iarlaßtir VOL. 6--NO. 15.] Office of the Star & Banner: Chambersburg Street, a few doors West of the Court-Houee. CON orrioNs I. The STAR St RceunueAs 11AN:sca is published weekly, at Two Dot.LA as per annum, (or Volume of Ee2 Numhers,) payable half yearly in advance. 11. No subscription will be received for a shorter period than six months, nor will the paper he discon< tinned until all arrearages are paid, unless at the dis cretion of the editor—A failure to notify a discontinu mwe will b.. considered a new engagement, and the paper forwarded accord inicl .91,-niwn.mr.••••*ree • • ANNI‘ LiZ'iARY .►VDREMNES Delivered on the •ttli .lulu•, in the (lerninn Church, 6 , •tty•slitirpr, PCI. 111( It A.V. 1.1 N Fut.! cri. ittiTur a A tiFp. I 1'1'141,1SW:11 BY R Fyzr pwr.l •titand fine in the liberty wherewith GAL. sc. 1 v.— Christ hair nuu?r you fru e." I FEEL happy, m y brethren, 111 thu enjoyment of the privilege of nddressing you to day, ne a sub ject in v.hich, I trust, we all take a deep ilitorest. It has Imo; been my opinion, that till:4 day should not pass by without witnessing some public mani fe-datien of our gratitode to God, the author of all our blessings. flow suitable is it not for us to meet in his house on this American Snhhath, in order to pay HIM the tribute ol our praise, Mt Ills goodness to us, and to recount [1 i s wonderful acts towards the children of men. Wo have selected the above words from the Epistle of the A pestle, nil her as n motto, than a text. They speak of liberty purchased and be. stowed by the Lard Jesus; but it is troodom from the Jewish ritual, and the bondage of error and sin. Ax the governor of the world, and as the dispo ser of all events that arc to have u hearing upon the prosperity of His kingdom, Ho ix also the an. that of all uur privileges, whether civil or reli gions; and wo may apply the exhortation to our selves, in thin sense. "to stand fast in the liberty wherewith Christ has made us free"—to resist every aliorl that may he made, to wrest this in. vales do blessing from our hands. I hope I may speak freely to you to-day. "Ono of the glorious fruits of liberty, is the power of speaking on this subject without restraint; and the country where I his privilege is exercised, must incoutrovertahly ho free." Wo propose to take into view I. In the,,tirst place, the blessings of liberty, and the great expense at which they were purchased for us. Liberty is a word dear to every American ho. stun. It is big with important meiiiiirig; it implies the power to choose or reject. As applied by us to our civil and religious institutions, it moans in re krone° to the former, tho right of the pimple to make their own laws, and to chooso their own rulers; and in referenco to the latter, the right of every individual to worship God according to the dictates of his own judgment. 1041. sqrarts thlo • Ittoor •vro teibt , high. est value, and the inestimable gift of our divine Lord. As it regards the right of thinking for our oolvei, and worshipping our Creator according to our own judgrnents,we must say, no greater bless ing was over tendered to the nations of the oarth. God has made it not only our dioy, hut our privi logo •'to search tho scripture" for ourselves, and has told us that we ore accountabio to him alone for our motives and religious conduct. In this matter no power under heaven has a right ti force upon us what we do not approve of, and are un willing to receive. And in respect to our civil rights,we are also deeply convinced, that they are not only blessings of an invaluable kind, but the gills of the Ruler of nations, and demand our warmest gratitude. Never could the stupendous fabric of our national independence have boen reared by the enfeebled hands of our forefathers, had not Got. graciously presided over their coun cils—inspired them with wisdom, and led on their armies, illy prepared for the contest, to'bettle and victory. To be sceptical on this subject, my broth ion, is to be blind to the ten thousand evidences of a divine and over-ruling Providence in favor of this nation, which our revolutionary struggle pre sents; yes, it would riot only evince a wilful blind nosy to the clearest evidence of it divine suporin tendence,but a criminal hardness of heart in with holding from our kindest benefactor, that grati• Ludo which should glow in (ivory frooman's bosom. But it will help us to rise still higher in our es timation of these blessings, if we take a review of the immense treasure at which they worn par- chased. We will speak first of the cost at which our re /igloos liberty was purchased. We speak design edly of this first, becauseolits pro eminent value, and because we are convinced religious liberty is the source and support of our civil freedom. For let our religious liberty once be wrested out of our hands, and the yoke of intolerance be placed upon our necks, and soon will our fair fabric of civil in dependence he among the things of nem? ht. And permit us to remark, that we choose to speak of the great cost or these blessings, in order that WO may more highly value them, and become pene trated with n deep 801150 oldie vast obligation that rests upon American citizens and christens, to hand them down to posterity unimpaired endue. The day of religious and civil liberty first dawn ed, after a long dark night of oppresaion,with the commencement of the over glorious Reformation; when thrum immortal champions, is hose memory is still embalmed in the bosom ofovory disenthral led christian patriot, stopt forth in defence of the rights of mankind, and cut asunder with the sword of the truth, the heavy fetters of ignorance and religious vassullego, which centuries had ris etted upon the nations of Europe. They taught that it was every MEW'S duty and priviloge,to read God's word and judge in matters of religion kir himself; and that for the exercise of this right he is not to bo called to an account by any human tribunal. Aid that the nations until then, onslay. ed and broken in spirit, might have the great charter of their religious freedom in their own possession, the immortal Reformer ofSaxony, un der God, gave them the inspired oracles of truth in then own language, and said in words that media despotism turn pale: ye nations of Europe read and be free. Grateful for the blessed treasure, they rend with ecsiacy, "that those whom Christ makes free, are.free indeed" The light Of truth spread, and millions wore born into !`the liberty of the chil. dren of God." And did he who had enthroned himself in the temple of the Most high, as God, and held in his iron grasp the chains that bound millions to his throne in übject slavery, sit and look on quietly, whilst the light of divine truth, in its march o f intellectual and moral omancipa tion, spread from the palace oldie king and prince to the collage of the peasant, and from the city to the hamlet? No; the Vatican thundered forth its awful nnathemlls upon the heads of those who clured to doubt his infellibility and think for them- selves; the stake and gibbet wore erected—the faggot was enkindled, the sword,wes unsheathed and the war-dogs of persecution were let loose up. on all who dared to be free, their property was confiscated, their bodies were enchained in loath some prisons—their wives nod children were leer. dared, their blood spilt,und their souls given over to everlasting - destruction. And did the work of the Lord—of truth and liberty cease with the mar. tyrdorn of the thousands that would rather die than he slaves? No; their blood was the seed of the church—others arose and testified for the truth; and Ilms the work progressed, until all Ger many blitzed with the light of liberty, and lion• mark, and Sweden, and Switzerland, end thou. sands in other countries caught tho fire, and jolt and declared thoy wero free to think and act for themselves in matters (Wraith. But, my brethren, mighty wore the efforts, ter rible was the strugg 10, indiscribahle the suffering, arid rich was the treasure of blood and lite, which the word and intellectual emancipation of the nutinns c(e , t. And though the spirit or religious hnorty could not he controlled or repressed in its course, and driven beck into the dungeon of r"r and darkness, whore it bad lain fettered for cenwr Ms; yet it was not because efforts to do so, t-ere not made. The intolerant spirit of porno manor did not sleep, but continued to exert every energy to repress free enquiry, and to bring back the children alight under tho dominion of dark ness, or to extirpate thorn from amongst the living. Even many yours after the reformation had taken deep root, and the faith once delivered to the saints acknowledged, did the spirit of despotism make new efforts to regain its lost powers ; hence in many countries, persecution still raged. Worn out at last by civil oppression, and bunted down by religious proscription; thousands began to turn their oyes towards this continent, as a "hiding place from the storm, and a covert from the tern. perm" And thousands loft their native land and emigrated to our Amor icon shores, the A.siplum the oppressed, and tau h" ^r: a the free. Here the"• 1- - ,ug lit and Mund what their Ftihorlund do. used them: the liberty or - conscience. Tho spirit of reform and liberty, wakened up by the Refor mation, on all occasions called tin LI, measures from those in authority, which were intolerant and oppressive. This induced many thousands in the seventeenth century to floe from England, Rol and and Germany to this country. "The sun," said they, "shines as pleasantly on America as on England, and the sun of righteousness much more clearly. We are treated hero in a manner which forfeits all claim upon our affection. Let us ecunovo whither the Providence orGod calls,and make that country our home, which will atEird us what is dearer than property or life, the liberty of worshipping God in the way which appears to us most conducive to our eternal welfare." Thus escaped from oppression, and "restored to the pri- mitivo destination of the human race," those col onists, bringing with them their knowledge and piety, their industry and love of liberty, "had lei sure to reflect on the origin and rights of socie ties, and on the respective duties of governments and nations." Liberty of thought in religion, produced freedom ofthought in politics; hence the love of religious liberty, begat ih them the love of civil freedom. Thus we see, how the spirit of free enquiry in the former, led to free enquiry in the latter. "Having an entirely new political bo dy to organize, the elements of legislation must necessarily engage their attention first." The government which they projected was free and liberal; for it would have been strange, if they Fished any other than a liberal & democratic form of government. Those men however worn again bro't under the dominion of Great Britain, under which they still enjoyed a considerable degree of freedom. But jealous at the rising prosperity and growing power of the colonies, they began to curtail their privi leges, and to emburrass their commerce; heavy restrictions and duties were imposed. The cob, nists petitioned for redress, but insult, was added to injury. Long did