3lndh Sramh Hcmmtdl. HARVEY SICKLER, Proprietor.] NEW SERIES, gjrf Jtaratjf iemacrai A weekly Democratic devoted to Pol 'ic?, New?, the Arts And Sciences Ac. Pub >ifhd every Wednes day, at Tunkhannock, Wyoming County, Pa. ST HARVEY SICKLER, Terras—l copy 1 year, (in advahec) $1.50. If D „t pain within six months, 82.00 will be charged ADVEXITISIMGr. 10 lines orj i j } J ] less, make three i/our ? two < three j six 1 one one square weeksmcceks^nu' th' mo th^rno' th' year Tsqoare I,oof 1,25 2,25 2,87 3,00? 5,00 2 do. 2.00j 2,50 3.25 3.50 4,50 i 6,00 j do 3,00 3,75 4,75 5,50? 7,00? 9,00 | Column. 4,00 4,50? 6,50 8,00 10,00 15,00 i do. 6,00? 7,00,10,00' 12,00' 17,00(25,00 J do. 8,00? 9,50? 14,00? 19,00.25,00? 35,00 I do. 10,00? 12,00? 17,00> 22,00! 28,00' 40,00 Business Cards of one squ.-ye, with paper, S3. JOB WORK of all kinds neatly executed, and at prices to suit the times. LJ UL g Business ffotiffs. BACON STAND.—Nicholson, Pa. C. L JACKSOK, Proprietor. [vln49tf] HS. COOPER, PHYSICIAN A SURGEON • Newton Centre, Luzerne County Pa. EOTS. TUTTON, ATTORNEY AT LAW. X Tunkhannock, Pa. Office in Stark's Diick Block, Tioga street. WM. M.PIATT, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Of fice in Stark's Brick Block, Tioga St., Tunk h.mnuek, Pa. TITTLE & DEWITT, ATTORNEY'S AT J LAW, Office on Tioga street, Tunkhannock, Pa. It. R. LITTLE. J. HEWITT. JV. SMITH, M. D , PHYSICIAN A SURGEON, • Office on Bridge Street, next door to the Demo crat Office, Tunkhannock, Pa. HTLRVEY SICKLER, ATTORNEY AT LAW and GENERAL INSURANCE AGENT - Of fice, Bridge street, opposite Wall's Hotel, Tunkhan nock Pa. J. W. RIIOADS, 3VX. D., Graduate of the University of Penn'a.) Respectfully offers his professional services to the •itizons of Tunkhannock and vicinity. He can be found, when nut professionally engaged, either at his Drug Store, or at his resideuce on Putnam Street. DIL J. c. consEi.ms. HAYING LOCAT ED AT THE BALLS, WILL promptly attend all calls in the line of his profession—may be found at Kramer's Hotel, when not professionally absent. Falls, Oct. 10, IS6I. DR. J. C. Id EC KKR rtTC o7T~ PHYSICIANS & SURGEONS, Would respectfully announce to the citizens of Wy ■ing that have located at Tunkhannock wher hey will promptly attend to all calls in the line of neir prof ssion. May be found at his Drug Staro when not professionally absent. J"- CAREY, M. D.— (Graduate of the 3 • M. Institute, Cincinnati) would respectfully announce to the citizens of Wyoming and Luzerne Counties, that be c mtinues his regular practice in the various departments of his profession. May be found at his office or residence, when not professionally ab- Cpt Particular attciitioti given to the treatment Chronic Diseas. entremorcland, Wyoming Co. Pa.—\2n2 WALL'S HOTEL, UATE AMERICAN HOUSE/ TUN~K.IIAN"NOCK, WYOMING CO., PA. THIS establishment has recently been refitted and furnished in the latest style. Every attention Will be given to the comfort and convenience of those wio patronize the House. T. B. WALL, Owner and Proprietor. Tunkhannock, September 11, 1861. NORTH SEARCH HOTEL, 31ES HOP PEN, WYOMING COI'NTY, PA Who. 11. COKTRIGIIT, PropT HAVING resumed the proprietorship of the above Hotel, the undersigned will spare no effort to lender the house an agreeable place of sojourn for *ll who may favor it with their custom. Win. II CCBTRIHUT. June, 3rd, 1863 WIA'YNARD'S HOTEL, TUN K H A NNOCK, WYOMING COUNTY, PEXNA. JOHN MAYSARD, Proprietor. tJAVrXG taken the Hotel, in the Borough of AA runkhauncck, recently occupied by Riley o ■irner, the proprietor respectfully solicits a share of patronage. The House has boen thoroughly fep Wrod, and the comforts and accomodations of a irst class Hotel, wilf be found by all who may favor * wth their custom. September 11, 1861. M. OILMAN, |\f GILMAN, has permanently located in Tunk- I'l. hannock Borough, and respeotfully tenA rs his professional services to the citiiens of thus place and urrounding country. ALL WORK WARRANTED, TO GIVE SATIS FACTION. ITIT Office over Tutton'B Law Office, wear th e Pos Office. Dec. 11, 1961. Blanksl! Blanks 111 BLANK DEEDS SUMMONSES SUBPCENAES EXECUTIONS CONSTABLE'S SALES Justice's, Constable's, and legal Blanks of all ***><!•, Ntally and Correctly printed on good Paper, *•< l for sale at the Office of the " North Branch *>o<srat." * f IME FOR FARMERS, AS A FERTILIZE for sal. at 1 - VERNOY'g. Sept. 18. 1851. ABOLITIONISM AND DISUNION. THE MALIGN INFLUENCE OF SLAV ERY AGITATION IN THE NORTH. Views of Ex-Gevei nor Marcy in 1836. DEFENSE OF STATE RIGHTS AND IN DEPENDENCE. Extract from Governor Marcy's message to the Legislature of New York, in January, 1836: Having concluded my remarks on the sub jects in which our constituents have an im mediate and exclusive interest, my sense of duty will not permit me to abstain from pre senting to you, at this time, some considera tions arising frutn our federal relations. This state is a member of a community of republics, subject in many things to one gen eral government, and bound together by po litical ties that must not be sundered. This relation gives us rights essential to our well being, and'imposes on us duties equally es sential to the well-being of our sister states. As we value the immense advantages that spring from this Union, so we should culti vate the feelings and interests that give it strength, and abstain from all practices that tend to its dissolution. A lew individuals in the Middle and Eastern States, acting on mistaken motives of moral and religious du ty, or some less justifiable principle, and dis regarding their obligations which they owe to their respective governments, have em barked in an enterprise for abolishing domes tic shivery in the Southern and South wes tern S tales. lheir proceedings have caused much mis chief in those slates, and have not been ut terly harmless in our own. They have ac quired too much importance by the evils wh'ch have already resulted from them, and by the magnitude and number of those which are likely to follow if they arc persisted in, to justify me in passing them without no tice. Thesejproceedings have not onLy found no favor with a vast majority of our constit uents, but they have been generally repro bated. The public indignation which they have awakened has broken over the restraints of law and led to dangerous tumults and commotions, which, I regret to 'ay, were not in all instances suppressed without the interposition of the military power. If we consider the excitement winch already ex ists among our fellow-citizens on tins suh ject, and their increasing repugnance to the abolition cause, we have great reason to fear that further efforts to sustain it will be at tended, even in our own state, with still more dangerous disturbances of the public peace. In our commercial? metropolis the aboli tionists have established one of their princi pal magazines, from which they have sent their missiles of annoyance into the slave holding states. The impression produced in those states that this proceeding was en couraged by a portion of the business men of the city of Xew-York, or at least was not sufficiently discountenanced by them, threat ened injurious consequences to our commerce. A proposition was made for an extensive vol untary association in the South to suspend iutercourse with our citizens. A regard for the character of our state, for the public in terest, for the preservation of peace among our ci'izens, as well as a due respect for the obligations created by our political institu tions and relations, calls upoa us to do what may be done, consistently with the great principles of civil liberty, to put an end to the evils which the abolitionists are bringing upon us and the whole country. With what ever disfavor we may view the institution of domestic slavery, we ought not to overlook the very formidable difficulties of abolishing it, or give couulenance to any scheme for ac complishing this object, in violation of the sol emn guarantees we are under not to inter fere with this institution as it exists in oth er states. Domestic slavery existed itl almost every state when the federal Union was formed.— Its character Was as well understood then as it is now. The men who founded the gener al government had as much philanthropy and as just an appreciation of moral and re ligious duty, and knew as well what was due to the cause of human rights as the pres ent generation ; yet so great did they regard the difficulties of abolishing slavery, and so disastrous to the public would be, as they apprehended, any intermeddling with it in the respective states, except by the citizens and civil authorities thereof, that they dele gated to Congress no power to act on this subject further than to prohibit the importa tion of slaves after the year 1807 ; but they recognized the right of the several states to continue slavery, without interference, by obliging them to deliver up to each other all fugitive slaves. They left the right to abol ish slavery where only it could be safely left—with the respective states wherein sla very existed. The State of New-York had this right. and although the difficulties and dangers of exercising it, by reason of the small number of slaves in proportion to the whole popula tion, were trivial compared with those which would attend the exercise of it in the South ern States, where this number is proportion ally large, yet slavery was not fiually abol ished here until 1827. We were left to come "TO SPEAK HIS THOU6HTS IS EVERY FREEMAN'S RlGHT."—Thomas Jefferson. TUNKHANNOCK, PA., WEDNESDAY, JUNE 17, 1863. to t.hi result in our own time and manner without any molestation or interference from any other state. lam very sure any inter medling with us in this matter by the citi zens of other states would not have accelerat ed our measures, and might have proved mis chievous. Such services, if they had been tendered, would have been rejected as use less, and regarded as an invasion of our rights. If we view the labors of the abolitionists in the calm light of reason, undisturbed by any morbid sympathy and uninfluenced by the spirit of fanaticism—if we look at this object, connected as it must be with the means they are using to attain it—if we re gard the utter improbability of their ever reaching the end by ihe use of these means, and the certain consequences which must re sult from pushing forward their efforts in the present direction—we must, I think, characterize their schemee as visionary and pernicious. Their avowed object is to abolish slavery in the South and Southwestern States ; and their means thus far have been confined to the organization of societies among us and to publications of various kinds on the subject of slavery, which are regarded throughout these states as libels on their citizens and provocators to insurrection among their slaves So far as their proceeding are designed to operate upon this state, we may inquire what end or object they have in view ? It cannot be to abolish slavery here, for it does not exist among us. Is it to convince the peo ple of this state that slavery is an evil 7 Such is now the universal sentiment, and no man can be found among us who entertains a thought of returning to our former condi tion in this respect. If the abolitionists de sign to enlist our passions in their cause, such a course would be worse than useless, unless it had reference to some subsequent action. If it is expected in this manner to influence the action of Congress, then thev are aiming at a usurpation of power. Legis lation by Congress would be a violation of the Constitution by which that body exists, and to support which every member of it is bound by the solemn sanction of an oath The powers of Congress cannot be enlarged so as to bring the subject of slavery within its cognizance without the consent of the slaveholding states, Jhe proceedings of the abolitionists have rendered their object in tins respect absolutely unattainable. They have already excited such a feeling in all those states that a proposition so to enlarge the powers of Congress would be instautly rejected by each with indignation. If their operations here are to inflame the fanatical zeal of their emissaries, and to instigate them to go on missions ta the slaveholding states, there to distribute abolition publica tions and to promulgate abolition doctrines, their success in this enterpiise is foretold by the fate of the deluded men who have pre ceded them. The moment they pass the borders of those states and begin their la bors they violate the laws of the jurisdic tion they have invaded, and incur the penal ty of death, or other ignominious punish ment. I can conceive no other object that the abolitionists can have in view, so far as they propose to operate here, but to embark the people of this state, under the sanction of civil authority, or with its connivance, in a crusade ajfiinst the slaveholding states, for •he purpose of forcing abolition upon them by bloodshed. If such a mad project as this could be contemplated for a single moment as a possible thing, every one must see that the first step toward its accomplishment would be the end of our confederacy and the beginning of a civil war. So far therefore as it respects the people of this state, or any action that can emanate from them, I can discover no one good that has resulted, or can be reasonably expected to result, from the proceedings of the abolitionists; bnt the train of evils which must necessarily attend their onward movements i? 0 number and magnitude most appalling Those devastations which, in the course of Providence, are sometimes permitted to visit populous and opulent cities, suddenly pros trating the monuments of art and sweeping away the vast accumulations of years of pa tient and well directed industry—great and severe as we now feel them te be—are small indeed, compared with the ruin and desola tion which would attend the subversion of our federal government and the progress of a civil and 6ervile war, spreading its ravages through half the states of this confederacy. Such are the fatal issues to which, in the judgment of our southern brethren, the abo lition efforts tend ; and the recent indica tions of insurrectionary movements among the colored population of the slaveholding states show that these fears are not entirely imaginary. As all the schemes of the abolitionists are professedly prosecuted with particular refer ence to results to be produced in the slave holding states, it is proper that we should inquire iuto the manner in which they de sign to bring about these results. Is it ex pected to operate on the slave population, and by their own immediate agency to effect their emancipation ? This can only be done by violence. The very act in this scheme of abolition, which is Ctfried ©a under the guise of religion, morality, and love for man kind, would open with insurrection, massa cre in servile war, in which, if the slaves tri umph, their masters must be the victims.— 1 hroughout those states such is generally believed to be the deliberate designs of the abolitionists. That their measures tend to such horrible results cannot, I think, be de nied ; but that the authors of them clearly foresee these results, and recklessly push on to them, willing to participate in such crimes and t* meet the fearful responsibility they would incur, lam not prepared to be lieve. So far as reason prevails among these deluded men, they will undoubtedly deny that this mode of effecting their object is embraced within their plan of operations. It is more charitable to presume that they mean to stop short of this catastrophe ; that they are willing to spread dire alarm among the white population of those states, with a view to make them feel that life, prosperity, and all human comforts are insecure where domestic slavery prevails, and by these means so to agravate its evils that they will be led by the mere pressure of them to emancipate their slaves. Such a mode of attempting to effect this object is characterized by folly and wickedness. To suppose that such means will conduce to such an end betrays a lamentable ignorance of the universal laws of human action. If the slave owners ever concur in any plan for the abolition of slave ry, it must arise from a better motive than fear. They will secure themselves from danger by acting on the objects from which it is apprehended— not by emancipation, but by multiplying safeguards, by increasing re straints, by preventing intercourse as far as practicable among the slave population, by withholding from them*all moral aad relig ious instruction, and by every conceivable means of making thetn harmless machines. To satisfy ourselves that such would be the consequences of exciting alarms, we have on ly to look at what they have already done and are preparing to do. Manumission is discouraged, and measures are about to be adopted to expel all free persons of color from the slaveholding states. Instead of in creasing despotism to co-operate in any plan of emancipation, there is now exhibited a more fixed determination than heretofore to maintain the institution of slavery. The great engine which the abolitionists profess to wield, and by their operations of whic.i they hope to bring their object within their reach, is free discussion. By the po tency of abolition arguments the slavehold ers are to be instructed in their duty; to be taught lessons of humanity, of moral obliga tion, and civil liberty ; and to be induced to strip the bonds from their slaves, and to re ceive them into social and political fellow ship. After all that has been done to ac complish this end, it may not be unprofitable to look at the results. If we belive the con curring testimony of citizens of slaveholding states, not one convert has been made among them ! On the contrary their passions are aroused ; a deep sense of indignation at un provoked wrongs, and a mischievous inter meddling with their domestic concerns, ex cites and agitates the entire mass of the white population. The abolitionists and all their works, are loudly and universally de nounced as seditious, incendiary, and wick ed ; and the bonds of amity and concord which unite us to the people of the South are threatened with severance because we tolerate within our borders these disturbers of their peace and violaters of their laws Such, we are assured, is the progress which the arguments of the abolitionists have made in bringing the slaveholders to a concurrence in their views. When we consider the matter aud manner of these appeals and the character of the peo ple to whom they are made, we ought not to surprised that they have been indignantly rejected. In all that regards the civilities of life, in high intellectual cultivation and en dowments, in moral conduct and character, in comprehension of the principles of civil and political liberty, to give these principles a practical appreciation, in love of country and devotion to its interests, the people of the South have furnished as many eminent exam ples as any other section of the Union.— When any attempt from any quarter, or un der any pretenses, is made to disparage them, if we forebore to vindicate their character, we might seem to be unmindful of what is due to them for the distinguished part they have- acted in all the trials and conflicts through which our country has passed, from the earliest stage of the Revolution down to the present time. In all the views I have been able to take care of the labors of the abolitionists I have not discovered that they have produced a single benefit, but every step >n their movements thus far has been attend ed with evil consequences. I will not un dertake to describe the calamities which in all probability, would result from their future progress, not only to the people of the several states, but to the people of the whole human race, so far as the cause of civil liberty is con cerned, because I indulge the hope that they have already reached the last stage of their onward career. I willingly turn from this view of the subject to direct your attention to*what has been done, and what may be re quired, to prevent further evils from this course, The people of this state continue to cherish an unabated attachment to the federal com pact. The many single advantages they have derived from it, and the many they still look for, bind them to a course of fraternal con duct toward their sister states, and lay them under the highest and sacred obligations to fulfill in good faith, and to the utmost extent of its requirements, all the duties it imposes on them, and to abstain from ail practices in compatible with these duties, or contrary to the spirit of any of its provisions. Acting upon these principles, our fellow citizens very generally feel it to be their sol emn duty, whatever they think of slavery in the abstract, or in its actual condition in any section of the Union to leave its treatment, as it was left in their case, entirely and forever to the people of the states in which it exists* These states are not only entitled to the ex clusive control of the subject, but, as they are imraediarely affected by it, they, and they only best understand the proper mode of treating it; and it requires but a small share of good feeling toward them, and of diffidence in our selves, to satisfy us that the matter may be safely lett to the wisdom and humanity of those to whom it exclusively belongs. If this state should be brought to think that the advantages it derives from the feder al Constitution are not a sufficient compensa tion for the restraint imposed by that in strument ; if for the sake of displaying a mor bid and fanatical spirit of false philanthropy, even at the risk of encountering the dangers and incurring the responsibility of an attempt to reform the institutions of other states, it should be willing to give up these advantages ; honor and duty would require it, before en tering upon such an experiment, to call upon the other states to release it from the solemn engagements it contracted in becoming a member of the Union ; but so long as the peo ple of this state cling to the advantages which this compact secures to them, so long as they profess to regard it as the source of their highest earthly good, and the object of their most cherished aspirations, they will I trust, ever regard it as due aliko to duty, to consist ency and to honor, to fulfill in its spirit every injunction it imposes, and to respect and ob serve with the utmost fidelity all the great principles on which it was founded. Under the inliuence of the foregoing con siderations, and others of a kindred nature, our constituents have expressed their enlight ened and deliberate judgment upon the sub ject under consideration. With earnestness and unanimity never before witnessed among us, they have, without distinction of sect or party, in their primary assemblies, and in va rious other vays, expressed their attachment to the Constitution of the federal government; their determination to maintain its guaran tees ; their disapprobation of the whole sys tem of operations set on foot by the abolition ists ; their affection for their brethren of the South, and their fixed purpose to do all that in them lies, consistently with law and jus tice, to render these sentiments effectual. It is not to be believed that these manifesta tions of public sentiment have been or will be disregarded by those who have been engaged in, or given countenance to the abolition pro ceedings. I am fully persuaded that the powerful en ergies of public opinion, as it has bean called forth throughout the whole state, have already produced most salutary effects, in disab using many persons who had inconsiderately con - curred in the visionary schemes of the aboli tienists. "When the very small number that still ad here to this cause see that the immense majori ty of the people of this state, including cer tainly a proportionate amount of intelligence and worth, and of all parties in politics, are utterly and irreconcilably opposed to them ; and that their measures are regarded with the deepest repugnance by all who affect ion - ately cherish the union and harmony of the states, including among them philanthropists at least as enlightened and sincere as any of themselves, they will, it is confidently hoped, be induced to pause in their career, and to sacrifice on the altar of their common coun try the opinions and motives that have hith erto prompted them to exertions to be regard ed with so much abhorrence by so great a ma jority of their fellow-citizens. — When to the just influence which may reasonably be anticipated from the sentiments of the people, so unitedly and powerfully ex pressed, and rendered still more efficacious, as I think they might and should be, by the opinions and views of their representatives, is added the overwhelming weight of the ar guments addressed to the reason and con science of those who yet adhere to the aboli tion cause, it would be imputing to k hem a deplorable degree of mental blindness and fanatical delusion not to except a general abandonment of their wild schemes. All but those who are confirmed in fanaticism or reckless of consequences, it is believed, will be constrained by the decided and constantly increasing force of public opinion to give up their dangerous attempt to act on the institu tions of other states. Those who may not be thus reclaimed or controlled will bo too few in number and influence, I am persuaded to excite apprehension Relying on the influence of a sound and en lightened public opinion to restrain and con trol the misconduct of the citizen of * free I TEH.MB: 81.50 PER. AJTIffUM government, especially when directed, as it has been in this case, with unexampled ener gy and unanimity, to the particular evils un der consideration, and perceiving that its operations have been thus far salutary, I en terttain the best hopes that this remedy, of itself, will entirely remove these evils, or render them comparatively harmless. But if these reasonable expectations should unhap pily be disappointed—if, in the face of numer ous and striking exhibitions of public repro ation, elicted from our constituents by a just fear of fatal issues,in which the uncurbed' efforts of the abolitionists may ultimately end, any considerable portion of these mi* 4 guided men shall persist in pushing them forward to* disastrous consequences—then & question new to our confederacy will necessa*" rily arise, and be met. It must then be determined how far the several states can provide, within the proper exercise of their constitutional power, and how far, in fulfillment of obligation resulting from their federal relations, they ought to provide, by their own laws, tor the trial and punishment, by their own judicatories, of resi dents within their limits guilty of actsjthere in which are calculated and intended te excite insurrection and rebellion in a sister state.—r Without the power to pass 6uch laws, the states, would not possess all necessary means for preserving their external relations of peace among themselves'and would be with out the ability to fulfill in all instances the' sacred obligations which they owe to each other as members of the federal Union. Such a power is the acknowledged attribute of sovereignty, and the exercise of it is often unnecessary to prevent the embroiling of neighboring nations. The general government at this time exer cises power to suppress such acts of the citi zens of the United States, done within its' jurisdiction, in relation to the belligerent an*' thorities of Mexico and Texas, as are incon sistent with the relation of peace and amity we sustain toward those states. Such a power, therefore, belonged to the sovereignty of each of the states before the formation of the Union, and, as far as regards their relation to each other, it was not delegated' to the general government. It still remains unimpaired, and the obligat'ons to exercise it haveJacQuired additional force from the nature and objects of the federal compact. I cannot doubt that the legislature possesses" the power to pass such penal laws as will have the effect of preventing the citizens of this 6tate, and residents within it, from availing themselves, with impunity, oftho protection of its sovereignty and laws, while they are actually employed in exciting insurrection and sedition in a sister state, or engaged in treasonable enterprise, intended to be executed therein. Governors Marcy's views in 1830< [From the Washington Union, Aug. 1,1857.J We transfer to our colums, fiom the Albany Atlas, an extended extract from a message of Govener Marcy to the Legislature of New- York in 1836' in which he communicated, with his accustomed clearness and force, hia views of the abolition question, aDd defined,' the powers aad duties of the several states upon that subject. The principles laid down, and the reasons in support of them, we have good reason to know, met with the cordial approbation of the entire Democracy of New. York, including such men as Silas Wright A. C. Flagg, and others, who were doubtless* consulted in relation to them. The doctrine of non-intervention was clearly proclaimed, and supported by reasons which carried con viction to every mind not steeled against ar gument ; and annihilated the hopes of)abolition intemeddlers in every quarter. Governor Marcy was then high!y|complimented t in all quarters for his bold and fearless stand in favor of state rights and independence. His doctrine was then deemed purely conservative j and Democratic. The principles laid down on this subject are those of the Democratic party everywhere, and, if acted Upon in good faith, would restore harmony to every part • of the Union, and prepetuate our institutions in their pristine purity and vigor. Those who wish to occupy Democratic ground should examine the old land-marks and see where they stand, and if they have crossed' 5 the line of truth, and are wandering in a re- • gion of error, they should at once return to that occupied by their friends. The prioci- - pies laid down by Governor Marcy will guide them to ground which they can safely occupy with honor to themselves and advantage to • the country. A country editor denounces these afflictions upon him who neglects to pay the printer:—May 243 nigthmares trot quarter' races over his stomach every night. May his* boots leak, his gun hang fire, and his fish - lines break. May a troop of printer's devils,, ean, lank and hungry, dog his heels oach day.- and a regiment of cats catwaul under his win dow each night. May the faraiue stricken ghost of an editor's baby haunt his slumbers, aud hiss "Murder" in his dreaming ears.—. May his buckwheat cakes be always heavy and his calf-skin wallet light; his sour krout cooked without "speck," and his rye coffee have no cream or sugar. In short, may his dauhgter marry a one eyed pedler and | his business go to ruin, and ha go to [ legislature.- VOL. 2, N0.45.
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