BOUNTIES. What is further 'u be mentioned in this eon met ion is llie payment of bounties by 'he United States, by the State Govern ments, and by cities, counties, an! other municipalities. In their payment there has been great want of unif Tinity and system. The policy of the General Government has not been the saine at all times, and in the States there hats been infinite diversity.— Up u the whole, the system of bounties has been costly an i unequal ; the amount of in debtedness created by it is enormous, and unequal sums have been paid to soldiers of the same grade of merit. Under any system of i<>cal bounties to avoid conscription, the wealthy parts of the country enjoy an ad vantage over others, and especially where manufacturing and other interests find it to 1 their profit in providing the supplies of the war to retain their laborers ot home, substi tuting payments of money in their stead, un less each State shall be firmly required to furnish the substitutes to fill np its quota from its own citizens. But the General Government has permitted the ageuts of such interests in a State to go into other States and into the Sonthern country and obtain enlistments for bounties, both of white and black troops, to be credited upon the quota of the State of the agent. If it shall happen hereafter that local payments of bounties, whether by States or municipalities within them, be assumed by the Government of the United Slates, the inequalities of the system and its extravagance in many cases will be come a mattei of concern to the whole peo ple. And it is a just matter of complaint ngainsi those who have held authority in the Federal Government, that by their policy and want of policy on this Rubject the burden of the war has been vastly increased, and been distributed irregularly and unfairly. The pecuniary outlay and indebtedness caused by payment of local bounties, being mostly incurred by powerful and influential it is quite possible that they may be recognized hereafter by Congress as a legitimate object of national assumption; and if this happen, those communities th-at have retained their laborers at home, and thereby secured their prosperity during the war, will cast a part of the burden of their exemption upon other sections. Obviously what has been wanting has been wisdom and foresight in tboso who have controlled the public measures of the war, and who have resorted to ono expedi ent after another without a fixed policy; who have acted where they ought uot, and have failed to act where action and regulation were demanded. NEGRO TROOrS. But a subject which requires particular notice is, the employment of negro troops in the war. An act of Congress, passed the 17th day of July, 1862, authorized the President "to receive into tho service of the United States for the purpose of constructing intrenchments, or performing camp service, or any other labor, or any military or naval service for which they might be found com petent, persons of African descent ; and such persons should be enrolled and organized under 6uch regulations, not inconsistent with the Constitution and laws, as the President might prescribeand further, that they should receive ten dollars per month and ono ration, three dollars of which monthly pay might be in clothing/' Without any other law on the subject pri or in date to the present session of Congress except an imperfect provision in an act of 1862, the President in his message of Decem ber Bth. 1863, announced, that "of those who were slaves at the beginning of the rebeiliou, fully one hundred thousand are now in the United States military service; about oue balf of which number actually bear arms in the ranks." At the present session, on the 21th of February, an act amendatory of the conscrip tion law of 1863 was approved, the twenty fourth section of which provides for the en* rollinent of colored persons between twenty and fortyfive yeas of age ; that slaves of loyal masters enrolled, drawn and mustered into the public service, shall be tree, arid one hun dred dollars for each shall he paid to the master ; and that in the slave States repre sented in Congress, the loyal maetor of a slave who volunteers into the public service shall be paid a sura not exceeding three hun. dred dollars,out of the military commutation fund. By the army appropriation bill, approved June 15th, 1864, it was further provided, " that all persons of color who have been or may be mustered into the military service of the United States shall receive the same uni form, clothing, arms, equipments, and equip age, rations, medical and hospital, attendance pay and emoluments, other than bounty, as other soldiers of the regular or volunteer for ces of the United States of like arm of the service, from and after the first day of Janu ary, 1864 ; and that every person of color who shall hereafter be mustered into the servica, shall receive such sums in bounty as the President 6hall order in the different States and parts of the United States not exceeding one hundred dollars [each.' ] Tbis enactment is similar in terms to a bill which passed the Senate in March last, upen the consideration of which it was an nounced. that at least two hundred thousand colored troops would bo raised. Adding to this number the number stated by the Pres ident to be in service, in Deoeiuber last, would make one quarter of a million of troops of this description. The measures above mentioned would es tablish the following points in the policy of the Government, first. The euriplovment of black troops generally, both slave and free. Second. Tho equality of black troops with white as to compensation and supplies, and third, the payment to the loyal master of a slave of a bounty not exceeding three hun dred dollars wheu lie volunteers. The practical results of this policy are, to obtain an inferior quality of troops at the highest rate of exprnsc ; to impose upon the Treasury the support of an enormous number of the undisciplined aud ignorant uegroes ; to recognise the principle of buying negroes from their masters, whether public interests require it or not, and to incur the risk of breaking down in the war l>ecause of the in efficiency of the forces employed in its pro secution. Besides, it is notorious that in pursuing this policy, the negro women and children must, to a great extent, be thrown upon the Government for support or be left to perish. I here has never been extensive objection to the employment of negroes under the act of 1862, in those war employments for which they are fitted as laborers and teamsters, and for camp service, lu the warm parts of the country, especially, they could be thus usefully employed, and a reasonable number doubtless might also be employed for some •orts of service in the navy. But to employ an unwicldiy number of them at such pro digious expense, is most evident folly and Wrong, ami it will be well if signal disaster does not result frotn it, We know no reaaon tor this extravagant, costly, and dangerous policy, except a desire of the majority in Congress to establish (if indeed their enact menu could accomplish such object) the equality of the black and white races with each other. But doubtless, the employment of blacks in the war i to U made tbe pre- text for extending to them the right of stiff rige *nd also social position, and to be fol lowed probably, by the organization of a considerable body of them into a standing ar my. INCREASE or SOLDIERS' PAY. The immediate result of this policy of ne groisui in the war has been to postpone, and at la'-t to limit the increase of compensation to our citizen soldiers. Bills providing such an increase were permitted to lie unacted up on in Congress for more than five months of the present session, and the bill finally adop ted for that purpose was inadequate and made to take eficct only from the first of May, 1864. It increased the pay of privates from thirteen to sixteen dollars per month, (without distinction of color, )and the pay of officers in somewhat similar proportions,- But thesmallnes of this increase as well as the delay in enacting it, was occasioned by the extravagant measures abovo mentioned The Treasury, strained by the payment of enormous sums to negroes by reason of their employment in increased numbers and at in creased rates of expense, could illy respond to the just demands made upon it io behalf of our citizen soldiers. Besides it is instructive to observe that ia thin legislation py Congress, while increased pay to white tro>ps begins on the first of May, an iruiease to colored troops date? from tbhi first of January . Aud a provision con lamed in the act of 15th of June authorizes the Attorney General of the United States to inquire whether increased pay under firmer former laws cannot be allowed to negroes employed iu the public service before the be ginning of the present year, who were free on the 19th of April, 1851, and if he deter mine in favor of such allowance his decision shall be carried into elfi ct by orders of the War Department. The majority in Congress in pursuing the phantom of negro equality are as improvident as they are impassioned. The decision of the War Department (in ac cordance with the opinion of its solicitor) as to the compensation of negroes under former laws, is to be opened and subjected to review by the Attorney General, in tho hope that some additional meaning may ba wrung out of the old statutes justifying additional ex peuditure upon a favorite object. It ought to be manifest to every reasona ble man that negroes in service should be paid less than waitc troops, and that the increase of their pay from ten to sixteen dol. lars per month was unnecessary and profii. gate. The market value of their labor is known to be less than that of citizens, and it is equally clear services are much less val. liable in tho army. We have but to add under this head that additional pay to our citizen soldiers in ser. vice is but just and reasonable, and ought long since to have been provided.— The great depreciation in the value of the currency in which they are paid, end the increased rates of price in the country affect, ing all their purchases and outlays, have de manded the notice and consideration of the Government. It is upon their exertions that reliance must be placed for success in the war, and even for the preservation of the Treasury from embarrassment and the coun. try from pecuniary convulsion ; and whatev. er differences of opinion may exist as tos measures of Government policy, their merit, and sacrifices demand recognition and grat itude from the whole mass of their country, mom This gigantic scheme for the employment of negio troops at full rate of expense is, therefore, unwise as regards tho prosecution of the war, and operates unjustly as to our citizen soldiery in service. In other words it is dangerous, profligate, and unjust. But limited space requires us to forego further examination of particular points of Administration policy, (however instructive and useful such examination might be,) and to confine ourselves to 6ome general consider ations which may be more briefly presented. And these will relate to the dangers which will threaten us (as results of Administra tion policy) during the and afterwards. [CONCLUDED NEXT WKEE ] 5 00,000 More. Old Abe has called for five hundred thou sand more. Are the men really needed 1 If so it is strangely humiliating. At the com mencement of the war, the white population of the South was set down at nine millions ; deducting the women and children,and those who still adhere to the Administration, and the fighting material was estimated at seven hundred thousand, — it may have reached one million, —and yet to conquer or subdue them it has been found necessary to call out, from time to time, and employ, over two millions of men—, fully two to one— and still the ciy is for more men. Five hundred thousand is the estimate of the federal loss in battle up to the present time, —fully balf as many as the could raise, and yet with this immense number, and with this terrible loss, aud with six hundred thousand federal sol diers still in the field, it is deemed necessary to call out another half million of men. It tbis state of affairs presents a pleasiug aspect to tho getters up of this war for disunion, le them enjoy it, It is deeply humiliating to the North. This very call is tantamount to an acknowledgement of failure, —not of ener gy and bravery of Northern troops—but ol brains to conduct the affairs of State aud manage the war—a mo6t humiliating failure, and to make up fur this lamentable deficien cy on the part of the Administration, we are called upon to supply mere bruto force.— Jeffcrsonian. A Grab lor 500.000 Poor Men. Republicans as well as Democrats, regard 1 and speak of Lincoln's Drift Proclamation for j 500,000 more, as a grab after poor men. And ' they may well say so, for it is not expected, | nor was it intended to catch tho rich who, if drafted, can readily give §ISOO or §2OOO for substitutes, while the poor man, however good his chartcter, or numerous his friends, has no chance of escape, Lincoln and his cab inet having influenced Congress to strike out the §3OO commutation provision. If the sub stitute clause had also been done away, then the rich and poor able bodied men between 20 and 45, would have fared alike ; but Lincoln & Co., don't want that. Their doctrine is that all the fighting should bo done by the | poot men, just as if the life of a poor man is not so sacred aud valuable to himself, his i f athr, mother,children, brothers, sisters and i friends, as the rich man's is to Lira and his ! — Ex . JC3TI .incoin repeats his story of trading horses while crossing a stream very frequent ly but the people dou't tnjoy it after a!!. What they want, is to trade iff an ass for a statesman for President. What thieves ami plunderers lose 11 the exchange the country gains. flit Democrat. HARVEY SICKL.ER, Editor. TUNKHANNOCK, PA . Wednesday, July, 2 7 1864. FAIR NOTICE j Oa and. after tlio close of the pres ! ent volumn, (August 3d), the sub . scription price of the Democrat will jbe per year, in advance. If not I paid within six months, $2,50 will ! positively be charged. Those who have already paid tor the fourth vol timn or any part of it, will receive it up to the time tor which they have paid, at our former rates. A I.ast Word to our Delinquent Subscribers At the close of the present volume, we propose to strike from our list, the names of all subscribers who have taken our paper from the tuna or near the commencement of the new series, and who have neglected to pay us for it. We shall then proceed to col ect all amounts due us from such do linquents One more number closes tho the third vol ume of tho new series. Those therefore, who have taken our paper for nearly three years, and have failed to pay us for it, need not be surprised at uot receiving the Ist No. of the 4th volume. Wa are obliged to adopt this course from necessity, not from choice. We would be glad, were we able to do so, to furnish our paper, gratis, or give even a longer credit than three years, to every man, woman and child in the country, who desired tt ; but our instincts of self-pre6ervafion—cur duty to outifamily forbid it. In short we are too poor The exhorbitant prices now demanded for paper, ink, labor, and indeed every thing used by us in publishing our paper, has forc ed us to adopt this plan, to save ourselves from ruin. We do it with great reluctance for we are satisfied that our paper finds its way into hundreds of families where its ben efits far exceed its price. We are aware too, that many whose names we 6hall strike off are good and true men—reliable demo crats—abundantly responsible for a score of subscriptions. But three years is a longer credit than we can afford to give. We are obliged t J pay for our paper and ink, wheu it is received, and our labor when it is done. It is possible that in the close pruning 1 which we propose to give our list, we may inadvertantly omit tho names of some who " have paid us something on their subscrip tions. When informed of any such omission . i we will cheerfully correct it. We ask those who may be indebted to its for one or two years, or upwards, to see to „ it that they are at least, square with us at f the commencement of the fourth volume. Remittances by letter or otherwise will 1 be promptly acknowledged, and receipted by earliest mail. j The Congressional Address. j Much of our space this week is occupied 2 by the first part of a Congressional V'lrtress j to the people of the United States—tho re mainder, of which, will appear in our issue i of next Week. This document, signed by most of the Democratic members of the p resent congress, is well understood to be , from the pen of cur able and talented U. S. s Senator—the Hon. CHARLES R. BUCKALEW. s Its plain, unimpassioned, Anglo Saxon lan ( guage cannot but make a deep and lasting - impression upon the public mind. No intel -1 ligent man can read it, but with an entire t conviction of the truth of its statements, and t the justfces of its conclusions. To inquire its carefuf, and candid perusal by every dem , ocrat, in this regioo, it is enough for us to indicate its origin. It will uot only be read in Northern Pennsylvania, as the embodied ,f sentiments of the Democratic Representatives 1 : of the nation, but as the matured, well con , sidered opinions of CHAS R. BUCKALEW a - man born, reared and educated in our midst, i a man with whom many of us have had tn - tiuiat epohtical, personal, and social relations —a man whose genius, wisdom and integri ty is stamped upon, has an enduring monu- I ment in the archives of our state. But it is . not enough th at it be read by democrats. I alone. It is addressed "TO THE PEOPLE " Let every man, every lover of his country, j- its laws and institutions, who looks forward . to tho time when, and the means by which . j they shall be rescued from the maelstrom of : destruction into which they have been drag ' I ged, read it and projit by Us lessons of wis dom. A HARD CASE. —In the late draft, among 1 the persons drafted in an adjoining borough , I was an enterprising mechanic. He was una ble. to raise 8300, and his father, although s wealthy, would not "contribute money to keep any one out of the war." On Friday > last we saw him starting for the front. liis ! children have been thrown upon the tender charities of the borough for support until his ' return. The parting of father and children, ' under such circumstances, was enough to f ! bring tears from the heart of a stone,.and yet ! i we are told by some c f our clergy and other -; abolitionists that this is a glorious war, and I I must go on until "slavery is wiped out. — ' ; Lack. Register. r 4- 1 Special Election, on Tuesday, August 2J. Tlis Sp;cUl Electlio, A special election takes place i* this Sute on Tuesday next, to ascertain the will of the people, in relation to three amendments to the Constitution, which hare been proposed by two successive Legislatures. They are as follows, and are stated more fully in the advertisement thereof published in our ad vertising columns : 1. To allow the soldiers in the military service of the United Staie r , wherever tbey may be located on the day of election, to vote. 2. That the Legislature shall not pass any Bill relating to more than one 6ubjeet, ex- : cept the appropriation bill. 3. Restraining the Legislature from grant. >ng p iwers or privileges in any case in which the courts have authority for granting them. These proposed.amendmentsare all import ant, and should receive the careful consider ation of the people who will, doubtless, pass upon them, for or against, as their judgment shall dictate to be right. There will be three tickets ; one on each amendment, They should be labelled on the outside respectively : "First Amendment," "Second Amend "me*it," and "Third Amendmentand | "and those who are favorable to said amend- j "ments or any of them may express their ap- ! "proval thereof by voting, each, as many sep "arate, written or printed, or partly written, iC and partly printed, ballots, or tickets, as 'there are amendments approved by them " containing on the inside thereof, tbo words, " For the Amendmentand those who are " opposed to such amendments, or any of " them, may express their opposition l>v "voting, each, as many separate, written or " priuted, or partly written and printed, bal " lots or tickets, as there are amendments " not approved by them, containing, on the " inside thereof, the words, "Against the " AmendmenttheelScters, voting for, or "against, the first amendment, shall be con " sidered as voting for, or against, the pro " posed fourth section to article three of the " constitution extending the right of suffrage " to soldiers ; electors, voting for, or agai nst, " the second amendment, shall be considered "a voting for, or against, the proposed 'i eighth section to article eleven or the con " stitution ; and electors, voting for, or " against, third amendment, shall be consid '' ered as voting, for or against, the proposed i' ninth sectiou to article eleven of thecon •stitution. Any person wishing to vote for or against any one of the amendments may do so with out voting on the others at all. As their adoption or rejection is not and should not be made a party question; but one relating to important changes in our fundamental laws, we shall not indicate any course to be pursued bv our friends. We hope no man, however, will neglect to jexer cise his right to vote on them ; and to vote as his judgment may dictate, without "fear favor or affection." From present indications there will be some diversity of opinion on the first amend - rnent. Many of the Linc-ilnitcs while open | ly professing great regard for the right of the soldiers to vote will secretly vote against it ; fearing that the event of its adoption, and the nomination of McCleilan for the Preci deney, the soldiers will cast their votes for him. Other men, with far better motives will feel constrained to vote against it; for the reason that past experience has shown, that an untrammelled, fair expression of choice, by soldiers—officered by men. most of whom have become thoroughly abolitionized—has has never yet been, and probably never will be made. That they have been denied op portunities to inform themselves upon polit ical issues, by the suppression and ioderdic tiun of Democratic newspapers cannot be successfully contradicted. That they hav been systematically plied with aboliti -^ a ar _ gumentsand document", no one can deny. The Philadelphia Age wvdl remarks on this subject : "The Democratic party has no fear of the V 0, .o to be cast by the army. What they do fear is that tho expression of the soldier's voice will uot be allowed to be heard ; that an attempt will bo made by the knaves in power to convert the election in camp into a (art?, ajuggle, a cheat ; that, no matter how decidedly the soldiers by their votes condemn this Administration,which has wronged thcra the returns will only show unqualified appro val. Tuis, and tho consequences of this, are what the Democratic party apprehended They have not forgotten the manner in which last year's elections were conducted The Schimmelpfenning fraud and the Ohio scheme are not calculated to induce a very strong be lief in the purity and the honesty of Aboli tion Captains and Lieutenants, the returning officers. They believe that if Lieut. F.dgerly was dismissed the service for circulating "Copperhead tickets" in New Hampshire, many a poor private would dread the guard house and "bucking" and "gagging" for vo ting the same. It is a well known fact that while the Administration has relied on the hard fisted Democracy to fill up the "file," nearly all the "rank" of the army has been thoroughly abolitionized. the most capable and meritorious officers have been dismissed and degraded on account of their political opinions. From Gen. McCleilan down to the latest example of this kind of tyranny, Major Clitz.who has been reduced because he would not, in obedience to Administration behest recall the invitation of the West Point orator —Buell, Negley, Porter, thousands of all ranks, have been removed.unlil at last nearly every Democrat of any rank above a corporal has been weeded out. If, however, no men aces or blandishments, or other influence of the superior to the inferior were used to force votes ; if it could be that the bon : Jide honest, uncontrolled opinions of the soldiers could be expressed by their votes, does any man believe that such an expression would be referred by these Abolition officers, utt tauipered with, unchanged 1 Would the men who forgo bounty warrants, who draw ra tions for men who don't exist, who sell pass es to spies, who furnish ammunition and sup plies to the enemy 7 , hesitate to alter returns and forge election certificates at the bidding ofa master at whose will they enjoy these opportunities for peculation and villainy ?" Between these two classes of opunents to the first amendment, we shall not be surpris ed to find that quite a large vote has been cast against its incorporation into our Con stitution. "Had Douglas lived." exclaims a Lincoln newspaper, "he would still stand where he , stood at the time of his death." At the ■ time of hi 6 death he said that when the war should become a war tor emancipation, he t would tlv to the assistance of the South. He said that in one <f the two last speeches he ever made. Why do not abolitionists resur rect his remains and send them to Fort La fayette I—Chicago Time* PEACE NEGOTIATION 9. Geo. N. Sandet-9. Clement C. Clay, Jacob Thompson, and James P. Holcomh, gentle men "in the private and confidential employ ment" of the rebel authorities at Richmond, who were on the 13th inst. at Niagara falls expressed to Mr. Greeley a desire to visit Washington with "propositions looking to the establmhraent of peace. ' Mr. Greeley, with Major Hay, Lincoln's private secretary, of Florida Campaign notoriety—repaired to that place. A correspondence on the sub ject was immediately opened, everything seemed to be progressing finely, when Mr. Greeley wishing positive instructions from Lincoln' telegraphed him and received in re ply the following dispatch : EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 18, 18G4— To vshom it may concern ; Any, proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the integrity of the whole Union AND THE ABANDONMENT OF SLAVE RY. aud which comes by and wi h the author ly that cart control the armies now at war against the United States, wiil be re ocived and considered by the Executive Gov ernment of the United States, and will be met by liberal terms, on substantial and col lateral points, and the bearer or bearers thereof shall have conduct both ways. "(Signed) AARAHAM LINCOLN. To which insulting message Senators Hol corab aud Clay replied in the following in dignant and withering letter : REBPONSE FROM CLAT AND HOLCOMBE NIAGARA FALLS, CLIFTON HOUSE, July 21. —To Hon. Horace Greeley : Sir—The paper handed to Mr. Holcornbe, on yesterday, in your presence, by Maj. Hay, A. A. G., as an answer to the application in our note of the 18th inst, is couched in the following terms : {Her* the above dispatch is quoted) The application to which we refer was elicited by your letter of the 17th instant, in which you inform Mr. Jacob Thompson we should be "duly accredited from Rich mond as bearers of propositions looking to the establishment of peace." Tius proffer ing a basis for conference as comprehensive as we could desire, it seemed to us that the President o r .ened a door which had previous ly been closed against the Confederate States for a full interchange of sentiments, free dis cussion of conflicting opinions aud untrain meled effort to remove all causes of eontro versy by liberal negotiations; We, indeed, could not claim the benefit of a safe conduct which had been extended to us in a charac ter which we had no right to assume and had j never affected to possess ; but, the uniform declarations of our Execu'ive and Congress, son and ourselves that you were authorized by the President of the United States to tender us his safe conduct on the hypothe sis that we were •' duly accredited from Richmond as hearers of propositions look ing to the establishment of peace," and de sired a visit to Washington in the fulfill mont of this mission. This assertion, to which we then gave, and still do, entire credenco, was accepted by us as the evidence of an un expected but most gratifying change in the policy of the President, a change which we felt authorized to hope might terminate in the conclusion of a peace mutually just, hon orable and advantageous to the North aud t > I the South, exacting no coud'tion but that j and their thrice repeated, and a of'en re j pulsed, attempts to open negotiations, furnish i a sufficient pledge to assure that this concdi atory manifestation on the part of the Pi ev ident of the United States would be Hiet by them in a temper of equal magnanimity. We had therefore, no hesetatiau in declar ing that if this correspondence was commun icated to the President of the Confederate States, he would promptly embrace the op portunity presented for seeking a pcaceiul solution of this unhappy j, tr jf e . Wo feel confident that you n a st share our profound regret that the which dictated the first step peace had not continued to am j ma U- the counsel of his President. Had the representatives of the two Governments met to consider this question, the most mo racntous ever submitted to human states manship, in a temper af becoming moderation and equity, followed as the deliberations would have been by the prajers and bene dictions of every patriot and Christian on tho inhabitable globe, who is there so bold as to pronounce that the frightful waste of indi vidual happiness and public prosperity which is daily saddening the human heart, might not have been terminated ; or if tho disola tiou and carnage of war must still be endured through weary years of blood and suffering, that there might not at least have been in fused into its conduct something more of the spirit which softens and partially redeems its brutalities ? fnstead of the safe conduct which we solicited, and which your first let ter gave lis every reason to suppose would be extended for the purpose of mitiatiug a negotiation in which neither Government would compromise its rights or its dignity, a document has been presented which pro vokes as much indignation as surprise. it bears no feature of resemblance to that which was originally offered, and is unlike any paper whichever before emanated from the constitutional Executive of a free people. Addressed "to whom it may concern," it precludes negotiation, and prescribes in ad vance the terras and conditions of peace.— it returns to the original policy of "No bar gaining, no negotiations, no truces of rebels except to bury their dead, until every man shall have laid down his arms, submitted to the Government, and sued for mercy." What may be the explanation of this sudden and entire change in the views of the, President of litis rude withdrawal of a courteous over ture for negotiation at the moment it was likely to bo accepted, of this emphatic recall of words of peace just uttered, and fresh blasts of war to the bitter end, we leavo for the speculation of those who have the means or inclination to penetra'e the inystpry of his Cabinet, or fathom the caprice of his imperial will. It is enough for us to say that we have no use whatever for the papcx placed in our hands. We could not transmit it to the President of the Confederate States without offering him an indignity, dishonoring our selves and incurring the well merited scorn of our countrymen. Whilst an ardent desire for peace pervades tho people of the Confederate States, wo re joice to believe that there are few, if any among them, who would purchase it at the expense of liberty, honor and self respect If it can be secured only by their submission to terms of conquest, the generation is yet unborn which will witness its restitution,— If there beany military autocrat in the North who is eutitled to proffer the conditions of this manifesto, there is none in the South authorized to entertain them. Those who control our armies are tho servants of the people, not their masters ; ami they have no more inclination, than they have "right, to subvert the social institutions of the sover eign States, to overthrow their established Constitutions, and to barter awav their price less heritage of self-government. This cor respondence wiil not, however, we trust, prove wholly barren of good results. '% j . . ]f there is any citizen of the Confederate Slates who has dung to a hope that peace was possible with this Administration of the Federal Government, it will strip from his i eves the last film of such a delusion. Or i! there be any who*e hearts have grown faint : upon the suffering and agony of tlrs bloody struggle, it will inspire them with fresh en -1 crpy to endure and brave whatever mav yet be nqnisite to preserve to themselves and their children all that gives dignity and val ue to life or hope and consolation to death. And if there be any patriots or in your land, who shrink appalled from the il limitable vista of private misery and public calamity which stretches defore them, we pray that in their bosoms a resolution may be quickened to recall the abused authority and vindicate the outraged civilization of J their country. Eur the solicitude you hive manifested to inaugurate a movement wliich contemplates results the most noble and hu mane, we return our sincere thanks ; and ar * most respectfully and truly, your abedient j servants, C O. CLAV. JR. JAMKS P. IIOLCOMBC. j Thus ends, for the present, all hope ort honorable and peaceful solution of our diffi culties and a restoration of the Uuion. Suri ' ply because the despot who rules us, con cludes to mike the ABANDONMENT or SLA- I vukv a condition precedent to the reception of commissioners to negotiate terms of settln ! mint. It now re-nuns for the p?op!e to decide j whether or not they will still continue to j pour out their blood an I treasure without I stint or measure for the abdition of negro slavery, I \ LOCAL AND PER S ONAL. Agent for the Democrat— Abira GAT, ESQ I has consented to act as our Agent in receiving a'Ad ' receipting subscriptions for the North Brooch Detn -1 ocrat. Ali monies paid Mm either on subscription | or for advertising"will be duly accounted for anl re lited the saine as if paid to us. Stamps on Notes—Under the amended law which goes into eff.-ct on the first day of Aaput all Notes not exceeding SIOO, require a 5 cent Stamp and for every additional SIOO or fractional part j thereof 5 cents —without regard to the time for which | they run- It is Strange—that merchants who watch the ; fluctuation in gold so .uujly, aal win upin am , gulden ri.-cir. the value of that commodity, mark ap the price of their goids always forgat to make a i proportionate dedoction, in case of a depreciation, of i the "yaller stuff." A Draft—to fill deficiencies ia the quota for this district under theold call, is said to be now going on. a' Troy. This, with the 500 000 men to be draf ted on the sth of September—to which a hunjred per cent will be added to cover exemptions; will probably take every able bodied man between the of 20 and 45 years. We were told at the out set of the war; that the "nation required a little blood '♦.' ng." Our quack doctors have now tapped the jugular vein. The patient is already in the last quive-ings of exhaustion. Isn't it about time ti sicop doctors? I.icut. Vaughn of the 143 d Pa. Vols., who has been con lined for several weeks, at this place, from a wound iu the shoulder, received at Petersburg, it now convalescent. The woun 1, though not at first i e onsidcred a dangerous one, became so, in a fow days, by exposure &u 1 want of care. When he was brought to this place, mortification had so far progressed, as to render it inexpedient to remove him farther,—though within a few miles ol his home. Bj the iuunediats and almost constant application of the most powerful antiseptic remedies, putrefaction was arrested, though a large and pain ful wound is still left. Dr. Becker, under wh >• care he his been since ho arrived here, ow prc | nounces him beyond all danger. Some months however may elapse before no w-11 he in condition to rejoin his regiment. Lost. On the third day of Miv last between ShuUzville Luzerne Co. and Henry Robert's in tails Wyoming Co-, a small calf skin wallet, containing one fire dollar bit! and two not s written ingerman one for SBO. given fie years ago an i one for 200, given four years ago. Any person fin ling it and return ing it to the subscriber wilt be liberally rewarded. The n itcs will be of no use to the tinier as pay ment upon them have been stopfel. NICILNLAS RADLR Shultzville Luz. Co. Pa. SALFT BYy virtue of a certain writ of Venditioni Ex ponas, I will exjose to public sale at the Court House in Tunkhannock llorou gh, on Satur day, the 13th day of August, IS(>4, at one o'clock, P.M-, nil the defendant's right, title and interest in i all of that certain lot, or messuage, situate in the , ' Township of Mehoopany, and hounded on the South iby lands of Luke Yose, on the West by lands of I Henry l.ove, on the North by land of llenry Love, [ and East by the Mehoopany Creek. Containing about three fourths of an acre, more or less all im proved; wiihonetwo story frame d welling house, frame barn, and some fruit trees thereon —late the estate of the def't in said writ named- Seized and taken in execution at the suit of Da vid Amy vs Benjamin Ross aud Sarah Ross All IRA GAY, Sheriff. Sheriff's Office, ) July 25, 1864. 5 I SHE u IFF'.S SALE. BY virtuo of a certain writ of Fieri Facias, I will exjiose to public sale at the Court House, ' j in Tunkhannock Borough, on Saturday, th-> J3ih | day ot August, 1564, at one o'clock P- M., all the i ) right title and interest of the Defendant in and to ■ the following described piece or parcel of land, situ ate in Falls Township, Wyoming County Pa. bound ! e.l an 1 described as follows, to w it : or, the North by , lands of Aaron Brown an l A. J. Yantuyle and lands of 11. W. Finn. On the East by lands of j Lewis Daily ; on the South by lands lately or now ! belonging to Giles Townsend ; on the West by lands I of Aaron Broivn aud A. J Vantuyle. containing ' about ten acres, more or less, with a small frame I house, ono applo orchard, and other fruit tr.es j thereon' Seized and taken in oxeeution at the suit of Ri i | ley Sickler assigned to A. Mahon, rs J. C. Corselius Aud will be sold for cash only, by AH IRA GAY, Sheriff, Sheriff's Office, > July 22th, 1564 : mimic man iti" PIdODUCE ■ COMMISSION MERCHANTS, 330 GREENWICH STREET, ) i New Yoi k. 1 | fl. S. Raiding, ) J , L Hummel, > i | L. Harding. } ' j Farmers having butter and other produce to sell ' will receive from this firm the highest ruarka - I pric i and prompt returns. 1 Mr. L. Harding, one of the members, who residea at Nicholson Depot, will receive and attend to bipment of all articles, and if desired will mako dvancements of one half market valuo at time of ' elivery to him. > ■
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers