiast the side of the coffin, which instantly disappeared in the vault.— To the writer, wbo alone noticed the cir cumstance, trivial in itself, it seemed like the knock of death, announcing that th s great man was shut forever from the world. The day was bright iu the morning, but clouded up just as the funeral commenced, and closed in rain." A SENSITIVE CONSCIENCE. A melancholy result arising out of sen sitiveness for the loss of an employer s con fidence lately occurred in Pennsylvania.— One Robert Andrews, foreman to a respec table Nnrsery, man living a short distance from Philadelphia, wbo had lived with bis employer for ten years, and had always born a good character, lately made an ap plication for the wages of a man up to that dav, who had been discharged souie days before. His employer looking the foreman stead | ily in the face said. "Robert, do you wish to cheat me by ask ing wages for a man you discharged eight days ago?" He bad DO sooner said this than the Wood foresook the face of the conscience-stricken, man, as if be bad been stabbed to the heart. When bis employer noticed bis affliction, he told him he might retaiD his situation, bnt after such a dishonest attempt, his charac ter, and his confidence in it, were gone forever. On the following Monday, the foreman made his appearance in the nursery ground, but he was an altered man. The agitation of bis mind bad reduced his body to the condition of an infant's. He took bis spade and tried to use it,but in vane, and being compelled to desist, it was wiili difficulty he reaceed borne. He went to bed immediately and medical aid was procured, but to no purpose, and the poor fellow sunk under the degradation, and expired on the follow Wednesday. Ilig neighbors who watched at his sick bed, say, that a short time before he died he declared that the agony consequent on the loss of his characaer as an honest man which he had maintained from childhood, was the sole cause of his death. Poetry is said to be the flower of litera ture; prose is the corn, potatoes and meat: satire is the acquafortis; wit is the spice *ud pepper; loveletters are the honey and sugar letters containing the remittances are the apple dumplings. "Why, my dear sir," said a dandy re provingly to bis bootmaker, "you have mad 3 my boots large enough at the toes to k>W a a bushel of grain." "I thought replied," Snob, coolly, "that corns were grain."' are like patient wives with dissipated husbands—they are used to 'set ting up.' Qjp"Women are like tulips—the more modest and retired they appear, the better you love them. OCF"Gamblers are like condemned dar. kies gnashing their teeth —always rattling the ivories. EJ-Much of the world's 'progress' is in a wrong direction. A bloediug finger is more noticed than a bleed teg heart. POETHJAL LOVE-LETTER. 2U.0! 2 U, 1 vow to be true ; 2 C U, Y I To the world's end would fly: IBL N G Always follow me; Pur T, O'. U R Better looking by far! So when IC L N j -t My head I shall toss; And U, if U chance % B sure 2 look K J
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