• i, • .. 4 i4 f r 4 0 / J t P, i, , ,, I, ~,, V <i' S.C., - , ir, , , • I . . * ' (It • I I 1 . r r .‘, ' .. ) . t .., ' • -,"" .V . '' ' . 7 ,' ' ',.., " ',... /.r.i/ , ' l , • WILLIAM BREWSTER,} EDITORS. SAM. G. WHITTAKER, F,,.e Vroikac#4 [From the Newark Daily Advertieer.] Judge Marsh, of N w Jersey, in Favor of Fremont, We stated, some days ago, that llon. Ephraim Marsh, of this State, who presi ded at the National American Convention which nominated Fillmore and Donelson, had decided to support Fremont and Day. ton. IN'u have just received from him the following letter to his colleagues, (who, with him, represented the Americans of this State in the Convention,) in which he ably reviews the principles at stake in the contest, and gives his reasons for support. ing the Republican candidates. Ire only retteraces the convictions of every honest practical man who has reflected upon the subject—that the only issue in this comest is between the extentionists of slave pow er, headed by Buchanan, and the friend: of freedom in the Territories, who .have nominated Fremont ; and to support Mr. Fillmore, would be only enSting his vote for the former—or, nt best, throwing it a way. l'he letter will be rend with inter est, and produce a powerful effect upon those who have hitherto sympathized in the cause in which Judge Marsh was first enlisted : Sertoomor's MOUNTAIN'S, N. Sep. 10. Messrs. J. H. Lynn. J. W. Mien, L Ott, E II Grandin, J. Cornell, J. Weeks:— Genamten—Having been constrained by the course of public events, occuring since the meeting of the Amer:e.m `ration• al Convention by which the lion. Millard Fillmore was nominated for President of the United Stows, over which Convention I hod the honor to preside, to renounce that nomination, you, as my colleagues in that Convention. arc entitled to toy reasons for so doing, and I will proceed briefly but frankly to sta'e them. It was known 'o my friends nt Philadel phia that the pro slavery platform there a dopted, and which drove so many North• ern delegates from the Convention, was re pugnant to my sentiments and sympathies. But confiding in the principles of Mr. Fill more, who, in the Legislature of New York, and in Congress, had ever acted with the friends of freedom, I acquiesced, in an exceptionable platform, In view of the perfidious repeal of the Missouri com promise, and the nggressions nod outrages perpetrated by Missourians urn Kansas, with more titan the approval of the Gene ral Government, I looked for some expres sion of the sentiments which pervaded the whole North—sentiments that Mr. Fill more had ever professed, in his letter of ac ceptanco. But in this expectation I was disappointed, There was n studied and significant avoidance, in that letter, of the question upon which lie knew, as we all know, the Presidential election is to be de cided, either in favor of or against slavery extension. Nor was I less disappointed in finding the friends of Mr. Fillmore in Con gress, voting steadily, throughout a pro tracted session, with the supporters of ag gressioti and outrage in Kansas, and per sisting in such votes, after, by the report of the Kansas Congressional Committee, it had been irrefragably proven that the elec tions in Kansas hail been Carried by arm• ed bodies of men front Missouri ; that an infamous code of Territorial laws had been enacted in Etnsas by Missourians; that free presses in Kansas had been destroyed by Missourians ; that settlers in Kansas had been robbed and murdered by Missou rians ; that organized and armed bodies of men from Missouri and other slave States had sworn, in secret Societies, that Kansas shall become a slave State ; and finally, that all these outrages were perpetrated with the aid and approbation of a United States Judge and Marshal, and in the pre sence of United States troops. But these great wrongs, though arousing the just in dignation of freemen, have elicited no word of reproof front Mr. Fillmore. On the contrary, in his speech at Albany, he astounded tho country in declaring that the election of Col. Fremont, by the spon taneous suffrages of a majority-of the citi zens of the republic, would occasion a din solution of the Union. And up to the last vote in the called session of Congress, when the friends of Freedom endeavored, in the Army Appropriation bill, to protect the citizens of Kansas by the adoption of a conservative proviso, lion. Mr. Haven, the confidential partner and partisan of Mr. Fillmore, voted with thu pro-slavery ma jority. Indeed, since the commencement of the just closed session of Congress, sla very has not obtained an advantage that it . did not owe to the votes of Mr. Fillinore's friends; nor has freedom encounter.' a defeat that did not come from the same quarter of the House of Representatives His friends, holding the balance of power, turned the scale, when it would turn in fa- ; vor of slavery, And where, or in what respect has Mr. Fillmore profited, politically, by all these sacrifices of principle?—all these violations of duty—all these surrenders of indepen dence—nll this self-abasement What has been gained by battering freedom for slavery ? His nomination was demanded by oar Southern brethren, as you know, who would only consent, even" to his nomina tion, upon terms that drove most of the Nor. them delegates out of the Convention. It Was painfully apparent in the deliberations of our Convention that Americanism was but a secondary object. Slavery was with them the paramount consideration. While' for the sake of the broad American princi ples that had taken hold of the public mind, we were prepared to ignore the sla- ; very question, they insisted upon !flaking!. it, and did make it, the primary article of faith in our platform. And how, aftqr a imposing terms which have shorn the American pasty of its Northern strength, do the South Ameri cans act? Have they kept or broken faith with us ? In North Carolina, whnlse elec tion is just over, the American party is virtually disbanded. The Hon. Mr. Pu. ryer, nn American member of Congress from that State, concedes the State Co Mr. Buchanan, though, aside from slavery, there is an acknowledged political majori ty against him. In Kentucky, where was one year ago a triumphant American majority, our par ty is beaten if not annihilated. Col. Hum phrey Marshall, a gallant leader seems to have nailed his colors to the mast ; but that only proves that he is "faithful among the faithless." The lion. Mr. IVnllcer, of Alabama, ajneinher of our Convention, who was a mong the nest zealous advocates of Mr. Fillinore's nomination, has, from his seat in Congress, proclaimed his abandonment of Mr. Fillmore and his adhesion to Mr. Buchanan. Senator Jones, of Tennessee, with Senators Pratt nod Pearce, of Mary land, lite long opponents of the democrat ic party, have proclaimed themselves in favor of Mr. Buchanan, rod now stand a long with Senators Cass, Douglass, Atch ison, &c., upon the Cincinnati platform. There has been, within the last three mouths, and since the issue which is to give freedom to or force slavery into Kan sas was made up, a regu'ar political stam pede from the Southern ivhig and Ameri• can parties over to thu support of Mr. Buchanan. Now what, let me inquire, does all this mean ? Mr. Fillmore, as you well know ' was the nominee of the Southern States. Those delegates were not only fir hits, but would take none else. Why, then, do they abandon him ? Simply because they having but one interest in politics and watchfully consulting the political barom eter, aro guided by its suggestions. They calculate the chances and the cost of the Presidential election. The plw form upon which they placed Mr. Fillmore offended Northern sentiment the action in Con gress,and the events in Kansas, have a wakened throughout the North and West an indignation so deep and prevading ns to deprive Mr. Fillmore of the votes of ! every free State. To qualify himself for acceptance in slave States, Mr. Fillmore had to talie"gr winds which necessarily re pelled the free States; and having thus lost the North, the South, for that reason,' abandons him. In this the South acts un derstandingly, and is true to herself. Mr. Fillmore became valueless to slavery the moment it was certain that he could not subsidize the North. And although aban doned by those who nominated him, nei ther Mr. Fillmore nor his friends can just ly charge the South with bad faith, for the terms of the compact were distinctly understood. They aimed, with Ameri canism ns a cover, to extend slavery. Ile was to bring Northern strength. Unable from the stringency of the term imposed, and the enormity of the outrages perpetra ted in Kansas to do that, the consideration failed, and the South declares for Buchan an, instead of Vintner°, ns the most avail able candidate. If, therefore, the South, as It has done whenever a "Northern man with Southern principles" ceases to be useful, lets Mr. Fillmore "slide," he must console himself, as did Cardinal Woolsey, with the reflection that, if he "had served freedom with half the zeal he has given to slavery, he would nor now be left na ked to his enemies." Nor is this poetic truth only, for while serving freedom no man was inure honored and prospered than Millard Fillmore ; rising, as he did, from station to station, higher and higher, in j the State and national .4in aliments, and gC LIBERTY AND UNION, NOW AND FOREVER, ONE AND INSEPARABLE. " HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 8, 1856. enjoying, until tempted by ambition, to a bandon his principles and party, universal regard and confidence. Shall we, North, then be required to adhere to a nomination, which has been deliberately abandoned by the South ? Shall we cling to Mr. Fillmore after those most earnest for his nomination are sup porting Mr. Buchanan ? This is the practical question. Let us, therefore, look it practically in the face : Even tho present state of the canvass, all but one or two of the Southern Slates are not only sure to vote for Mr. Buchan an, but are made sure by the votes of Southern Americans, who were pledged to Mr. Fillmore. As the canvass pro gresses, the Northern sentiment developer and concentrates in favor of Col. Fremont the remaining one or two Southern States will declare unanimously for Mr. Buch anan, on whom the whole South will be visited. On the other hand, the free States, wiih the exception of New Jersey and Penn sylvania, have, or in the progress of the canvass will, declare for Fremont. The nominee of the American party, abandon ed by the South, though espousing its principles, and repudiated by the North, because of his subserving to the South, is driven into New Jersey and Pennsylva nia, two States, upon which his friends hang a "forlorn hope." But does Mr. Fill more, or any sane man, suppose or pre• tend that he can carry either of these 'States I Assuredly not. It is certain, however, and it is conce ded, that a union of the Americans Ind Republicans in both tittes, would take them from Buchanan and carry them where they belong, into brotherhood and fraternity with freedom. May I not, then, rely upon the patriot ism of my American friends, appeal .to them with confithMce in furor of union here in my own State, and in our sister State of Pennsylvania, for the snlce of, that glorious Union which we all love nod cherish as an inheritance more pre. cion:t than any other gift, though encurn. bored, as portions of it necessarily teas, with slavery ? Does nny one tell me in reply that our American principles forbid this union? Of such let me inquire what has bean clone, or sought to be done, lie Southern Americans in Congress to carry out our principles? Have they passed. or nttemi,ted to puss nay laws upon the American question ? Or have their voices nncl votes been given constantly in favor , of slavery extension ? In refusing to unto with our friends of free Kansas, (the on aly issue involved in the contest) Ameri cans in New Jersey and Pennsylvania are with their eyes open to the inevitable re nidnig Mr. Buchanan, whose nations and State platforms contain open donna eiations of the American party, to carry these States. Yes, nothing is more cer- ; lain than that New Jersey and Pennsyl vania con elect or defeat Mr. Buchanan. The rel,nsibility either way rests with the Americans. We can teat or be ben ten by the party that is avowedly hostile to freedom and Americanittn. We cannot elect Mr. Fillmore, and for one, after the course pursued in Congress by his itn• mediate representatives, after his own this loyal declarations in furor of a dissolution of the Union in the event of Col. Fre mont's election I run free to soy I do not disire his success. I have heard but two tangible reasons urged against Col. Fremont. The first is that he is a sectional candidate. This is neither Ills fault nor the fault if those who supported him. The repeal of the Missou ri compromise was a national question and a national wrong. The extension of slavery beyond its con stitutional boundary is a national question. If, as in the repeal of that compromise, na tional compacts were violated, may not the people seek national redress In what way, or by what means, eon that wrong be righted but in a constitutional manner th ro' the ballot boxes ? The freedo m of Kan sas and Nebraska wns violated by the ac tion of the Executive and Legislative de partments of the government. May we not, without incurring the reproach of sec. tionalism, endeavor to re establish freedom in those territories by reforming the Exec. utive and Legislative departments ! Who set up the cry of sectionalism when General Jackson, from Tennessee, and Mr, Calhoun, from South Carolina, were PITS- Went and Vice President ? Why Fillmore himself, who now councils a dissolution of Union if Fremont and Dayton should be elected, supported sectional candidates for President and Vice President in 1828 and 1834. The idea of dissolving the Union for such a cause is, I not happy to see, de• flounced by enlightened and patriotic Soo. there men. General Houston,the dis:inguished Sea ator .from Texas, in his cloning speech in the Senate sail— , They say if Fremont is elected forty thousand bayonets will bristle about the capital—that the South, in fact, will secede. Mr. President, I scorn the suggestion. There will be neither twist ding bayonets nor secession if Col. Fre mont shall be elected by a majority of the people. 'though I sin not hi, supporter, I shall respect the majority of the people; and to Col. Fremont, as the chief magi, trate of their choice, I shall pry my res. pietist homage." The Hon. Henry Win ter Davis, a talented and eloquent Ameri can member of Congress from Maryland, holds the following sentiments, which am much more becoming an American than those uttered by Mr Fillmore at Albany : 'Mere are men who go about the coun try declaiming about the inevitable conse quences of the election of Fremont ; and the question is asked whetlier that simple fact is not sutlicient, not merely to justify but to require a dissolution of the Union ? The question has been asked me tealay. That is n question which I de not regard as even n subject of discussion. It never trill be done while men have their reason. It never will be done until smno party bent upon acquiring party power, shall again, and again, nod again exasperate beyond the reach of reason the Northern and Sou thern minds, as my Southern friends have now exasperated the Northern mind. It would be an act of suicide, and sane men do not commit suicide. The act itself is insanity. It will be done, if ever, in a tempest of fury and madness which cannot st pto rer.son. Dissolution, means death, the suicide of Liberty, without a hope of resurrection—denth, without the glories of immortality ; with no sister to mourn her fall, none to wrap her decently in her win ding sheet and bear her tenderly to a sap ! tdvii re—dead Liberty left to all the horror ei reers ption, a loathsome thing-, with a .s..ake through the body, which men shun, cast out naked on the high Way of nations, where the tyrants of the earth who feared her living, will mock her dead, passing by on the other side, wagging their heads and thrusting their tongues in their cheeks at her, saying, ' , Behold her, how she that was fair among the nations, is fallen ! is fallen ! ocly the few trine men who loved her out of every nation will shed tears over he dissolution as they pass, and cast handfulls of earth on her body to quiet her manes, while we, her children, stumble about her ruined habitations, to find dishonorable graves wherein to hide • our shame. Dissolation ? Dow shall it be ? who shall make it ? Do men dream Lot and Abraham parting, one to the east and the other to the west, peacefully, be cause their servants strive? That States will divide from States, and bounder} , lines trill be marked by compass and chain ? Sir that will be a protentions commission that shall settle that partition, for cannon will be planted nt the corners and grinning I skeletons be finger posts to point the way. It will be no line gently marked on the bosom of the republic—some meander ing vein whence generations of her chil dren have drawn their nourishment—but a sharp and jagged charm, rending the , hearts of great Commonwealths, lacerad ated and smeared with fraternal On the night when the stars of her con. stellation shall hill from heaven the black ness of darkness forever will settle on the liberties of mankind to this Western world." The other objection to Mr. F'retnont ad dresses itself - particularly to Americans.— It is alleged that he is a Roman Catholic. The force of this objection depends up on its truth or falsity. It is a simple ques tion of fact. The charge originated in the New York Exprcs , , and rested upon the declaration of Alderman Fulmer, who says that when nt ltrown's lintel, in Washington, in the wittier of 1833, he saw Col. Fremont worshipping in a Catholic Church ; that lie conversed with the Col onel on the subject of religion, and that lie defended the extreme doctrines of the tiomish Church. lit' reference to the columns of the same Empress, it is shown that Col. Fremont was, during the whole of the time Alderman Fulmer locates him nt Washington on board of ocean steamers. An examination of the register and cash books of Brown's Hotel shows that Col. Fremont was not, during, the years of 18- 5.2 and '53, at that hotel. Here is con. elusive, independent evidence that Alder inns Fulmer is mistaken. This testimony is confirmed by Col. Fremont's denial of the whole story. The archives of the Episcopal Church at Washington show that Col. Fremont's children had Protes (ant baptism. Mr. Livingston, who was Cul. Fretnont's companion across the Reeky Mountains. sa,t, that he carries cluivx ,:, ~.., t ii L . , •1, ~. !,,, ._.,___•, ,=; .P'' ~/ ‘.;;-. - 1 4/ '..-.;> . with hirn a pocket Protestant Bible. Ho it, exhibits an infatuated thoughtlessness presented his wife with a Protestant pray- of the future. To turn from it as unit . er book before their marriage. i portant will be suicidal to the liberties of His preceptor says that he received a • your country. Protestant education. Col. Fremont says No nation of men, taken as the whole to everybody that inquires of him, that he body of the people, since the world began, is and ever has been a Protestant. And ever occupied a position so highly and yet not only in the absence of all testimo. fearlessly responsible to liberty, to human ny, but after every allegation has been dis. ity, to the world, as that now held by the proved, those who fabricated continue to . fternien of the United States. The victo reiterate the falsehood, and I am sorry to ry or the defeat of liberty and humanity, add, that too many intelligent, honest elec. the continuance or overthrow of our free tors, who would require better evidence to government, the upraising or downcast. Mg of coining ages, are absolutely and sal. convict a dog caught with the wool in his mouth, of killing sheep, believe that Col, einnly, fellow citizens, in your keeping.— Fremont is a Papist. i May the patriotism of Washington and Jet'. It was said, you will remember, by ma. ferson guide you! Let the same spirit ny of our friends at Philadelphia, that \lr. I burn in your heart which fired the soul of Fillmore's name would be used at the South I Patrick Henry when he uttered the mem• merely to divide the friends of freedom at arable words, "Give me liberty or give me the North. I did not believe it then nor death:" do I know that such was their design; but Slavery is at war with the progress of that Mr. Fillmore's name is now only used boon ledge, with personal liberty, with do. fur that purpose is transparently certain,— mestic happiness, with free government, Nor should this surprise us for it is just with nature and with God. Shall it have what the past has often revealed, i your sympathy, your aid, in the pending Mr. Van Buren, who for thirty years struggle ? It withholds common school was devoted to the South, hesitated about education, the knowledge of human rights, the admission of Texas, and was thrown of history and of science, from the three overboard. millions and a half of its victims. It de- General Pierce, literally used up in:pro• grades the white non-slaveholding popula meting, the repeal of the Missouri compro. tion in its midst, and keeps them in ignor nose, and in sustaining border ruffianism, once nod poverty. Will you give it still was remorselessly sacrificed at Cincinnati, larger territories, over which to spread its by the South for 'an older, if not a better' I mental darkness, its personal degradations ? doughface whom they hope to elect. Dif. Slavery wages a war of extermination on fee as they may and do, in relation to all ' domestic happiness. It does not permit other questions, on this every extreme of the slave-father or soother to be legally shade and sentiment and opinion unite.— married, to own themselves each other, or They regard the bank—the tariff—the pub- their children; to build their nest where lie domain, &c., &c., subordinate questions , they please, or to warm and feather it as and differ upon them ; but in voting upon best they can It tramples upon and crush the annexation of Texas—the admission of es out all the sacred, Vaven appointed re ' California free—the Fugitive Slave law— t lotions of legal husband and wife, legal ht ' the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, titer and mother and children. The slave• &c., &c., they always unite s or if a Sou• I holder curls the lip of scorn, and says, who there member gives a wrong vote, like cares for all that? It is well known that Cullum of Tennessee, and Hunt of Lou- he does not. But three millions and a half isiono, they are shot down. Why, then, of headmen and bood women do care for should they not, as they have, make their it. no free governments of Fn ropecare Americanism subservient to their slavery , for it. Humanity cares for it the world ' If, therefore, Mr. Buchanan should be e- over. God and religion care for it. The lected, I see no end to the encroachments liberty and joy and upward progress of and usurpations of the slave power—and this and corning ages core for it. Are all hence I shall neither vote for him nor these nothing compared with the will and throw my vote away. In a contest which cupidity of the slave holder? is to determine whether slavery or freedom is to be '.he governing principle of this re• public, L choose to cast my vote where it will tell for freedom. These considerations lead me to the support of the republican nominees for President and Vice President not because I run less an American than when out National Convention assembled, taut because those by whom Mr. Fillmore: was nominated, (rein Southern States have abandoned him for a candiaate openly and avowedly arrayed against the American party thus sacrificing fur slavery both their candidate and their Americanism ; and he cause, furthermore, by voting for Mr, Fill. more, while the contust is between Ruche, win and Fremont, I should indirectly aid the former, whose principles, as an anti• American, and slavery extentionist, arc ob• noxious to all my convictions of duty. Respectfully yours, EPHRAIM AIARSII. 11. ) .1.TRIOTHC APPEALI" We ask attention to the short hilt elo quent article which has been published by the Republican Committee. We invoke contradiction and our columns arc open to any responsible person who will attempt to refute it. APPEAL TO THE FREEMEN OP TILE RENY& Patriots aml lelloto Cuizeas :—Tho world, just now, is stirred with great events in which you are called to act an impor tant part. A few days sine it was all at strife : Europe, Asia, Africa, for empire, we for personal liberty and free govern ment, Ours is the higher, the holier; it is o contest for great principles: it is for hu manity, for social blessings, for civil free dom. The thunder of Eastern battle has ceased, but the American contest Is prepa ring material, gathering strength, and con verging forces for a mighty struggle. Its issue willshape our nation for coming ages. It will be the 'naming star of permanent freedom for the nation, for the world, or the setting sun of liberty for ages. It will inspire the hopes, or augment the despair, of oppressed humanity throughout the world. Thu question at issue is this t Shall our nation continue to be a nation of freemen, or shall it become a nation of masters slaves, issuing in a despotic government and a downtrodden people ? This, patriots and freemen, is the pend ing issue which you are called upon to de cide at the approaching Presidential elec• Lion. To disbelieve it, or to make light of Slavery is opposed to free government. A free government consists in the free• dein of its subjects, not the freedom of its ruk-rs. The more tyranical a government is, the freer its rulers are. The Czar of Russia is freer than Queen Victoria, but his subjects are less free. Slavery is now developmg itself in Congress and in Kan sas, in its true spirit toward free govern ment, free speech, amidst the beauties Of nature, the glory of sunny climes, and the riches of the world. 'these fellow citizens, are the momentous questions which will soon hang over the ballot box, for YOUR ri• NAL anaemcaTios. Oh, that final adjudi cation, so full of mighty, far.reaching, Con sequences to the nation, to the world Heaven has entrusted it to your high keep ing. The onward search, or• the retreat. ing steps of liberty and tee government, the up-lifting or the dowmtreading of coin lag ages, must await your awful bidding. May no party factions gather round that final adjudication ! Let no politics) storms or divis ions hang over it nt the polls. Let it be like the sacred altars of a common faith, on which every thing else hangs, and around which the hour of danger gath ers the throbbing hearts nod the defending arms of an entire nation. Your posterity, fellow citizens ! You are now compelled to act for them. Will you make them the free suns of noble sires who fought the battles of liberty for their country and conquer ed, or will you doom thorn to be harassed, dragooned, imprison ed victims of slavery domination if they have the manliness to speak or act for free dom 1 You, you alone must decide.— Great in your might, strong in your deci sion, inflexible in your love of liberty and free government, holding in your hands the destinies of a great nation, feel your dignity, your importance, as the ultimate law-making power of the land. Be tho heroes of LIBERTY, the strong defenders of FREE government—and the God of armies, of battles, and of nations, before whom "JrArrEnsox trembled, when ho thought of American slavery," will bless and prosper, and make your triumph the most glorious on the record; of nations. Oh have you heard the news front Maine ? Oh have you heard the news ? Tho Deleon eannot rise a;;ain. And ;Indian. 11.3 Althea in hit shoe, That cotton rag, the Democratic flag, Is a peg or two lower down ; And ja.st remember, that next Noventher We'll Imre it lier.slitp on tile ground. VOL. XXI. NO. 41. our tal. co I WILLIAM BREWSTER, / SAM. G. WHITTAKER. EDITORS. Wednesday Morning, Oat. 8, 1856. Forever float that standard sheet, Where breathes the foe but falls before u With Freedom's soil beneath our ftet. And Freedom's hannerstreaming o'e: et' FOR PRESII. :NT, JOHN C. F1{01()2., - ,' cAttrulinu. FOR VICE PRESIDENT, Wlll. L. DAYTOIN ; OF NEW JERSEY. Fremont Club of Huntingdon. The Club of this borough is now pre pared to furnish documents and precnre speakers for meetings, for the Clubs in this County. Address the Cor. See. The following is a list of the officers President —John Bumbßugh, Sr. rice Presidcnts—Peter Swoope, Hon. Goo Taylor .I?ecord rug Secretary—Sam. G, Whittaker. revoivli ng Secretary—E.. H. Miles. Executive Gununittee , --Wm. P. Orbison, B. Grain., John Williamson, John Read, B. H. Miles, Thomas Pollock. Buchanan's Opinion of Fremont. Fremont was arrested in En -land 1552, for debt contracted in his official ,apacity as Governor of California. The Court of Exchequer appointed a Commission in the United States to take testimony in the case. The first witness was James Buch anan. We have only room for one par agraph of his deposition. "Col. Fremont, the defendent, was in California at the commencement of hos tilities between the United States and the Republic of Mexico; he there raised a battalion of California Volunteers, =mist ing of about four hundred men ; his ser vices were very valuable ; he bore a con spicuous part in the conquest al Calffor silo, and in toy opinion, is better entitled to be called the 'conqueror of California Marton?, ~liter roan." /la , Mr. Breckinridge, the Democratic candidate the for Vice Presidency, in his late speech at the Democratic mass meeting on the Tippecanoe Battle Ground, assumed the same disunion ground occupied by Mr. Fillmore.— As reported in the Cincinnati Enquirer, a Bach. anon paper, Mr. Breckinridgo amid: "If the Eastern States unite in a solid tdm: lane against the West, or the Southern against the . Northern, they happening to have a ma. jor,ty, would you submit? I Cries of 'no: sot sure you would not; fur I know you are men. And should they further accompany every act of their triumph with every expres• si,in of contumely and contempt, would you not believe a revolution of a solemn duty I' Yon need not respond-1 know your manly senti ments," ''Our democratic friends in this coun ty endorsed the Cincinnati platform, at their county meeting. Strange that they should follow the twistings and turnings, of Mr. Buchanan, who in 1829, when in Congress, voted to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia and later, in 1845, he stood on the Missouri Compro mise line, and declared that north of that line slavery should not go. It is said that "age brings wisdom," but there is no good reason why the old democrats at that tnetting should thus knowingly give in their adhesion to slavery extention, he cause Mr. Buchanan abandoned his tion on that subject. liita - A vote was taken iu a railroad car West recently in the following manner :- Buccanier arose from kis seat and called cc 1;' who were in favor of Fremont to "pull their boots off." No ono appearing to support it this novel manner the claims of the great Pathfinder, he requested those favorable to Buchanan to keep their boots on," which all tho passengers forthwith proceeded to do.— Unanimous for Buchanan. feir•The Germans of iioston had a picnic on Monday, at Newton Upper Falls, attended by about three thousand persons. They there accepted an invitation to attend the Fremoni, ratification meeting by acclamation. It was found that out of the whole company all but about a dozon go for Fremont and Dayton. fief The Ohio Journal says the rca • SCR Why REFIM CHOATE Came to the sup port of the Democrats, was his lifelong habit of defending criminals. c ar Senator Fish, of New York, hoc published a temperate and well written letter, declaring in favor of the election of Fremont and Dayton, and giving his rea sous therefor. It^i The Doak.," Exptelitor, ; leading ad vueitto of the Democratic cause in Maine lasi
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers