<FIk fjraocrat, HARVEY BICKL.ER, Editor. TUNKHANNQCK, PA Wednesday* May 24. 1865. ~~ Davis and family, Alexan der 11. Stephens, C. C. Clay, Col- Reagan, Gen. Wheeler and sixteen others, were brought by steamer to Fortress Monroe on Friday last they are kept in close confine ment. It Is sa dby the paper of yesterday that Stephens has beeu taken to Ft. Dela ware, Davis will be confined in Fortress Mon roe. Great pains have been taken in fitting up cells to prevent an escape. Read the communicotion cf "L" in to days paper* -also the opinions ot the Tribune and other papers on Military tribu nals. Such sentiments expressed by Demo cratic organs and speakers have been de nounced as treasonable, by these sams pa. per?. Do they begin to fear that there may be other victiina besides those now on trial ? The Newburyport Herald, cancludes sn in teresting history of the various substitutes for the large and costly pipe organ with the following well deserved notice of the Cabinet Organ : all these inventions were, however, but little more than a series of experiments, a striving after an ideal, which ahould com bine all excellencies and reject all imperfec tions, which, according to the universal tes timony of the greatest musicians throughout the world, has at last been attained, is tbe 'Cabinet Organ' of Mason k Hamlin, Those who have had their ears pained by the thin, brassy sound of the old-fashioned scraphine, in which the wind was forced instead of drawn through, or who have tried to be thankful for the improved melodeon, but wishing there was more of it, can hardly realize that ail instrument of the same class should be capable of such power, richness of tone, and surprising effects aa the Cabinet Organs. It is fortunate, too, that their ex pense is so low as to place them within the means of almost every family in the land; and their influence will, we doubt not, be unbounded in musical, aesthetic, and social culture. Imbroglio Between Generals Sherman and Halieck. RICHMOND, Va., May 11, A. M Late in the night of the 10th instaul some difficulty sprung up between Major Geneial William T. Sherman, commanding the Military Di vision of the Mississippi, who had arrived in Manchester, and Major Geierd Henry W. Ilalleck, commanding the 2 iliUry Division of the James. The rupture between the two Generals, it is understood, grows out of General Hal leek's order countermanding the orders of Sherman to hi 6 subordinate commander*) during the truce with Johnson, Genera Sherman wrote to General Halieck yesterday it is said, stating that in future all inter course, of whatever nature, between them was forever at an end. WASHINGTON, May 13— It is currently reported that on Thursday General Halieck 1 called on General Sherman at his quarters in Richmond, but the latter refused to see him. General Ilalleck stated that his object was to explain and apologize for the language he had used toward General Sherman in his despatches to Mr. Stanton, General Sher man has heretofore beon about the only lriend and defender of Gederal Ilalleck among the higher officers of the army. The officers of General Sherman are ar riving here in considerable numbers. The greater part of the army will be at Alexan dria by Monday or Tuesday. They all ex press much indignation at the official and newspaper strctures on General Sherman's first arrangement for General Johnson's sur render. They say it was entirely uncslled for in view of the great services rendered by that army, and that the arrangement was in strict conformity to President Lincoln's views and policy. General Sherman has telegraphed Gen. Howard that he should remain with his troops and march through to Alexandria with them. The Correspondence Between Generals Ilalleck and Sherman, [From the New York News-] General lladeck to General Sherman: As you will be.in Richmond in a few day>, allow me to offer you the hospitaiities of my it .-nte here, where I shall be gratified tore ctive you and contribute to make your sow journ here agreeable. Heneial Sherman to General Ilalleck: Your proffered hospitality is respectfully ( <1 "dined. I had hoped to pasa through Rishmond without the patnful necessity of meeting you. Your recent advisory despatch to the War Department is sufficient explana tion. General Ilalleck to General Sherman : I regret you declining my invitation, and the unfriendly spirit manifested in your note. If you knew the feeling in which you are held at the War Department in reference to y ur agreement with Johnson you would ap -1 loc ate the motive of my despatch to which you rof r, Peimit me to assure you of my kind feeling toward you personally, my '•igh admiration for your services. :enerul Sherman to Central Halieck: I think I understand both the circum '.vnerg and the men sufficiently well to ap- ' reciate the motives of your despatch. Both ( "U and Mr. Stanton sent me warning to be- 1 are of assassins. I did not then know that ' e authors of the warning were themselves 1 assassins I bad to fear. THE PROOFS. EDITOR N. B. DEMOCRAT: A communication appeared in • recent iuue of your paper on tbe subject of Recon struct ion, in tbe courts of which the writer employed tbe following language, TIE : "When ihs leading secessionists of the "South were preparing to take their fatal "leap they knew thai the leading organ of "the party then in power, the New Fork "Tribune, was then advocating with earnest "Zealand dangerous sophistry the right of "secession. They knew that the theu newly "elected President had himself, years before, "upon the floor of Congress, given emphatic "expression to a substantially similar doc* "trine. They knew that Senators Uale "Seward and Chase, leading and controlling "spirits in the same party, had presented "and seconded a petition to Congress praying "for a dissolution of the Union." • A nameless and somewhat rambling writer in the last Republican— who kindly comes to the relief of the editor of that amiable jour nal because "he does not exchange with you" pronounces tbe statements above quoted "lies," alleging that there is "not one word of truth in the whole of them," and defies their author to prove them. It affords me pleasure to comply with the writer's polite request by favoring him with such proofs as I happen to have at hand, which I trust will prove highly satisfactory to him. In reference to the Tribune's advocacy of secession, I beg to quote from the New York Tribune of Nov. 9. 1860. "If the cotton states shall become satisfied that they can do better out of the Union than in it, we insist on letting them go in peace," The right to secede may be a revolutionary one, but it exists, nevertheless." From same paper we quote again—"We must ever resist the right of any at ate to remaiu in the Union and nullify the lawa thereof— To withdraw from the Union is quite another matter. Whenever a consider able section of our Union shall deliberately resolve to go out, we shall resist all coercive measures to keep it in. We hope never to live in a republic whereof one section is pin ned to snotber by bayonets." We quote again from the New York Trib une of Nov. 26, 1860. "Il the cotton states unitedly and eat nest ly wish to wi'hdraw peacefully from the Union, we think ihry should be allowed te do so. Any attempt to compel ttiem by force to remain would be contrary to the principles enunciated in the immortal Declaration of Independence— contrary to the fundamental ideas on which human liberty is biaed." It will be observed thr.t my polite antago nist takes very strong exreption to the mes sage of ex President Buchanan in which the j latter adverted to the fact that the Constitu ; tion is silent on the subject of secession i neither giving the risht, nor by ex pres terms granting the power to prevent; bui the Tribune broadly aesens the right ot se cession, and just as broadly denies the power to prerent secession. Again. From the New York Tribune of Doc. 17, 1860, (while South Carolina was in the act of seceding) 1 quote as follows. "If the Declaration ol Independence justified the secession from the British empire of three millions of colonists in 1776, we do not see why it would not jus tify the secession of five millions of Southern ers from the Union in 18G1." Again. From New Yortc Tribune of Feb. 23d, 1861. Whenever it shall be clear that the great body of the Southern people have become conclvsively alienated from the Union and anxious to escape from it, we will do our best to forward their views." At this latter date seven of the southern states hail already seceded. It is not neces sary, therefore, for my present purpose, to follow the Tribune through its succeeding issues. These samples, covering a period of tune when their effect was necessarily more mischievous that they could have proved st any other period of the nation's history, will suffice to show very clearly the truth of my assertion in reference to the Tribune's advo cacy of secession. How very easy it is for my polite accuser to discover the mote in Buchanan's eye ; but how difficult to see the beam in the Tribune's, or perhaps, his own. This, however, would seem to be character istic of the party of "great moral ideas j"— and quite naturally so, because their own saintship being assumed, all who differ with them must necessarily be devils, or worse. Again. We quote from Mr. Lincoln's speech in Congress on the 12th cf January 1848. "Any people, anywhere, being inclined and having the power, HAVE A RIGHT TO RISE UP AND SHAKE OFF THE EXISTING GOVERNMENT, AND FORM ANEW ONE THAT SUITS THEM BETTER." Mr. Lincoln continued—"This ia a most valuable, a most sacrad right, a right which we hope and believe ia to liberate the world. Nor is this right confined to cases in which the wbole people of ao existing government may choose toexerciaa it— ANT PORTION CF SUCH PEOPLE THAT CAN MAT REVOLUTIONIZE AND MAKE THEIR OWN OF SO MUCH OF THE TERRITORY AS THEY INHABIT. More than this ; A MAJTKITY OF ANY PORTION of BUch people may revolutionise putting down a minority inturmingled with, or near about them, who may oppose their movements." We have here, and in the foregoing ex tracts from the Tribune, distinct, imphaiic, and reiterated affirmations of the whole d<>c trine asserted by Jefferson Davis and his compeers in justification of their attempt to divide the Union. I might add columns of coroboration of this most mischievous doc trine bj other leading members of the same party; but my statement in reference to them not having been denied by ray amiable enemy, it is quite unnecessary for me to do •o. Probably he ia satisfied by this rime that there is "one word of truth in the whole statement" that he pronounces "lies." soir, i#t u* anppoap Jog -rmint. tfcM that message of Mr. Buchanan'# that excit auch holy horror in the loyal writer's patri otic bosom, instead of a simple statement of how the constitution regards the alleged right of secession (denying the right, but at the same time noticing the absence of any provision authorising the use of foroe 10 pre vent, except in detence of the public property and of the functions of the officers engaged in the collection of the revenue) had con tained the same language that I have quoted from Mr. Lincoln's speech in Congress, and from the Tribune. In that event, doubtless, the patriotic Stanton'a mob courts would have had the venerable ex President's bead upon a pole inore than three years ago. But what especial sanctity does advocacy of se cession and revolution derive from the pen of Greeley, or from the lips of men who created "the parly of great moral ideas.?" Ah ! There is a mighty difference "twixt tweedle dum and tweedledee." Does not the writer know that uo statesman whose opinions are regarded even in his own party as authority upon questions of constitutional law has ever yet undertaken, by an analysis of that rnes sage, to show that Mr. Buchanan'satatemer.tr therein, or his c inclusions wore wrong ? Does he not know that, until the bombard ment of Fort Sumpter, Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward found themselves in precisely the same difficulty that Mr. Buchanan had en countered, and tacitly, if not expressly, rec ognized the soundness of tho views he had expressed ? When political tricksters wax so eloquent in their patriotic denunciation of that message, they uniformly ignore the fact that it was sent to Congress some two months before the attack upon Fort Sumpter, which relieved the country of all cmbarasa ment upon this question by throwing the government upon the defensive. lii criticising the conduct of public men it is at least fair to keep in view the state of facts existing at the time of the acts complain *d of—-and in this connection it is but just to say, that at the time of Mr. Lincoln's speech, he had no reason to believe that the people of any section of the Union were then desirous of "shaking off the existing government and setting up another to suit them better." It had been better, however, if that doctrine had never formed a part of his official record ; for we have no right to ignore the fact that thai record, in connection with the plausible but fata 1 advocacy of similar doctrines by leading organs and leading men of the party whose advent to power was cotemporaneous with secession, formed a very important element in southern estimate of the chances of success in that movement. In common honesty, let me ask whether 'he soutnern secessionists had not a right to infer that whatever of power the then newlv elected President, sustained by the T. ibune and all the other influences to which I have adviried, could exert upon this question Would be exerted in accordance with that re cord, ard with those influences ? Had thes not a right to infer that all those men in the North who believed in th# Gospel according to Greeley—which, if I understand it, de thrones Divinity and the Law, and places in their stead "great moral ideas"—would say with their master, "if the cotton states shall become satisfied that thej can do better out of the Union than in it, we insist on letting them go in peacz." "The right to secede may be a revolutionary one, but it exists nev eriheless." Of what avail to preach to them that "Mr. Lincoln had been Constitutionally elected," when Mr. Lincoln had already fur nished thtm with the reply that 'any people, anywhere, being inclined and having the p*>w er, have a right to rise up and shake off the existing government and aet up another to suit thein better ?" Unfortunately for them and for the coun try, I hey accepted this bad logic, and acted upon it, doubtless in the hope that its authors would, in the language of the Tribune, "do their best to forward their views." For the proof'in relerenco to the action of Senators, Sewnrd, Chase and Hale upon the celebrated New England petition to Congress 'tojdcvise some plan by which the Union may be divided," I would respectfully refer the writer to the Congressional Globe of that time I should be happy to furnish him with th date, but I have it not at hand. He can ready satisfy his enquiring mind by looking it. up. or by enquiring as to the fact of any gentle man of ordinary intelligence whose meinorv has not an unfortunate habit of loosing track of certain rather objectionable points in the records of certain public men. I shall not follow the learned writer ihro the remainder of his rambling performance' further than to express my modest regrets that the communication to which he takes quite naturally, such violent exception, did not come up to ih6 level of his comprehen sion. He says "when a man has committed a crime he should pay the penalty the law exacts," and argues quite elaborately Hat the leading secessionists 'should not be permitted to escape the penalty ol their crimes." I certainly shall make no issue with him upon this subject. If he will look sgain over the communication to which he objects so strenuously he will find not the slightest ob jection to any eourse that may be taken with reference to leading secessionists, whether in the South or in the North in pursuance and under t he sanctions of Law. Such a course j I would by no means regard as a 'vindic | tive snd bloody policy/' whatever objection j it nvght lie pen to. upon other ground*; What I do regard as a "vindictive and bloody p*l icy" is that adopted and threatened by 'he impudent Sianion and hi mob courts, in open defiance of law. and in plain violation of constitutional guarsitiea that cannot be thus stncken dowr without converting the gov- ' eminent at once into an absolute and barhar ous despotism. I venture to hope that it lies within the scope of my accusers intellect to duly estimate the importance of these gnaran 1 ties, and the necessity for guarding with a! jealous watchfulness, against the slightest in ! fraction of thein. I am glad to know that aiDM tba data of my former communication a number of the leading Republican Editors i hive exhibited strong evidence that their j eyes are becoming fully opened to the danger with which the country is threatened from this source. If I erred in attributing to a majority of the party in power sentiments ol | approval of the lawfosa and high handed poli cy of the bad man who controls the war office ! and aspires to the control of thef administra tion ol justice, I would, most certainly, be very glad to know it. Be this as it may, it is very certain that until quite recently the only honest, hearty condemnation and disap proval o! auch outrages that met the public eye came from Democratic sources. The sooner, however, the public shall be brought to a just sense of the public daDgtys involved in the usurpation by Secretary Stanton and his subservient tools, of the control of the ad ministration of justice in '.bis land, the better for all concerned. And now, having, I trust, fully performed tny duty to toy excellent, but nameless toe, I beg to take leave of him with tny best bow. L, ° au .-urti#la adoutlug Democrat ic Op Inlona About the Respect Due to Constitutions, l.aw and Civil Courts. SECRET COURTS—I HE TRIAL OF TIIE ASSASSINS. [Editorial of ths New York Times, if May 11, M. Seward's Organ ] It ia very possible the publication of the evidence taken on the trial of the conspira tora at Washirgton might prevent the ar rest of Bomr persons implicated in the crime of assassination who are now at large ; but their arrest must be of very great importance indeed, if the fear of their escaping is suffi cient to justify the profound secrecy with which it has been determined to surround the proceedings. The chief of Booth's ac complices, it is fair to conclude, are those for whose apprehension's reward has been offered Davis, Tucker, Sander;& Co.—and it is rot pretended that any thing whieh inay transpire at the trial at Washington, will, in the least degree, offset the chance of their escape.— They and their friends have certainly been aa much put on their guard by the President'# proclamation as they are likely to be by any thing else that can occur- It is uut unfair to conclude, therefore, that "the partiea who may escape, should pnohci ty be given to the proceedings," are "parties" of an inferior degree of guilt, and now within ihe limits of the Un"ed Spates, and if So, we cannot help saying that it is for various weight) reasons to he regretted that their capture should be deemed either so import ant or difficult, as to be made the pretext or occasion ol introducing inoi our comma! procedure so extraordinary an anomaly a?> tsial by a military commission for a capital offense with closed doors, and wi:h an oath of secrecy imposed on all persons taking part 'nthe proceeding' 4. We think it would ha*e been infinitely better to have postponed ifce irial till all publicity could do no harm, even if that periol were likely to be six months distant, than iniroduce into this countiy so novel a tribunal, and one so repugnant to the spirit of our institutions, us thai which is now sitting at Washington 1/ is one for which no precedent is to be found in the hisloiy of any free country, and one to which the worst European despotisms have rarely ventured, even in Poland or Hungary to ics>rt. Even the uidnppy victims ol iln- Irish rebellion were prepared f<>r the gallows in open court, in the light of day. Moreover, there are strong doubts enter tained by ill affected persons at the^North as lo the existanee of any good foundation for the charges made against Davis in the late proclamation. Abroad, all the enemies of the Government will certainly receive them with incredulity and derision ; and there is no question that under all the ci*cumstan es it would be difficult to imagine a position moie humiliating and embarrassing than that in which the government will stand, if it should appe.ar that those charges were lightly or frivolously made. Nofliing will prevent, the spread of such a presumption, except the production in open court of the evidence on which thej were based, and its subtnissiou'to the scrutiny of the prisoners' counsel and ol the public at large. Those who flatter themselves that public opinion, either &( home or abroad, will be much mflu enced by a version of it which has bee • ed ited and expurgated by the Judge AI vocnte tuust be very simple people indeed. Nobody will permit himself, whatever his leaning may be. to attach i,ny value to revelations made under conditions in which eveiy rnle of evidence is set at naught, and even the experience of every day life treated with con tempt. Secret Military Trials. [Fom the New York Tribune | What makes the matter all the worse is, that on the very day on which this tribunal begins its proceedings, the state of things which alone could juMily it IF ANYTHING COULD JUSTIFY IT, had been formally declared at an end by proclamation, under the Pres dent's hand and seal* Foreign powers were warned that the war was over at tho very j inomaat ihat a tribunal was assembling, for! whose constitution and procedure nothing' but overwhelming and imminent danger to the national existence would he a sufficient warrant. Will they really believe that j peace has been restored when a moat atro , cioua crime has to be tried and punished by a military court sitting in secret in ihe na j tional capital, and in a Country in which all ! secret thing s, and above all, sreret trials, have always been held in abhorrence ? There is a curious old document m exist ence. known as the Constitution of ihe Uni ted Stales, which formerly had the f.rce and effect of law in that large portion ol our country not specially denominated by the slave power. Under the rule of our present 1 Cabinet, it seems to have gone out of lashton; and, sine# Mr. Staaton'# accession to the 1 •ntrel vf the War Department, it has be- 1 ' tcume practically obsolete. Loyal citizens did i not much miod thia while civil war convu'Mi the country, threatening the permanent over* throw of our liberty and nationality; but !n w that the war la practically ended, it ' soems high time that tha old parchment were exhumed add treated with aouie ahow of reaped. There being, apparently, no copy extant in the Federal city, we quote from one in our possession, for the iaatruc tion and admonition of our inagnatea, certaio amendments prodused by the Statea, when ratifying the inatrdtnent, which, boing duly : approved and adopted, became an integral part of our fundamental law—as follows : ART. V. No person shall be held to an- I a*ar for a capital or otherwise infamous i crime unless, by a presentment or indictment ■ of a Grand Jury except in caaes arising in • the laud or naval forces, or in the militia when in actual service in tune of war or pub I lie danger , nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice putin jeop ardy of life or limb ; nor shall he be com pelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty ■ or pr iperty, WITHOUT OT-'S raoccsa or LAW J ' nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation, i * ART. VI. lu all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime aball have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law to be confronted with the witnesses againat him. to have cunpulsory process for obtaining wit. nesses in his favor, and to bars the assistance of counsel for his defense. ART. VII In suits at c mmon law, where in the value in controversy shall exceed twen ty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved; and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United States than aceording to the rule of the common law. ART, VIII. Excessive bail shall not be re quited, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishment inllicted. We have made our citations full, not mere ly in deh-rence to the apparent inaccessibility of the document at Washington, but because we^wished every reader to see that the pan sages we have placed in Italic* are not garb lea Dor picked, but that they are of the es sence and vitality of the Constitution itself Being,so, how can we justify, or excuse, or even keep silence with regard to the military trials just initiated at Washington ? A mis creant, acting in concert with other assassins, lias attempted the life of the Secretary o' State, and, though his ;urp<j*f was oefeated, he nevertheless severely wounded Governor Seward, his oldest son, and two or three oth ers who nobly rcsUtod bun. Of course, lhi villain and his confederates should be sternh dealt with ; hut why not according to law ? What reason, what excuse, can be urged to justify the sending of this case before a court martial and having it tried in secret? How can such a trial be reconciled with the plain pre visions of the Constitution above quoled ? As to the military trial of those who con spired with Booth to assassinate the Prvsi j dent, and aided to achieve that fell purpose, the outrage is pot so flagrant ; but such rta! is at best a blunder, while enshrouding it in secresy is utterly indfensible. To try a doc tor for his life, because he set a atrangerV broken bone and gave or sold, o r lent him a pair of crutches may just do; but to try him in si-crat allowing no report of the testimony but such as the prosecution sees fit to make, is n< thing les than abominable. Two months ago, it would have been endured for the coun try's sake; now, there is no reason that it should be. We warn all who take any volun 1 tary part in these strange proceedings thai ! rebellion is suppressed, the war is at an end, :l ! and the right to suspend the privilege of habe ; as corpus and make the will oi a Secretary of •' War the supreme law of the land, has expir i ed. If our present Secretary cannot be made | ; to realize these grave truths, it is high time ! he had a successor; and if our Attorney* General believes tha assailant of Secretary i Seward now ''legally triable before a military commission," he badly needs his own fr the completion of his legal studies, while-' the government needs a different law officer. There may be politer ways of setting forth these convictions, but none of these would do them justice. Gentlemen of the Cabinet ! the war east -1 ward of the Mississippi is ended ; the rebel lion is suppressed ; the Union is reestablish ed, and peace virtually restored ; wherefore the people demand of you a speedy and thor ough return to the safe and orderly ways of law and liberty. Do not cotnpe: them to speak in tones that you cannot refuse to hear ! (From the Phils. Ledgvr, 12th inst ) SECRCT MILITARY T'.IBCNALS. The at tempts of Mr. Stanton to set Raids the courts of law for the trial of offences and to substitute secret military tribunals are not rceiving that quiet deference he possibly : hoped for fr< n the public. The most atrenu* 1 ous suj porters of the Republican party are ! loud in their condemnation of this as arhnra i ry, and unwarrantable by anv law or prece dent in the history of the Govvtimeot. The people know what courts sud juries are, and submit to their decisions with respect, because they see all the machinery and processes by which a decision is reached, and kn iw that condemnation comes t on!y from the piepowder snce of testimony upon a jury's mind. Mili tary coris'hey knew nothing about noi are they permitted to know, for everything is done in secret and only their judgments are announced. This outrages every man's sens# of justice, and creates a suspicion against thefairness of the pa<>ceedings, which weak ens the reverence which ought to be popular ly fwltfnr tribunals that have the power of da i cidmgupoß tha lifa and liberty of tbacitisao, I Tha war which thia eocatiV baa ao •- cesfully waged was a war fi.r frardo and tha rights of humanity.. The people do not wish to see it end with their lib? ruts ia danger. Nothing more endangers them than this subversion of jury trials and tha substitution of secret military courts sitting in judgment upon the lives end personal freedom of the ' citizens. If there is anything tha peopla rs gard as sacred, and the best security for their rights, it is the institution of justice—an open trial by the jury of their countryman. Uloa > ad doors sod secret investigations, with life r and liberty at stake, look to much hka tha I days of inquisition ever to be tolerated as a part of the administration of justice ia a free ' land. Mr. Stanton greatly mistakes tha tea* 1 per of the American people, when he under* L takes this dangerous innovation upon the e 1 tablishcd institutions which every man has k learned to respect, and which he, himself, is bound to recognize and defer to this by bis 1 oath of office. 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First Premium for Machine Work, REEXFIELD (O)UNION FAIR. First Premium for Family Machine. First Premium for Machine Work. LINTON Co (O)FAIR. First Premium for trinity Machine. First Premium for Michiue Work. ONra IMETV Co.(Pa )FAIR. First Premium for Machine for all pa -poses. First Premium for Muceine Work. AN JOAQIT.NC , (Cul )FAIR. I *r-t Premium for Family Machine. First Premium tor M u-hine Work. AN JOsE DISTRICT (Cal ) FAIR First Premium for Family Machine. Fxisf Premium lor Machine Worn f."?** The aoove comprises all the fairs at whwk ie (ißoi)k.n A pAKK.it MACAINKS were exhibited thin ?. ales-rooms. 495 Hroadway, Ynrh, 73Q Chestnut St. Phi!aiielphia 0 PROFESSORS OF MUSIC AMATEURS, AN® THE MUSICAL PRPLIC GENERALLY, L\ A. WOVDEKMANN •ORV.IG.V I AMf.RICA.X MUSIC WAXXHOSSX, 824 IMill WAT, Taring on hand the largest-stock of Foreign Muse n New Fork,which he imjxirts from Europe express y to meet the taste and requirements of the Amen an lovers of Music, respectfully calls attendant# be fact that he is now supp ying Music ot Every ityle at a Reductnn of TWRKTV-VIVB to wirrr per •cut, less th in any other house in the United States. Private Families can be supplied (post free ) by orwerding the cash to the above address Sheold* he amount of ccs i be forwarded exceed the costs he Musi.-, the balance will o# promptly retnrned in mat age rum ncy DKALI ss an i Professors should not negleet this ipjsirtunitr ; tr,ey will be liberally dealt with. N B Any and every piece of Music (voce! er ntruuienta>) published in Europe and America, still be supplied to order, if accompanied by Iks :ash, Remember the Address, P.A.WUND E R M A N * Foreign and American Music Werehoasn, S'24" Broadway, New York, New Clothing Store —-AT NICHOLSON DEPOT! mm.? - mva ClotHing:, HATS AND CAPS. BDOTS AND SHOES, A GREAT VARIETY. ALL NEW GOODS AND FOR SALE CHEAP, H. 8. HARP T% ' NICHOLSON. Pa, 1861 FOP A yoke of w Eticuis- SALE ~ " * -* an^u ln / ox f°' MnD Fwn eld. Foi _ -nan *.JT2 undersigned or Philip j . sflwkhxnuo ck, where thsy can be 4- MEG# ERA OFFIN.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers