ffll V SEW SERIES. D' EMOCRAT it SENTINEL" is published every Wednesday . - . five I mi tad a xrr h-tvtt I '.myjrna ...... nliln in aHtranoAt I lun . .i Sbvestt Five Cents, if not paid .' aix months ; and Two Dollar if -"J . .-. .i. : .: .tiv. ndiJ uniii me ictiuiuauuu oi me year. j'rter period than six months, and no s paper until au-arrearages are paia, ex- 'x ' i r 1 bscribing for six months wu be char Oss Dollar, unless the money lid in advance. Advertising Rates. One inserfn. Tiro do. Three do 'icr.rc,ri2lincs t 60 $ 75 1,00 s.ucs. rn 1: 24 lines 1 1 00 1 60 1 2 00 2 00 00 i.juares, 36 lines 00 3 3 months. 6 do. 12 do $5 00 9 00 12 00 14 00 20 00 35 Ot .lines or less, $1 60 $3 00 square, 12 lines I 2 50 4 60 ,;uare.241in4 00 7 0 sauares, 36 lines 6 00 9 00 Vjlf a column, 10 00 12 00 Me column, 15 00 22 00 A Sound Speech. The following speech was made by the Ln. T. A. Hendricks, at the great mass aeetin? of the Democracy of Indiana on 20th ultimo. We commend it to the iieniion ot our readers, air. iicnuncks )h Fellow-Ctti2f j : I did not expect to participate as one if the speakers on this occasion. We had ejected, as you are aware, distinguished ptkincn from other States to be present and addas the Convention, and of course tluit event you would not have expect- to be addressed by one of your own frllow-cUizens of Indiana. But inasmuch us we have been disappointed in this re fect, 1 have thought it was perhaps my aty to consent to address you on this occasion, which I shall do very briefly. Uvtrtuwrc, ever since I became a voter, I have thought the Democratic party was right Within the last year, however, it han not been, as heretofore, an opinion with me. On the contrary, it has ripened into a conviction, and I now Inoic that the Democratic party is rigid right as tried by the record of the past, and right ia the doctrines and measures which it nuw advocates I?t me ask you to-day, my friends, whether, in looking over the record of the past jiolitical history of the country, you can put your finger upon a single instance of Democratic policy of which you are ashamed one which you would alter if you could T Are you not all content to day with the past policy of the Govern ment so far as it has been influenced byl the Democratic party 1 lien if j-ou are proud of the glorious past if you are satisfied with the jiolicy which guided the destinies of this country for the sixty yws that elapsed between the election of the immortal Jefferson and that of Abra ham Lincoln why should you now think f turning your backs upon the Demo cratic party f Men have the assurance to anl up and tell us that it is our duty to abandon this organizatian. I tell you, pntkmen, as I love my country and IrmiM ...!,.U II e I " . . 1 "m wish wen lor ner imereM, j 'ou!d stand by the Democratic party, tould I look backward over the past and hut a solitary instance in which the 'ration of Democratic ideas had bnjiigbt dishonor or misfortune upon my tjuntry, I would not advocate its exist eace for another hour. But if, on th r,tl!cr hand, the past history of the coun '7 stains the principles ar.d measures adored to by that grand old party, then 1 nave another suggestion to make "tiat principle -or doctrine of the Dcmo swic party, should you now abandon in u'j tliat you may become a better citi Rn or a truer friend to your country : I Pn this subicct of Blavcry the doc- tras of the Democracy has uniformily no intervention." We have always Jul that Congress had no right to inter with it in any manner ; but that it f iou!d be left to to the people of every Mate to regulate it according to their own Aasure. If the people of ft State or Territory wish to have slavery, the De -mWacy said their will was sovereign in rrari to that matter, and that their will W: final and conclusive. That has al been the doctrince of the Demo ic party ; and I tell you, my friends. r31 if that principle had been recognised j Congress and in the States, our flag to ky would have been unsullied and un- our national banner ornamented w,th thirty-four glittering stars, and peace harmony would have reigned over p country. There would be no blood hcoloring our streamlets we would be united and hnnnv neonle. INow some of they. Republican gentlemen will tell THE BLESS1XGS OF GOVERNMENT, LIKE THE you that all this is untrue, yet in their heart of hearts they know it is true they know tliat if we had all stood firmly by this" great principle, it would have pre served the Union of these States, and the peace, prosperity, and happiness of this whole people. It is said by some that we should not do anything except what tends to put down the rebellion ; nay, more, they say we should scarcely dream except for the purpose of putting down the rebellion. I am willing, for one, to be measured by that standard, but I want to put these republican gentlemen to the same test During the continuance of this war, from its commencement to the present time, my heart has continually yearned for the restoration of the Union. This Union does not belong to the Republican party ; it does not belong to Mr. Lincoln ; it is your Union ; it is my Union ; It is the glorious inheritance that came down to us from our fathers, and no man or set of men may claim it ; it is the Union which gave us a flag, representing on its azure sky a sparkling star for every State. This Union belongs to us all, and I want to see it restored, so that after all the simple questions at issue between myself as an individual, and, I have no hesitancy in saying, between the Democratic party and the opposite party is hmc can Vte L mon be restored f 1 claim that the Democratic party has ilways been strongly in favor of the restoration of the Union and in favor of that policy which was alone likely to bring it about ; while, at the same time, the opposite party, if not in fact opposed to to the accomplishment of that object, have at least followed a cource of policy nor likely to bring it about. I low much I would give to see this infamous rebel lion put down, I cannot express. I be lieve that I would cheerfully give up all that I possess ; nay, more, I believe I would be willing to give my life itself if I might only have the privilege of seeing my country where it once was. Ami now I want to ask the jrcntlemen of the opposite .school, those who tell us that we should do and say nothing that docs not tend to put down this rebellion. how the measures adopted by the present 'Administration at Washington and by Congress have helped to put down this rebellion ? And, in the first place, i would like to know how it helps to put down this rebellion to set the negroes nee in the District of Columbia, and to com pel you and me to pay taxes for that pur- - . 1 ic. When the plan is tuny carneu out the negroes all set at liberty and sent forth to become worthless vagabonds in our midst I then would know how that has helped to put down the rebellion. Another thing : i ne jtepuoucaii in gress of the United States saw proper, in its wisdom, to pass a law recognising me Republics of Haj-ti and Liberia as inde pendent governments, equal in dignity to the Americon Government, and equally entitled to the respect of all nations. They provided ministers to reside at the courts of Ilayti and Liberia, and made arrangements also to receive, with be coming respect, the ministers who should be sent from those governments to repre sent them in the court at Washington. All this costs us a great many thousand dollars. Can' important item, one might think, in times like these, but small in- ArA romnared with what contractors make now and then,) and when it "i9 all done when we have, sent some of these Abolition gentlemen to represent the sover eignity of the American people in the sable courts of .Ilayti and Liberia, and received in return some good loooking ne- rroes to represent them in our capital, and for our officers of government to hold social, friendly intercourse with when all this is done, I want to know how that helps to put down the rebel lion ? Another thing: They passed a law that the Southren people should not be allowed to go into the Territories with their slave property. I do not believe in that law, in be in iavor ot us repeat ; ior I believe that in the aquisition ot inai territory the Southren people had the same r.ua tl.D Northern people had. You rights the Northern people recollect how our national Territories were acquired. They were aqcuired by tne common blood and treasure of both sec tions, the South, as well as the North, ,;ehl men and means for the acepm- iri t f v,nf aWp. The blood of TCr.rfhrn hov and of the Southren i jAwtlipr on the sands of ooy --- - Mexico, they slept beneath the same tent, fought shoulder to shoulder upon the bat and. when the conflict was over, they were buried side by side in the same And in view of all this, when at ih. nf the war uw m. 1 . Wj4t, emH we will take all thii territory for ourselves, DEIVS OF HEAVEN. SHOULD BE EBENSBURG, PA. WEDNESDAY, JUNE 24, and the South shall have none. I said that it was the act of a highwayman. and not of the honest, otic man. Christian, patri- Let me bring this matter home to your minds by means of a simple illustration. . Three of my neighbors buy" a piece of land costing each of them a hundred dol lars. They go to work to improve the place and prepare it for cultivation. They clear away the timber, build fences, and erect buildings upon the land, and after three or fonr years have been em ployed in this vvay, two of the men begin to find fault with the third ; say they do not like the kind of hands he employs to work on the farm, and they will take the whole thing entirely out of his hands and manage it themselves. WThat then could happen ? This third man, who has thus been summarily and unlawfully dispos sessed of his right9, would come into the temple of justice, and would there ' make his plea to a jury composed of twelve of you, honest men, and he would say to you: " I helped to clear that farm I helped to build the fences and roll the logs and to prepare the land for cultivation ;" and if )rou twelve jurors did not bring in a verdict restoring that man his just and lawful rights, you would go out of that court-house twelve perjured damned souls. Now, gentlemen, if that is your ver dict in a case like that, why, upon the highest principle of honor and concience, would it not be the same in tegard to the rights of the thirty-four great States of this Republic, all equal and sovereign! You know it would. I do not believe, therefore, in the justice of that law which prohibits any portion of, the people from going into the Territories and taking their property along with them. But waving all that after that law is passed, how in the name of reason and common senso does that help to put down the re bellion ? We, as Democrats, are willing to be tried by the standard the Republi cans have set up, but we wish to put them to the same test and see if every thing that they have done has helped " to put down the rebellion." The plain truth is that these unjust laws of which I have been speaking, thi s one-sided policy of the Administration, has helped to strcnghten the rebellion. Mr. Lincoln, in his regular message to Congress, said that, in his opinion, in all the Southren States except South Carolina there was a Union majority. Now, if that was so, was it not plainly the duty of the Administration to endeavor to strengthen the hands of the Union men in the South, and thus enable them to bring the erring States back into the Union again! The Administration, however, in its wisdom, saw fit to adopt a contrary line of policy, and what has been the re- suit ? Two years ago, if the Union man of the South and the hot-blooded secess ionist had happened to meet, they would in all probability have had a lively dis pute if not serious controversy on the sub let of the Union, and the Union roan .would have had the chances of success largely in his favor. But now let the same argument come up between the same two men, and the weapon in the hands of the secessionists would be, " Y hy, don t you sec mat mis Administration has done all it possibly could do take away our rights of prop- ertvT" Two vears ago, at me can oi tlip President, five hundred Ihousana men . .- - . . . . leapcd up as sudddenly as did the clad warriors on the Scottish hills, as sun by the immortal poet ; and taking their lives in their hands, went to the South to fight, as they supposed, under the Crit tiidnn resolution. At that time Jeffer son Davis commanded an army not ex nr. nt the utmost, three hundred thousand men, and he had done his best. Our army went onward toward the South, and penetrated to the very centre of some of. the cotton States, and how were they received ? They, themselves, tell us that at almost every other house they were mnt. !v a friend and treated in the kind est possible manner. Why was this! It was because at that time almost every othpr man in the South was a Union man. Now all is changed. The Ad ministration adopted a policy that united the South. And, to-day, instead of an army of three hundred thousand, at every step we take we are controntea py jen. rAv5s. with an army of more than six hundred thousand men. What do you think of this policy ! I do not like it. I find fault with it because it weakens the arm of my Government, Now if there is any man in this assent- bly who thinks the Democratic party is not right, he should not go wun tnai, or. hut if there is any man who . ... i i .1 r thinks that the poucy oi tne uemocracj : ,w iw adapted to restore the Union, then we say it is his duty, as an Ameri- DISTRIBUTED ALIKE, UPON THE HIGH AND THE LOW. THE RICH AND can citizen and an honest man. to labor for the success of Democratic principles and measures, no matter what his former political associations may have been. What means must we make use of in order to secure the success of the princi ples ? We must have a free ballot-box ; and, if we are allowed to have that, then we must have, in addition, a free press and freedom of the speech in order to make it effective ; and if we can only have these, I can tell you what you may expect to see. x ou may expect to see ere long the return of all those men who really love their country to the ranks of the Democratic party. We shall see a Democrat in the Presidential chair, a Democratic Congress in Washington, and a Democratic Legislature in Indiana. How soon we may hope to gain such a victory, we do not propose to discuss at this time. We hope it will not be long. In the meantime, let us be true and firm ; true to the Constitution, cheerfully obe dient to all laws in pursuance of it, and give the Administration a cordial sup port in all its acts that really tend to the maintenance of the Constitution ; but when your rights are invaded, by public speeches and by your ballots, send up a voice which the Administration cannot choose but hear. Interesting letter from Judge Duer. . OaWEGO, May, 29, 1863. Gentlemen : I received some time ago vour letter inviting me to attend the pub lic meeting called to vindicate the right of the people to express their sentiments on political questions. It was not in my power to be present at the meeting, and illness has prevented me until the present moment from answering your letter. I answer it now, though late, both to ex plain ray apparent incivility, and also be cause I think that in the present crisis no loyal citizen ought to shrink from the ex pression of his opinion. lhe action that has taken place since your meeting was held, convinces me that it is the intention of the i resident and his advisers to crush opposition to their acts by means of force and-tcrror. i1 or this purpose they have established and do now actually enforce martial law in sev ... . eral loyal States, and they will doubtless do the same in New York and everywhere else, unless they are made to know that the people will not submit to it. To many persons the words " martial law " do not convey any very definite idea. They know that it is something very harsh and rigorus, and summary but they suppose that it bears some re semblance to all other laws of which they have ever heard or read, in this re spect at least ; that it defines offences and fixes their punishment. And I cannot but suppose that many of those who cla mor for its establishment are ignorant that it is nothing in the world but the ab solute and unrestrained will of a military chieftain. Permit me, then, to give a de- scription of martial law upon the authori ty of the highest judicial tribunal of our country. The language is that ot Judge Woodbury in delivering the opinion of the court in a case determined by the Su preme Court of the United States : " By it." says the Court, ' eveni citizen, instead of reposing under Vie sltieli of known ami ijuceu, uiica i iu ma utcey, jit-'v, MS I Ml. , ,1 .-. ...I ure, emus uiui u tuik uuuim. t oiw- ject to he hung up by a military deqwt at tu next lamp-post, under ttcytcntence of some drum-head court martial. It is true that Republicans have reason to believe that tiei will be safe from the horrors of this law under a Republican Administration. No Republican or Abo litionist has yet been arrested, imprisoned. or banished, and they may reasonably calculate that none ever will be. Such persons are permitted to stigmatize the Constitution as a league with hell, an insist that the war shall be prosecuted, not to restore the Union, but to destroy it, ithout being regarded as guilty of any disloyal practices." The only sufferers. so far, have been Democrats. Indeed the very purpose for which the establish ment of martial law is sought by the managers of the clubs and leagues, is to destroy the Democratic party. And w find it declared in an official document emanating from the War Department, that to support the Democratic party, is to support the cause of the rebels. This terrible engine, then is to be set in motion by one political party for the per secution of an other, arming neighbor airainst neighbor, and setting isssues in every household. The machinery is pre- pareu. auww; " " in motion, bound by what oaths I know I a ' 1 1 ... A iLnw urVist ilAQitm ifOA fliinrra i iwi- iiiai uicjr design all their dreadful "-consequences J do notbciieve ; but they knujr little of 1863. luman nature and little of history who cannot discern them. Under a single despot there is equality; from a single despot there may be hope of escape. Jut the worst form that despotism can assume is that of the tyranny of party over party ; and if anything can add to its horrors it is when the dominant fac tion is inflamed by fanaticism and led' by priests. What matters it that these men are conscientious ; that they act under a sense of duty, of religious duty! I do not impeach their motives, lhe more consci entious they are, the worse. All fanatics are conscientious, and it is this that makes their tyranny, or all tyranies, the most insufferable. What we can and ought to do, beyond the mere expression of our sympathy, in aid of our oppressed countrymen in Ohio, ventucky and Indiana, is a subject upon which it may be as well at present to say nothing. Let us wait the course of events. We have an immediate ques tion to determine for ourselves, and that is whether .we will permit the establish ment of the same species of government in our own State a government which not only no Englishman and no French man would endure, but against which the very lazzaroni of Naples would revolt I do not speak of exceptional cases of an extreme public necessity, such as we may lmmagine, though their occurrence is not at all probable ; but I speak of systematic acts, done under claim of right, without necessity, upon false pretences, acts which are not only flagrantly . unconstitutional, but utterly subversive of liberty and of aw, and of which the manifest tendency, f not the purpose, is not to maintain the Union, but to destroy it I am sure that we will not submit to this, and we ought to say so plainly. I have no faith in any petitions, protests or remonstrances that fall short of this. J. here is danger in leaving the l resident ignorant ot our purpose. I am not sanguine enough to hope for anything from his sense ot jus tice or respect ior the law. I he powers that control him. . whether spiritual or terrestrial, will do to us whatever we will suffer, but are not likely to attempt that which they know we will not sutler. At the same time I d eprccatc all re sistance that is not strictly constitutional. Iet us not only submit to, but support all proper authority. The President claims the constitutional power to establish mar tial law over the body of the loyal peo pie ot the loyal States. e deny it. Iet the courts determine the question. The judicial authority is vested in the courts, and not in the President, the Con- ss, or the army. It is as much the duty of the President, as of any private citizen, to submit to that authority. If he resists it, he becomes an usunier, and may himself be lawfully resisted. And, on the other hand, if any court or judge, acting under the forms of law. shall sanc tion his monstrous assumptions, let us in turn submit ; not because there may not be judicial as well as executive usurpa tion, and the same right in extreme cases to resist the one as the other, but, on ac count of the condition of the country, and the double dangers that assail, us. In this way there may be occasional acts of tyranny, as has been already, but upon the whole the judiciary will be found adequate to our protection, if the President himself will respect it. But if any citizen of this State shall be arrested or imprisoned by military men, or by provost marshals or other offi cers, acting under the authority of the President, and the court before whom the question shall be brought 6hall determine that he is entitled to his liberty, then, if in spite of this decision, force sludl be used to detain him, there ought to be no hesitation to support the judiciary in op position to military usurpation, and I should regard it as base and cowardly not to do so, unless in the face of such a force as would make resistance quite hopeless. If it be said that such action would impede the successful prose cution of the war, I answer that it is better that a nation should loose a por tion of its territory than its liberty. And if for this cause the rebellious States shall succeed in establishing their independence, the fault will be that of the Administra tration ; and the people, driven to choose between two evils, will have wisely cho sen that which, beyond all comparison, i9 the least. The times require, in a very high de gree, the exercise of the virtues of cour age and ot prudence, .moderation in our counsels will give us strength and unity in action. let ua accept him as our leader him whom not less merit than po sition designates, the Chief Magistrate of our State,) and follow and support THE POOR. VOL. 10-NO. 29 that moderate and patriotic, but ' not fee ble or unmanly, policy which he has re commended and enforcccd with so much dignity and success, and I shall yet hope that the Union may triumph over both classes of its enemies the Southren Se cessionists and the Northern Abolitionists. I remain gentlemen, "Very respectfully, your serv't, William Dcek. To Gideon J. Tucker, John Hardy and Andrew Mathewson, Esq. The African at the League. From the Philadelphia Age.J For some time past the Chestnut street temple of " unconditional loyalty " has buen convulsed with the discussion of sev eral important questions, which almost threatened the disruption of the institution. It is well known that the Jacobin League is composed of heterogeneous particles. Notwithstanding the efforts of shoddy aris tocracy to keep out of the corporation those who " are well enough in their sphere, but not amongst the most respectable " in the ranks of the Jacobins, they were com pelled to the force of circumstances, to admit within their refined precincts,. quite a number of uncongenial spirits. For a time the proposed introduction of " biU liards " occasioned serious alarm among the faithful ; but they were finally exclu ded from the " rooms ," after much weighty consideration and exciting argu ment Then numberless questions of etiquette arose, as to the "cut direct," and the "cut indirect ," which the Ja cobins were to administer to the wicked and disloyal " Copperheads ." which were eventually settled by the adoption of a stringent rule to rebuke, in the most marked and decided manner, all those who came " betwixt the wind and their nobility." Other points of difference, ' too numerous to mention ," followed in quick succession, and Pandora, with be mysterious box, seemed to have found her way into the stately mansioq whera the " unconditional loyalists " most do congregate. But at length their intestine troubles all passed away, and a new light dawned upon the Jacobins. They found at last a real sensation a rallying point, around which they all gathered in peace and har mony. The African entered the League, and dispelled the clouds which hung around its members. Inspired by the momentous occasion, the poet-laureate in voked the Muse, and in glowing numbers sang the praises of their new found ally. . And, in order to remove all doubt upon the subject, on Monday evening last they made a public profession of their faith, and graciously adopted the sentiments of Col. Layfayette BlXGIJAM, J.I. S- A., and Mouuow B. Lowuy, of Pennsylva nia. The addresses of these two Jacobin or ators, which were applauded to the echo by the members of the League, are pet haps the most remarkable utterances that the present time has yet produced. ,Cql. Bingham, " who has devoted himself al most exclusively to the organization of colored regiments thus delivered him self: " We have existed as a nation about eighty years, and we have told the world that we were a free people, protecting those who came from foreign lands to seek shelter on our shores, and that the flag of our country was the symbol of civil, jiolitical and religious liberty, .wa ving lor the protection of every man who claimed its shelter, and all this while we have fostered in our midst a national in stitution which has enchained millions of our fellow beings. For this, God has humiliated us as a nation. The wicked ness of the people has gone up and down the land without redress, and now, at the close of more than two years . of this present strife, we find that out of ont million four hundred thousand men who have gone out to battle for their country, seven hundred thousand have fallen by their country's altars, and scarcely seven hundred thousand men are left in the ranks of the army. In this crisis the nation proposes to organize colored troops to serve in the armies of the Union, to vp Contmtttd on PovHh jpagc."
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