they wait for the introduc tion •ot a wiser policy and milder legislation to wards them; but all in vain; they laid their poll tions at the foot of the throne, with humble and fervent petitions for clemeney,but were dismissed without any redress of their grievances. Deter mined at last, no longer to submit to legislation in which they had no voice, and which was opines. smolt, severe; and appealing to heaven for the justice of their cause, they declared "we determine to be free,or die." Assembled in convention, they said: "We hold those truths to be self evident, that all men aro created equal; that. they aro en dowed by their Creator, with certain inalienable rights; that among these aro life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the govern ed; that whenever any form of government be- Conies destructive of those ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a now government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form ps to them shall seem most• likely to effect their safety and happiness." This leads me to speak of the great expense at which our civil liberty was purchased alter the a bove Declaration of Independence was made, on the Ath of July, 1776. Atter thus severing the iolitical bonds that before united them to the mo. titer country, it became ri:ocessary boy the colonies to prepare to take a lrin stand, in defence of prin ciples thus published in the taco of the world.— They "pledged their lives, their property and sa. trod honor" in the vindication of their rights; and in reliance upon their God, for whose service they had abandoned their country, they prepared for the deadly strife. True they were comparatively tow in numbers, their treasure was not great, and their army was illy equipped; still they wore firm in the faith, that the "battle is not always to the strong, and the race to the swift;" they determin ed to be free, or die in defence of their rights.— And although they wore outnumbered by the hir ed slaves of despotism from abroad, and opposed by traitors from at home, yet did they nut give up their hopes; and although unsuccessful fur a while, yet then undociplined . artnies soon learned the art of war; they seen know how to conquer. Never did men sutler greater hardships—never did pa. trlots pour tent) their treasures, and shed their blood more freely, than did they, in the cause of freedom! And did they conquer? did they gain the victory? "Nay; they came off more than con querors! flow could hired vassals, who fought merely for "filthy lucre," over hope to conquer those, that wore fighting In defence of their peace ful homes,their life & liberty'. But was it their own arms that got them the victory? No; the God of Gideon fbught their battles; Ho it was, "who hath chosen the weak things of this world to confound the mighty; and the things which are despised, yea, and things that are not, to bring to naught the things which are; that no flesh should glory in his presence." No,. my brethren, it was not an arm, of flesh that could accomplish all this with such made. quote means; it was the Lord's doings, which are marvellous in our sight. He stirred up the spirit of the noble Frenchman to hasten'to our relief; he gave wisdom to our statesmen and generals. and victory. to our arms! To Him thou, my brethren, bo tho glory given. To His praise let the Fourth of July ever bo hallowed. Never may this day be desecrated by the indulgence of passions thal are displeasing to flinyvlin has so highly favored us, and done such groat things of which our hearts, aro glad. But we must hasten, 11. Secondly to enquire whether our liberties may be endangered by any causes? The affirma. Live of this is certuinly true. Examples aro not wanting in the history of nations to warn us of our B 7 ROBERT WHITE MIDDLETON, EZITOR, PUBLIOZER Al= PROPRIETOR. "I WISH NO OTHER HERALD, NO OTHER SPEAKER. OF MY LIVING ACTIONS, TO KEEP MINE HONOR FROM CORRUPTION."-SHAHS. Ita&ZPIZTILLM26 9 aka..moexPrimar. (1714247 aa. amid. danger. It is wisdom to profit by the faults and 1 fall of others. The inspired oracles aro not silent 1 on this subject. There it is declared, "righteous ness exalted; a nation, but sin ii the ruin of any people." The history of many nations, has verified the truth of this doclatation. But what is it, that may endanger our liberties? Theic aro many things, but we have time to dwell on a few only. It'e place Infidelity foremost in the list of sins, that will ruin any people. We think we are warranted by scripture, and the experience of nations, in enumera ting this amongst the causes which threaten the safe ty of our institutions. Infidelity is one of the greatest crimes; it is treason against the moral government of th., universe. It is the denial of God ,of his prevalence and our accountability to a higher power for our mor al actions. 'Where such sentiments become prevalent, the foundation of virtuous action is destroyed, the ba sis of all gover n ment and subordination is rooted up, and anarchy and ccufusion must reign nniversally.— The fabrick of all our institutions, civil and religious, is based upon the belief of the existence of God—His moral government,and our accountability to him; and so soon as this foundation of society is destroyed, our government must fall into ruins. What else will curb the unruly passions of fallen mes, and restrain them within the bounds of virtue and oedcr,but the conscien tious belief in the existence of God,and our respousi bilitv vv.) 'fivu for all our actions? Would our liberty , and happiness' be better secured by abandoning ail religion—casting off all fear of God,and destroying in our hearts and the hearts of others,the dread of meet in the frowns of the Almighty in a future world ,should we live and die in unpardoned sill? NVould it be more conducive to our national prosperity and our individual happiness,if we were to abandon ourselves to the wor ship of the Goddess of Reason? Let the history of France answer that question. In that nation, Infideli ty in its worst form was universally introduced; the --r.!:!r: cf God was banished the land; the temples of christianity were closed,and over the t..mple of rea son was inscribed: There is no God—" Death is an r:''rnrri r..!:.,7, , ." And you,tr_.; br'lL .. ..:::'"::::-...:0;.5 , weii in formed to be told that the cousequencval were horrible. The flood-gates of every crime were thrown open up on the whole nation; the moral atmosphere became putrid ,and the whole nation intoxicated with the foul est crimes that ever disgraced the family of man.— Friend betrayed friend; the bands of society were loosed,and the demon of anarchy revelled in blood— and his appetite required the slaughter of three mil lions of Frenchmen. Its demoralizing effects arc yet visible ; we sometimes hear of the convulsive throes of the volcano that still burns in the bowels of that nation. Though long excited by the example of this country , to desire the blessings of liberty, they are in caple of self-government; and it is because the piety and virtue of christianity are wanting. We are not vissionary when we declare, that (Inc same causes threaten our institutions. Are not the same doctrines publicly taught In three of our erinci pal cities? Are not several papers engaged in dissem inating the doctrines of French Infidels in our own land? and there are many. very many who embrace them. And need I tell you,that the poisonous tree of infidelity has already brought forth its legitimate fruits in the riots and mobs which have disgraced our nation, and interrupted our citizens in the exercise of their dearest rights, at the ballot box! Depend upon it,my brethren,nothing but the fear of God can secure our liberty—nothing but the univer sal spread and influence of the religion of Christ can shield our nation against the frowns of Him that ruletl in the Heavens, and judgcth the nations in righteous ness and the people with truth Again—Permit me to mention Intemperance as a second cause, which threatens ourfrec institutions with suhvertion and ruin. It is true war has been declared a ulus.tmthi! fell destroyer of Or ./---mess int..irs•sts am ..c a ca monster is not yc dead—he still lives in our midst o St is laying thousands anuually,low in the drunkard's grave! Ile enters still into the habitations of many of our most estimable ci tizens under the garb of an angel oflight.and though he professes to administer health to the sick and strength to the weak, converts their dwellings into prisons of wailing and lamentation.. Ile spares not the wife's support—the children's protectors and the parent's hope—death and destruction mark his encrimsored path. No tie is too sacred for him to sever; no sanc tuary is too holy for him to dcacrate,and no interests arc too dear for him to destroy. Need I inform you that this monster has gotten n most dangerous hold on the very mainspring of our free institutions. You are too well acquainted with the fact to require the infor mation, that he acts a distinguished part at all our e lections.controlling the votes of thousands,through his mighty influence! What! is it a fact, are there free men v ho would cast their votes in favor of him who can most liberally deal out the liquid fire? What! could a freeman offer to purchase with a glass of al- choliol,that for which our patriot forefathers sacrificed their best blood and treasure? 0, shame, where is thy blush! Is it a slander upon Americans, to utter such a ' thing? Would to God it were! Would to God there were no aspirants after office, at whose door this foul crime could be laid! So long as inc love ofrilchohol will lead men to sell their votes to the highest bidder,there is danger of the subvertion of our liberties. Is that man capable of voting intelligently whose intellect is first destroyed by liquid poison, and whose judgment must first be convinced of a candidate's merits by a glass of rum? Is that man worthy to legislate for free men,who could be base enough to raise himself to our legislative halls by the degrading practice of treating in order to be elected? No—all will say no. Let no American give himself tip to the indulgence of a passion that is so debasing to the mind—as degra ding to character—so ruinous to our liberties, and so destructive of social order,and of domestic and etern al happiness; but let all enlist in the ranks of those noble patriots and philanthropistsovh» have determin ed on the expulsion of the monster of intemperance from our land. Permit me, my respected auditors, to mention one more cause that seems to me to endanger our liberties; I mean, Excessive Party Spirit. A moderate degree ofparty spirit is necessary to the existence of a Re public. This,l presume,will not be controverted. For where there is a moderate degree of party spirit kept up, there there will be a watchful eye, ever open to the doings of our public officers,and our legislators and rulers. Their principles and actions will be investiga ted and presented to the people, who have a right to know how their servants behave themselves while in their employ. If faithful, they may be continued; if not,they can be removed, and more suitable persons elected Thus there is kept alive a wholesome super vision of ono party over the principles and public ac tions of the other. Such an action of party spirit will he salutary,and make men attentive to their own prin ciples and public conduct. But when party spirit becomes excessive and pro scriptive; when its influence extends its virulence so far as to sunder the bonds friendship, which should bind citizen to citizen; when it visits the political sins of men upon their private character,and injures a per son in the business of his vocation, and deprives him and his family of their support; or when it enters and desecrates the sanctuary of God,disturbs the harmony of the followers of Christ, and thus vacates - the altars of the Most High of its communicants: then itbecomes destructive of civil and religious liberty. When a man, whatever be his station amongst his fellow-citi zens, is proscribed and persecuted, and his rights withheld, because be dares to think for himself and use the privilege of every American citizen at the ballot box—then, I contend, party spirit is excessive, dangerous and destructive of freedom of thought and action. So soon as this takes place, we arc no more free, and our liberty will have taken its everlasting night, and despotism of the worst kind, spread her raven wings over our nation! Now, whether this is the case with party spirit in this conntry,l leave you to judge. If you think it is, may I not ask, are we not fast hastening toward a worse despotism than we escaped July 4, 1776? I would ask, could riot our party politics be maintained without those angry and virulent passions mingling with their discussions? Could not our gentlemen of the public press contribute much to pour the oil of moderation upon the troubled waters of our political world? We think there might, and should be, much more regard to the nice sensibilities of honorable up- Non on tlw fields of intellectual and political strife. othing would be lost,and ninth would be gained. We still might vindicate the truth as we apprehend it,and maintain oar politiial side; and aftewards meet each other in the common walks of life, as brethren—l.' and at the altar of our God, as christians. But to conclude—though we arc yet politically free —free to make our own lan*, and to CllOO6O our own rulers; yet there is a liberty whose blessings many of of us have not yet tasted-1 mean, freedom from the bondage of sin and death. This liberty Christ gives to tho prisoners of hope that floc unto him. Without this freedom from the guilt and power of sin, we arc bound in chains of the basest slavery. Oh, brethren! L recommend this liberty to you; seek it and you will find it. You will find it with Christ,for whom he lib erates is free indeed. The most degrading slavery is the service of sin and lust; and of what advantage will our boasted civil liberty be to us, if our souls are nev er disenslaved of sin, by the grace of God that bring oh salvation to all. Oh, ye prisoners of hope! come to Cbrist,and he will give liberty to the captive, and save you from the hard bondage wherein ye are made to servo. fie is a captain that is willing and able to lead us on to victories more glorious in their results, than were ever acquired on the battlefield of conflicting nations. Under the banner of Ills cross, let us all en list; it is still streaming on the walls of Zion, and all arc invited to hasten to it and be free—free from the oppressor's yoke—free from the guilt and power and polletion of sin—free from the miseries of this life, and free in the Eternal Asylum of the distressed, and the home of the Brave! ADDRESS, Delivered July 4th, 1835, before the "Gettysburg Guards" and Citizens. DV DANIEL M. SMYSER, ESQ. D'UiR,ISRED BY REQUEST.] Comrades and Fellow-Citizens! Bi your kind invitation, I stand before you this dny, the chosen organ of some of those seotiments and feelings which on en occasion like the present, gush up nn the soul in a full tide of sublime ek•ociations and grateful recollections. We have net in the spirit of freedom, suit, I trust, of liarmo. nv. • to unite with countless thousands of our fellow citizens, in commemorating the event ful day tort gave our nation birth; and which in ushering it into being, also proved the dawn of a new and auspicious era of liberty and happiness to the whole human race. Anniversary celebrations of important epochal and illustrious events,are not of mod ern origin. They possess a very remote antiquity. The Jews, by divine appoint. ment observed the feasts of Pentecost, of Tabernacles and of the Passover. The Greeks, in like manner, celebrated the glory of their country and the renown of her he roes. The Romans had their centennial games, the Salii, and other similar recurr ing toasts and celebrations—and modern history abounds in instances of the same— When conducted in a proper manner and in a right spirit,they are calculated to be uni versally and extensively beneficial. They cherish national feeling and national pride, without which the power as well as the glory of a country, soon dwindles into noth ing. Thy excite emulation, the fruitful pa rent of noble deeds. Each returning cele. Gm Istirna ica wa Isytt MIL L.A. ti... -doL...:sa Ili_.; hInA our hearts to our country's altar. They foster a love for our country and a just pride in its institutions, at the same time that they lend to a more just appreciation and perfect knowledge of those institutions. In a word, by a strange and somewhat anomalous asso ciation of apparently discordant qualities, their tendency is to make enlightened as well as enthusiastic patriots. The anniversary we this day celebrate is superior in moral interest as well as political importance to any other that the history of the world affords. I disclaim all intentional irreverence for sacred things when I say,that in sublime and solemn interest, it yields only to that which is forever sanctified to our min,4 & our hearts by the hallowed advent of our divine Redeemer—for surely the mor al and political, is second only in importance to the spiritual regeneration of mankind. It is true, the consummation of good which is the object and the end of this new dispensation, is only to he arrived at through much toil and suffering. Rivers of blood must flow—many a brave heart cease to pul sate—and many a gallant spirit wing its flight to immortality,ere hope shall be swal lowed up in fruition—but so surely as the day we celebrate dawned on American thral dom, and the Sun of Liberty which then rose is now resplendently culminating to its zen ith, so surely does a noon of freedom equal ly bright and glorious await those who are yet sitting in the deep, dark midnight of bondage. We have happily passed through this baptism of fire and of blood. We have successfully groped our way through the 'palpable obscure' of despotism, and emerg ed to the, ull light of a happier day. But, tell me, Americans! Shall not our sympa thy and in so far as is practicable and right, our aid, be given to those who are yet wan dering amid 'shadows, clouds and darkness,' and stretching forth their hands to us their forerunners within the vale, and calling on us for help? Surely the heart that does not respond to such an appeal, must be dead to humanity, callous to feeling, and lost to eve ry ennobling attribute of a freeman! It is not my intention on this occasion, to detain you by a repetition of the oft told tale of our revolutionary trials, difficulties, and final triumph. I dare not suppose there is man within my hearing,who is unacquain. tethwith the stirring tale. If there is, let him blush for his ignorance, but still more for his degeneracy. But there is not; your expressive looks already tacitly rebuke me for even doubtfully hazarding the shameful supposition. In full confidence, then, that there is not, I shall proceed to offer such further remarks, in unison with the occasion, as present themselves to my mind. It is a remarkable feature in our Revolu tionary struggle and strikingly characteris tic of its exalted character and elevated ob ject, that Independence, highly as our lath. ers'prized it, and strenuously as they ulti mately sought it, was not its original exci ting cause. Had it been so, doubtless it would have been a magnificent as well as a legitimate cause, in defence of which other nations - have poured forth their blood like water; though tt may well be doubted wheth er Independence alone, unaccompanied by civil liberty would have been worth the cost lof the co ntest. Although an Adams, a Hen ry and many others who with eagle-eye penetrated the dark and doubtful mists that lenshrouded the future, foresaw that Indepen dence must be the necessary and inevitable result of the long and protracted struggle between the power of the Crown and the rights of the people, and therefore strove to brace the energies of the country to meet the crisis, yet the great mass of tho people neither contemplated nor desired such an issue, until necessity drove them to embrace it as the only alternative to shivery. So averse in the outset, were the.peoßle, to this ineabure,ultimately so popular,tbat no means in their power to use, were left untried to avert it. Petitions, memorials and remon strances, were poured in without number, upon the British government and the British people, all firmly yet respectfully asserting their rights, stating their grievances, and demanding redress; but all as explicitly and almost indignantly disavowing the idea of separe ion. Even Congress, on more than one occasion, thought proper to utter a simi lar disclaimer. What was the result? Let History speak! Their petitions and memo rials were treated with haughty contempt! "Their repeated and respectful remonstran• ces, were answered only by repeated Wu. ries." Then, only, when every means of redress and reconciliation had been tried and exhausted—when wrong was heaped upon wrong, and outrage accumulated on outrage—when the usurpations of the crown and parliament kept pace with the patience and forbearance of the people—after having suffered their evils "so long as evils were sufferable"—our magnanimous sires pro mulgated that sublime and solemn declara tion which has this day been read in your hearing. They drew the sword and cast the scabbard behind them. They fearless. ly grappled with the gigantic power of Great Britain, declaring that they had "coureed the cost of the contest, and found nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery." It may, indeed, with truth be affirrned, that even without the intervention of the causes which led to the Revolution,this coun try must ultimately have become indepen dent, from the operation of another cause— and that cause would have been the absolute and necessary incompatibility of a state of dependance on a foreign power in such a country as ours, with its internal resources, its power, their capacity of unlimited exten te., satoßtlon, the cliaraotera--410-peo ple and the spirit of its institutions. Yet there can be no doubt that the unwarranta. ble attempt to establish an arbitrary domin ion over us, not only accelerated that event, but also exercised a most salutary influence upon our national character and the genius of our government; for it may well be doubt ed whether the one would have been as ele vated or the other as puro, had they not e merged from the seven-times heated furnace of the Revolution. I have said that• Independence was not Ihe original cause of the Revolution. Nei ther was it its primary object—as, from men's disposition to regard rather the sound than the significancy of terms, has been sometimes imagined. High and exalted as such a cause would have been, our forefath ers aimed at a stilt higher and nobler one— that, without which individual freedom is a curse and political independence ceases to be a blessing. They struck for civil fiber- ty. Independence and civil liberty,although often confounded, are by no means synoni mous terms. By the first, we mean as ap. plied to a nation, that it is not under the do minion or subject to the control of any for eign power. The second implies protection against the oppression or misconduct of its own government: or, as a celebrated writer* defines it, "the not being restrained by any law save that which conduces in a greater degree to the public good." Thus, then, you perceive, it is very possible for a nation to be independent, and yet sunk in the most abject state of slave' y. Russia and Turkey, for example, are certainly independent na tions, that is they are not under any foreign dominion; yet neither of them an, with truth be said, to enjoy the slightest vestige of civil liberty. It was then to secure this higher boon, this more precious blessing, that our father 4 dissolved the political bands that had long connected them with Great Britain, and asserted their Independence, in the face of the most tremendous obstacles and appalling dangers. Another feature in this momentous Revolution demands a passing notice: The patriots of '76 were not driven into rebellion by a heavy load of intolerable oppression and individual outrage,such as comes home to every mtin's experience, visits every fireside and wrings every bosom. No blood thirsty tyrant swayed over their prostrate bodies a rod of iron,emulating the atrocities of a Nero,►a Caligula or a Domittun. No tyrannical oligarchy like that ofenelaved but illustrious Vonice,cemen ted its brutal tyranny in the blood and the tears of its subjects. The husbandman tilled his fields in peace; the artisan pursued the peaceful tenor of his useful occupution,undisturbed by fears of per sonal outrage; the merchant sent forth his barque upon the waters, in the confident assurance that the golden returns which the winds and the waves should spare, would not be wrested from him by the rapacity of a lawless despot, or become the sport and the prey of military license. Ireland,at the present day, Whose very life-blood is drained by a lazy and pampered prtesthood,suffors(ton•fold the actual wrong and outrage whrch was visited upon our fathers when they unfurled the stand ard of insurrection to the breeze; and this consid. oration, instead of at all diminishing the lustro of that glorious contest.gives it additional brilliancy, by exhibiting it as the strife of upright and disin terested men in defence of principle. What,then,a stranger might be tempted to ask, was the cause that actuated and the motive that impelled them? Pr WAS Ma ova OF LIBERTY! Not merely that selfish feeling which leads men to resistpresent oppression,frsin a desire of map. •Palsy. [WHOLE NO. 215. ing present evils; tint that more noble, because Imore enlightened principle which leads them to resist even the most trivial or distant invasion of liberty, with the same energy and firrErness with which they would meet an attempt to usurp the whole; and which, extending its vision far down the vista of futurity, with a gaza.rendered keen End piercing by its own intensity, clearly fracas the connection between present causes and re mote consequences. And such,my fellow.citizone, must be the sleepless vigilance exorcised by you, ifyou would preserve your precious heritage, and would not that the blood ofyour fathers shall have flowed in vain! It has been truly said (hat "the price of liberty is eternal vigilance." • Our Teth ers wore aware of this salutary truth; and hence, they resisted with the like determination ofapirit, the attempt to take their liberty by a coup de main,and to carry it by storm. A superficial observer, looking recrely at the proximate cause of our Revolution( and finding it to consist in an attempt to levy a paltry tax upon Tea, would bo astonished at the apparent dispro portion between.cause and effect. What! Bring war, with all its attendant train ofevils, into the bosom of a peaceful country and rudely savor the ties of old association and kindred, merely to a void purchasing a superfluous article of luxtfry at an enhanced price! But this seemingly trivial cause assumes acharactor ofimmensO importance when viewed as tho entering wedge intended to rive our Liberties into fragments. It was in this light our tethers viewed it ; and hence they inet tho incipient efforts of projected tyranny on the very threshold,and there battled for the common rights of the human race. They knew that usur pation is progreseive,& never pauses, after taking tho initiatory atop,until its purpose is accomplish ed, or until it Id thrown back by the irresistible force of public sentiment awakened into decisive and energetic action. They were aware that in the contest between power end rig ht,there was no alternative but submission or successful resis tance; and,disdaining the weak and temporizing policy that would have been the refuge of inferior minds, they chose rather to precipitate the strug gle, than to wait until time should have ripened tyranny into depotiern. Amirable men: Proof a. like to the intimidations of power, the seductions of vanity and the alluromonts again, ye planned and accomplished the groat work of your court. try's salvation; and, in your country's salvation, tho regeneration and redemption ofalie world!— "Give me Ltberty,or give me Death!" was the hn passiOned exclamation of the Orator of Nature, the eloquent, the gifted, the patriutic 11111'; and "Liberty or Death:" became at once-the watch word and the reliving cry of the Revolution. Ita spirit-stirring echoes at Lexington's bloody fight. struck a panic into the hearts of the minions of despotism, "When, wantoning in savage rage,they marched, "Onward to Concord,in a firm array "With music playing, and the ample flag "Of Tyranny displayed—" It was sent buck In defiance an& in triumph from the glory-crowned heights of Bunker's Hill, "whose glorious name might make a coward brave"—The rolling Hudson started at the sound as it burst in thundering aeClaim from the faild of Saratoga; and its last echoes, mingled with the shrill clarion of victory and rejoicing, rose with deafening vehemence,from the plains of Yorktown. Animated by it,our fathers needed no other sti mulous to action. And shall it find no answering echo in the bosoms of their children? Oh! yea!— Your beaming eyes, and your countenances flush ed with enthusiasm, assure me that it meets with an answering echo in full re 4 ,7 a heart, • • 4 !I:dt a patriot's sacred fire glowr i , I'o-r ,: here present! Your preser,( :,r, • .1 the occasion of your 1199 . ;,'' `:1!' t• nett r,. a: gives testimony that such in it • ; f•p'rint , We have ma to express oar ti. 3 vGI. ver of every good and ever% g and present blessings, and - to strengthen and con firm ono another in the renewed determination of showing ourselves henceforward their worthy recipients. We have met in the apiritofconcord, harmony. and peace—We have mot as a band of brothers! Let, then, the poor, miserable tool of hatred 'and of envy; if any such there be, who batters on elan. der "and makes most hellish meals ofgood men's names," and whose grovelling soul is animated by the thankless spirit of ingratitude, depart this joyous scene, and pollute not with his hateful presence, our festival of peace. Such feelings die. honor the wretch who cherishes them, and are pe culiarly unsuited to an occasion like the present. There aro those, to whom strife is a congenial, element, and who are never so happy as when they are its successful agitators; for thereby, they at once gratify the satanic malignity of their na tures, and, In the scones of strife and confusion they engonder,hope to find something which they may turn to their own advantage—since it is tru.. ly said "in civil broils, the worst of men may rise." Whenever such characters become common; and receive the tolerance and sanction of the public r it is a sure symptom of national degeneracy. Pub. lic sentiment is then perverted and abused; and precisely in proportion as a nation declines in morality and virtue, does it approach tho period of its downfall. It is therefore at once the interest and tho duty of every friend of his country, of good order and of virtue,to quench those firebrands of society whenever they may be found. flat 1 look around me, and in this large assembly I find no ono to whom these remarks can apply. If thero unfbrtunately are any such in our commu nity, they have had the good sense and discretion not to intrude upon us with their presence. As a moans of 'perpetuating the freedom and consequently the blessings wo now enjoy, I know of none more efficacious than Educiitiou. Knowl edge, may indeed be said to be the conservative • principle of Liberty. In every well regulated and more especially in every free government, the general diffusion; and in so far as is practicable, the equalization of knowledge, should be one of its first objects. We have proclaimed to the world that all men are born equal as well as free. If then, we would verify and exemplify this, outrun &mental maxim, we must bring home knowledge —not scientific knowledge—not college learning, that is not necessary, but plain, useful, practical knowledge, to every man's door; and. in proper. tion as this is effected, ignorance 'vanishes the intellect Is expanded and elevated, and the 11;nel ful and visionary distinctions of birth and Wealth, cease to have even an imaginary existence. As ignorant people, cannot long he free. Their liber ty will be the sport of every factious demagogue, and fall tho prey of every invader. We owe an immense debt of gratitude to those whose wisdom planned and whose valour achieved our Liberty and Independence. I might point you to n . host of names that stand forth, brilliant stars in the galaxy of glory. I might point you to the names of an Adams, a Hancock. a Frank lin, a Henry, a Warren, a Mercer, a Montgomery and a Greene. But bright and luminous as they are,l pass these over, and direct your gaze to his wilcp dazzling glorylike the Sun in the tirisaneat of files*. cn,eclipscs all lesser luminaries—via JIZLOyIED , MAIM Or WASHINGTQN! • - _ . 'Jere I pause! Why should I purstio',the theme. 41 pronouncing that venerated & almost s uns tided oanni have I not spoken volatoof to pair mind" end your hearts? Why should I 'attempt his eulogy? Is it veld., ble to *ld brilliancy Witte rays,or glory to the benne of the Sun In Heaven? His character needs no into glum. It is above bide defiance to bie~j.... "Las ZIPICSIIVI 811.1111/Clll MOH! Nil PlIAMIlf" -•t. „
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers