XL. '4s& 1f THE BLESSINGS OF GOVESNMENT, T.TTTE THE DEWS OF HEAVER, SHOULD BE jhSTpSlSTED ALIKE UPON THE HIGH AND THE LOW, THE BICH AND THE POOB, JtfEW SERIES. EBENSBTJRG, APRIL, 2, 1856. VOIi.-3.-lTO.-23. Pi s T B II M 8 : THE DEMOCKAT & SENTINEL, is publish ed every Wednesday morning, in Ebensburg, Cambria Co., Pa;, at $1 50 per annum, IF paid IS advance, if not $2 will be charged. Advertisements ww be conspicuously In serted at the following rates, viz ; 1 square 3 insertions, $1 00 Every subsequent insertion, 25 1 square 3 months, 3 00 1 " 6 " . 6 00 " " 1 yoar, 12 00 "col'n 1 year, 80 00 " " " 15 00 Business Cards. 6 00 iDO-Twelve lines constitute a square. Bpeeches delivered before the Demo e'ratio State Convention. uabch 4th, 185C. nOS." O. B BCCKALSW. Mr. President and gentlemen of the Con tention it ia scarcely a fit thing to set cold tneats before a company after a feast ; but sir, this is an occasion when the feeble may stand p, and even the ill come forward. I have tut little to say, and as I have been much in the habit, of recent years, of speaking to business questions and confining myself to the question, I shall do so at this time. Mr. President, this Convention is composed of one hundred and thirty-three members. It is full. No delegate is absent from Lis place in this Ilall. Upon the first vote for the selec tion of a candidate to be presented by Penn sylvania to her sister States, ono hundred and twenty-eight gentlemen are placed upon the reoord in favor of a distinguished personage not now resident within the limits of our State, although a native of it, nor within the limits of the United States or contiguous ter ritory, but located beyond three thousand miles of dreary water, and there discharging with distinguished ability the duties attached to the position which he holds. No intrigue attaches this nomination. It has not been begotten in caucus nor in the brain of any human being who expected therefrom person al advantage or promotion. Whatever may have been said of previous conventions in this Commonwealth or elsewhere whatever of reproach or of doubt may have heretofore attached to any transaction in which our proud and gallant party has been concerned, this transaction, this event, stands upon an eleva tion where reproach doth not assail it. Great applause. Sir, from whence comes this nomination by "the Convention here assembled? It comes from the hearts and tho judgments of the peo ple of Pennsylvania. (Cheers.) That is the quarter from whence it proceeds, and here i3 the proof of it. Une hunared and twenty- eight votes of this body, lacking but five of the entire number, were given with prompt ness and alacrity for the nominees of the Con vention. Four gentlemen voted under the pressure of instructions for another, but im mediately afterwards, after that technical duty was discharged, they enrolled themselves along with their colleagues for the candidate nomi nated. One gentleman only, did not join in the nomination, but he is just as certainly committed, and just as sure eventually to be u rolled with others, as any future event can be certain. lie voted for the nominee of the Cincinnati Convention. We have him there ! SippiMose.) Plr. President this has teen e action of tho Convention. Thus much has been done and well done. It has been accomplished at the right time and in the right way. It has proceeded from just and proper motives and is emphatically sanctioned by and based upon, the judgment and con viction of the people. Now, sir, what next? Another duty of this Convention will be to dtflect gentlemen to represent our Common wealth our State in the Convention at Cin cinnati. They will go there charged with the message which we have prepared. And what is that message ? It is to ask of the assem bled Representatives of the thirty odd States of the Union, to concur with us in this work which we have begun, in all honesty and in all earnestness ; with deep conviction of its justice, of its wisdom, and of the necessity which has suggested and which sanctions it. We have spoken here, and our seech has been put upon record. And there has been cnt trembling along the wires, with the swiftness of lightning, to the remotest cor ners of the confederacy, this voice, thus utter ed. What next? As a business question for I am speaking with tht idea predomi nantwhat next is to be done ? . Why, sir, we are to convince our party friends in other States that we are right, and that duty and policy require them to go with us. That is the point to which our common and united -efforts should now be directed. And of what can we assure them to induce them to go with ns m the action proposed ? Why, we can as re them with united voice and without hesi tation, that the electoral .vote of this State Will bo given to the candidate whom we have earned. TV e can tell them with entire truth. that members of the opposite party by hun dreds and thousands have been considering r the nomination of Mr. Buchanan, and stand ready to endorse it. If he be nominated, they are r with us. I know many such, i have heard, and others have heard, many such voices of late, of active members of what was recently the Whig party. This nomina tion, therefore, has strength vastly beyond the limits of our own : party. It grasps and collects the suffrages of honest,' independent, patriotic men, who have never before been Vith us. . . What more need we urge upon the Demo eratic party of other States and those repre senting them ? Why, sir, we can point them jo the. faotr that at this moment, from the At S! we,t,r"df through all th Ccu-; tral States, where tl battle of the Constitu tion is to be fought out, there ia no man - who can be named as the peer and equal, on grounds of fitness, of the candidate whom we have named. The distinguished citizen of Michigan, long and favorably known to our people, is not before the country in connec tion with this subject. Excepting one or two of all the great men who commenced public life thirty or forty years ago of all that band of worthies that have distinguished the histo ry of our own State, or of the general govern ment, from these Middle States, and especial ly from Pennsylvania, there is but one proud, bold head yet above the waves. Applause. Some of them have been struck down by the hand of death some have fallen away from us in the pressure of hot contests, and from apostates at first, have become open and event ually insignificent ' enemies. Applause. And, some have been found otherwise unfit for, or unworthy of the continued confidence and respect of the people. But, 6ir, through all the vicissitudes, when our glance has gone abroad in search of the faithful and the great, one figure has fixed attention and commanded respect. There has been with him a steady virtue and a mental power, that have con founded his enemies and fixed him firmly in the affections of the people. When we have looked, of recent years, for one who stood up like a whole man in former times, and yet stands up ; who has travelled through the storm and the tempest with un impaired power and popularity, but one man meets the expectant gaze, and that man is James Buchanan. Applause. Sir, our people have been thiukiog of this thing for some years. They have thought upon it earn estly, they have turned it over in their minds as they pursued their avocations in their res pective neighborhoods, and they have express ed here to-day through their delegates, the conclusions to which they have come. May we not trust that this voice, thus intelligent and thus decided will be respected by our sis ter States when they assemble in council in Juno next. Yes, sir, there is no other candi date in the central portion of the Union who can be presented as the fair and equal com petitor of the choice of this Convention, no other man about whose name such recollec tions, such evidences of fidelity and ability arc gathered, as his who is now proposed as our standard bearer in the coming campaign, and who will secure to us, if nominated, a signal triumph. But what more? When I read, cither backwards or forwards the history of our Commonwealth, I perceive, and afterwards recollect, one important and striking fact : and it is this : that while the little coast bound State of Massachusetts and the State of Vir ginia, inferior to our own in many respects, have often furnished incumbents for the Pres idential chair, our own State has been entire ly overlooked, if not forgotten. We have occasionally reminded our brethren of the other States of some moderate and modest pretensions which we hold to on this subject, but for one reason or another they have never yet received their attention, and they have not accetfed to our wishes. Sir, the time has come when this favor ought no longer to be refused to this noble State of ours. Applause. The time has come when a fair claim of right arises on our behalf, and when it is our duty, founded upon self-respect, to urge it with zeal and a deter mination that it shall be acknowledged. There are reasons why Pennsylvania should be listened to by the other States. In the most critical moment of every political engage ment, of every political contest, since the foundation of our general government, to what point of the Union has the anxious, strained gaze of the Democratic party been turned? Whither? Why, sir, in a lett:r of Mr. Jefferson's written in the dark and stormy days when he lifted up that flag which those who came after him have held up since he wrote : "Let but Virginia maintain O - her position and Pennsylvania stand firm up on her basis, and our Union will be perpetual and our prosperity boundless." Great ap plause. Yes, sir, there was then an anxious, patriotic eye turned from the heights of Mou ticello towards Pennsylvania, in hope, for the rescue of principle from the contests of fac tion. Away back, half a century ago, the sagacity of Mr Jefferson discovered in this State the foundation upon which Republican ism could safely rest; he pronounced his judgment that so long as she stood with Vir ginia upon solid principles everything was well, and the prosperity of the country secure and certain. It has been so since. In every party emergency, when the cause of the Re publican or Democratic party looked dim and doubtful, -when faint hearts failed, when the treacherous fell from us, and the feeble halted in their course, Pennsylvania was looked to as tho point from which redemption must come. Sir, we have ordinarily been faithful to these expectations. Time after time, when the battle was doubtful, and threatened to go against our party, Pennsylvania came forward and grasped victory from the jaws of despair. We have also in other respects performed our duty to our Sister States and to" the Union. No State stood forward more promptly to form the Constitution and Government of the Uni ted States ; to establish solid Benevolent and patriotic principles at the base of the structure which has become the admiration of the world. We have, sir, assisted our sister States when their interests were involved or their rights in jeopardy. To protect the Virginia fron tier and Kentucky settlements against the treacherous savage, our soldiers rushed into the wilderness under "Mad Anthonv Wayne." In the war of 1812, in' the western wilder ness, along the Northern Lakes and upon the Atlantic seaboard. Pennsylvanians were found laboring and suffering to uphold the common interests of the States and maintain the hon or of the national flag. Sir, there are many here to whom I may appeal as witnesses, that in the more recent struma in whinh ami. ... -QO - . u. a! tropical sun, from the shores of the Gulf far away into the interior of Mexico, the Penn sylvania volunteers plodded their weary way fighting when required, suffering where suffer ing was to be endured, and zealously assisting to uphold the American character for forti tude and prowess before the civilized world. Why, sir, upon an appeal from Simon Snyder, the Democratic Governor of this State, at a time when Massachusetts refused her jails to the general government for prisoners of war, our Legislature opened ours wide for national use, and gave an additional evidence of that patriotic spirit which I trust will always be characteristic of our people. We have been very much complimented, Bir. We have received compliments without number. This State has been literally loaded with them. She has been complimented du ring her whole history, for half a century, for her steadiness of purpose, her devotion to the Union, the valor of her sons, and for all those Eublic virtues that elevate a State and make er admired and respected among the nations. Have you not heard it said just before an important national election, that "as Penn sylvania goes so goes the Union," as goes Pennsylvania so ii the result ; and the hearts of our brethren in other States have been made to dance with joy when Pennsylvania has gone as they desired her to go. Yes sir, they have rejoiced exceedingly, and been deeply grateful for our efforts, devotion and zeal I speak in all kindness, with a proper appreciation of these compliments which have been showered upon us. We have been as signed a very important position in what is designated as the "federal arch" (an expres sion which I confess I have never exactly comprehended.) This State has been called the Keystone of that arch ; which holds it in place, and without which it would crumble into ruins ; without which everything would go to destruction connected with it. We have been told that upon this State has rested the Republican system of Government; that it has constituted the base of it, and that our steady and solid population are to be relied upon under all circqmstanceF. All this is well enough, and agreeable enough, but we can afford to dispense with further compli ments, and therefore, what we now ask of our sbter States of the Union, is this ; that waiving all pleasant words, the coinage of kindness, politeness, or gratitude, they give us the request that we arc about to make of them. Loud and long continued applause. We ask them to do this as no special or sole favor to Pennsylvania, but as a thing in itself honest, honorable, and without reproach, and above all, as one in which their welfare and our own aie jointly and mutually interested. Mr. President, they will do it. Sir, tho Convention that ia to meet in June next, will do it. I venture to pronounce this upon evi dence that appears conclusive to my own mind. I venture to pronounce it upon infor mation received from other quarters of the Union. I venture to pronounce it, because it is so reasonable and just a thing, that I be lieve the Democratic party will not miss do ing it. I believe it will be done, because it is seen, rfnd can be seen, by all intelligent members of our party in all parts of the Union, that the nomination of Mr. Buchanan gives us a political position so broad and strong, that all the power of the combined political opposition in the country cannot pre vail against us. Be it understood, then, in the first place, that Pennsylvania, in this nomination, is in earnest; in the next, that in her judgment, it would be unwise, and possibly disastrous for other States to refuse a, concurrence iu her action. I have spoken suddenly and impromptu, and have addressed myself simply to the du ties of the occasion imposed on members of this Convention and those chosen by them to represent the popular will. I say to all, there is a public national duty upon us to unite in securingthe nomination of Mr. Buchanan at, Cincinnati. The reasons for it are many and weighty : but I have only glanced at some of those niOBt prominent and obvious, cumco it to say, our hearts and judgments sanction this whole movement. Together, heart and soul, without opposition, without divisions, aye, sir, without a protest, we go into this thing, and we ask that the other States, for their own interest and honor, as well as ours, and for the success of our party, may join with us, and permit the people of Pennsylva nia to show what kind of a majority they can give for a Pennsylvania Candidate for Presi dent of the United States. (Great cheering.) SAMUEL W. BLACK. Col Samtel W. Black was greeted with loud and long continued applause. He said : Mr. Presides! I trust that when it comes to the performance of a doty to the Democratic partyand to our country, I shall always be readyand obedient to the call of those who have a right tocommand, and whom it is always my pleasure to obey I thought, sir, yesterday, when the members of this Convention were gathered together for the first time within this Ilall, that there was an auspicious omen be cause there was an auspicious contradiction of a fact believed by almost every one present. I happened to notice it because, perhaps, my education has been different from that of others, & perhaps in the one great question which now stirs, and has stirred the heart of the count ry, I have been more, deeply enlisted than other gentlemen here present. The gentleman who has just taken his scat, and whom I have the honor to call my friend, touched on the question of Know-Nothing-ism. He touched it lightly, because time does not allow a weighty or a tedious discus sion ; but, sir, when the question is touched at all, every true Democrat, and every man who truly loves his country, feels himself painfully and pleasantly affected at the same time painfully affected,- as - the 'body being pricked with a pin at the extremity of the finger, writhes through every string that up holds the heart ; applause ; and pleasantlv, u we uda vvwiuou a full ana gyrious assurance that cannot and Will not deceive us, that its days are numbered, and that to dust and ashes, tho place of its birth, it shall speedily return, trampled upon by .the heels of men, women and children,: who care for the common inheritance of freemen which we have derived from our fathers. Applause. s In what, air, does it consist I - because I start out without a theme, and I take up this, the most natural one that lies before me In vrhat does it consist? In proscription of msn because ef their birth place, and intolerant proscription of them because of the manner in which they see fit humbly to kneel down and ask the Almighty to forgive their num berless tiansgresaions. Great applause. Now, sir, for the incident of which I have spokon, a contradiction to all that they say in regard to this persecuted and abused peo j'e. We were standing in an indiscriminate masson yesterday morning, just such a one as you see here, when the Speaker of this Honse took his seat, and his gavel announced that members were to prepare for business ; the crowd at first, pell mell, rushed towards the door, but in the next instant the Minister ef the Almighty raised his hand and voice in ifayer, and instantly, Protestant and Catho io, paused, and putting his hand upon his leart, prayed, in common with him, for the perpetuity of our country, and' the advance f those free institutions enjoyed under our Constitution and our flag. Applause. The scene was dramatic, but, sir, it was to the Ife, and if any man's attention had been cal led to it, he must have been less than human if his heart bad not filled with warm emo tions, and a tear of true sympathy had not stood in his eye, powerless to move because his whole nature was fixed by the grave and glorious, yet simple spectacle. Cheers. Now, sir, in regard to this question of Know-Nothingism if I do not run into a tedious speech instead of making a few de sultory remarks (cries of no, no) I beg leave, since I have made this my starting point, to call the attention of gentlemen to a few facts from the record which can neither dissemble nor lie I heard a respectable gen tleman in this Hall, within the last three or four weeks, when I happened to be in Har risburg, make an earnest and anxious and sometimes a very eloquent appeal on behalf of the Bible. He belonged to that peculiar Na tive American party which, whether dark or shining, whether open or shut, I neither know nor care, but I can tell them, whatever it 'may be, they will find before the year is ended that it is a dead open and shut. (Applause and laughter.) This party claims to be di rected and governed by the Bible. Why, sir, I happened to find a Bible under ono of the members' desks, not under that of the gentleman to whom I have alluded, however, and I looked at that very part which the Je ws recognized as a Law to them a'system com monly known as the Mosaic economy and in that you will find more than six or seven times within a few different books, a command laid down to the children of Israel, in regard to the kind treatment of the stranger. And what was the character of the strangers, so far as that character had any relation to the people, who were to receive them ? Why, they were all alien enemies ; they constituted the nations that surrounded the favored people, and yet here is the command given over and over again, that " the Btranger that is within thy gates thou shaltnot vex him, or oppress him," and the reason given is, "for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt, thus saith the Lord, thy God." (Great applause.) Again, "love ye, therefore, the stranger, for ye were etrangcrs in tho- land--of Ugypt." Let us apply these commands to ourselves. Onr fathers came to this country, pilgrims for the sake of personal freedom, for the sake of political freedom, for tho sake of religious freedom, for the sake of the poor right of a poor sinner to seek his own way to Heaven ; they were of their own consent banished to a wilderness; they were strangers in a 6trange land, and yet these "Children of the Star Spangled Banner," who will let no others live under its light, these " children" under take to say, and that in the hardest, crudest and most proscriptive manner, that the Bible authorizes, nay, commands them to vex and oppress the stranger who comes here to seek a home with the very same object as that our fathers had in visw, and upon the very same shore of the same unchanging sea. Ap plause. I will not stop, however, to argue this, nor will I run through the New Testament ; for there is neither time, nor is this the occasion to undertake it ; but if you will look at all the doctrines taught by the New Testament, you will find them the same. Our Saviour winds them up in his last words to his Disci ples, when he bids them go into lands where he himself had never been. "Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel unto ev ery creature " He himself repudiating the Know-Nothingism that would have kept them with their glad tidings at home, and repudia ting Know-Nothingism even in the lands to which they were sent. Applause. Now, I myself, feel a little on this subject, for a reason. I am the son of in Irishman. r Ap plause. I heard a very respected friend of mine, who happened to be born surrounded by the billows, on the Gresn Isle I heard him say that an Irishman's son was not half as good as an Irishman, because he was second-handed. Laughter and applause. Well, sir, I will admit, that perhaps the son is not as good as the father on that account, but we must endeavor to be as good as we j can. I put this plain, practical argument in j a plain way to the sons of foreigners, whether j they are the sons of Irishmen, of irenchmenj or of Germans, I care not whose they are, or from what country their ancestors may have come ; I put this question in a plain and sim ple way to them how much better do you think you are than your fathers ? Applause. Why, if I," at home in Allegheny county, were to pretend that I was or ever hoped to Ve hali1 as good a "man ts my father, th ! people would rise up and drive me from amongst them. ' And yet if I am i Know Nothing I must go and say, nay, go and swear, that I am fit to be a citizen I am fit to hold office, but that that beloved and re spected old gentleman, my father, was not I ask every son of a foreigner who enters into a Know-Nothing lodge if, as he passes over the threshold of the door, he does not, on taking that step, trample on tho grave of his father, and tread in dishonor upon the name of him from whom he derived . his ex istence. Cheers. Let us apply to this act some more Scripture for I confess that, poorly as I follow it, I do like to get into a talk about it Let us see what it promises to those who dishonor their father. In the 5th commandment is laid down, in the most sol emn language that inspiration could draw it, the command contained in the decalogue, re newed rnd repeated in the New Testament " Honor thy father and thy mother, that thy days may be long in the laud which the Lord thy God hath given thee" the first com mandment that contains a promise, and the only one. Applause. Now, sir, what is converse and the opposite of this? It is "Dishonor thy father and thy mother, ye sons of the Star Spangled Banner,' that your days may be short in the land which the Lord your God hath given you great laughter and applause and I am glad that their days are short laughter and applause and they themselves should, with a double gratitude, thank Providence that their days are short, through our means, and that they have fallen into our hands and not into the hands of the Almighty. Renewed laughter and applause. I will now pass to another instrument which I like to dwell upon, and that is this, (point ing to a book which he held in LL hand,) the Constitution of the United States. Why, sir, when I wanted to find this book, I had only to look under the desk where I found the Bible, and it was there too. How they always go together I Wherever you see a member of the Assembly or Congress who has the Bible under his desk, jou may always take it for granted as a certainty, that along side of that Bible you will find the Constitu tion. Applause. For no man who vio lates the one can keep the other ; and no man who keeps the one will violato the other. Applause. Now, sir, I undertake to say but perhaps I trespass ? Cries of " oh, no," and " go on." I un dertake to say, that in this instrument, in the farewell address of Washington,and in the Declaration of Independence which preceded this government, thrre is not one word that encourages that idea called the American idea but ?acb and all of them are in contra diction and rebuke of it. If you begin with the Declaration of Independence, (I will not stop to refer to it, for you are all familiar with it,) in that Declaration, dated the 4th day of July, 1776, there is nothing but one spirit of universal brotherhood, one spirit of universal manhood, one spirit of universal and unre strained patriotism for a new born and com mon country. But in the Constitution, from the first article to the last, there is no word that encourages Know-Nothingism or. pro scription of a man because of his birth or re ligion, but the very reverse, and there is that which meets and repels any such idea. Now it is sometimes very important, in ascertaining what is meant by an instrument, to look at the heading with which it commences, to the declaration of purpose contained at the be ginning ; and let me call your attention to this one. "We the people of the United States," in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and . secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do or dain and establish this Constitution." As large, as wide, as comprehensive in its terms and language as it is possible to make it. It does not say the citizen it does not say the "Natives" it does not say the men who have resided here twenty-one years it does not pay that a man must be dug up out of the soil like a mud turtle. Applause. For I heard a man good-naturedly call the Know Nothing party the mud turtle party. -'We the people." Who comprise the people? Why men born here and every day coming here from distant shores, the German, French man and Englishman, who flees from the op pression under which he suffers in his own country to find a home in ours, and the Irish man who will hunt everywhere for freedom until he finds it Applause. All of these were included in the ono common name of equality, " We the people." They .iade the Constitution. I now ask your attention to two sections, and two alone, and before doing so, I beg leave to say that at the adoption of the Constitution, all other things being equal, he having remained in the country. General Lafayette was as eligible to the Presidency of the United States as George Washington That is, that the first President of the United States might have been born in any foreign country you please, and if other things were equal, he was eligible to that high and honor able seat which was first occupied by the Fath er of his Country ; and so iu regard to the oflSee of Senator. There is not one word said in regard to them beyond this : " that no person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained the age of thirty years, and been nine year a citizen of the United States, and who shall, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he was chosen." Now, what does this mean ? Why it means that if a man was born abroad, and was twentyione years of age, and had been nine years a resident, that he could be a Senator of the United States ; for at the time of the adoption of the Constitution, bo naturalization law had been passed. But it is sufficient for my purpose to say that at tho time of the adoption of the Constitution no naturalization law had been passed, and thatj IhewcTd ritiafn" meant perori? a cop:uiC'D, whether born here or abroad. Then, what was necessary to mako a man eligible to be a Senator of the United States ? Why, that h should be thirty years of age. and should b . nine years a resident of the State for which ho should bo chosen after he Lad attained the age of twenty-one years. No more was re quired under the Constitution of 1769. But further and far more important is tho section in regard to the President of the United' States, which reads, that " no person, except a native-born citizen or a citizen of the Uni ted States at the adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of Piesideut, . neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a . resident of the United States." Now, mark all these restrictions. " No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the Uni ted States, at the time of the adoption of this Constitution " Any man who was a citizen at the time of the adoption of the Constitu tion could be President of the United States ; but there is a further condition required, and that is this ; that he shall have been for four teen years a resident of the United States., whether he was a native or natural born citi zen, or whether he was an adopted citizen. Why, this, sir? For a very good reason. The first blood in the cause of our country was shed in 1775. Gen. Washingtou took command of the American army at Boston, on the first of June, 1775, and at that time a great many natives and a great many, for eigners had adopted the side of the United States, and at that time a great manv, whether natives or foreigners, instead of adopting the side of struggling 'veaknees, shamefully fled their country, and lived around the Court at London, like flies around a putrid carcass, and there remained until after peace was declared, or ut all events, until after eaco and Indepcn dence were within the grasp of the country. You will see that from 1775 to 17S0 io juat fourteen years, the timo required that a tnaa shall be a resident of the country, and a man having left home because of the thick clouds that gathered in diro and dreadful darkness over the heads of the patriotic, was to be pre cluded because of his cowardice and want of love for his country, from coming in and en joying the benefits and rights conferred npon . other citizens when the Constitution was adopt ed. So that you see that whilst the Consti tution makes no distinction between men, whether born here or abroad, yet it does make this distinction, that those men who ran away from the dangers that threatened our institu tions, forfeited the most glorious and rioheet part of its inheritanes. Applause. Now, Mr. President, I will not atop to dis cuss this matter further, but pass rn to anoth er question of some interest, not omiting to say, however, before I bid the subject farewell, that I do hope that if there is within the sound of my voice a single Know-Nothing son of a foreign born father, le that fathor living or dead, he will for the sake of his father's good name and his own self respect turn from his present path of shame. We open the books for the campaign of '50. The day dawns, tb shadows flee away ; let all that will, come.in, and, although we will not mako them Presi dents, we will let the worst tf them occupy a place on this platform, the platform of our general rights, and join with us to promote , the honor and interests of the country. This one question is deeply involved in the cam paign of 1856. I have touched it, not elab orated it, and I will not weary you by elabo rating it ; but bear this in mind, that this ques tion is an important one for this campaign and one that we will have to meet.. These men who belong to the so-called American party, whether it is the dark or light party ; I do not care which bless me, how would these glorious jets of light (pointing to the chandeliers) that resemble the stars of heaven, look in the cellar of a Know-Nothing Lodge t. applause have arrayed themselves in op position to us, and will have to bo met. They have nominated Mr. Fillmore. He is. called an open and shut candidate, a candi date of the Northern American party, and it is very clear that before long the Northern or Black Republican portion of the party wi 1 have a separate candi-Jatc, and that other or ganizations of the isms of the day will be at tempted. Fusions, and unions even, may be tried and most ' fantastic tricks" to gather the elements of mischief, discord and divisions into a solid mass, to be arrayed against us. But divided or united, wo are prepared to meet them, and under the lead of the candi date named this day, to achieve a great and enduring victory. Well, then, we go into the campaign with a full heart and high hope. And why, sir ? because the principles that we hold near and dear, and which have been so long highly cherished, are all at stake ; and because we believe that in tho struggle we shall advance the interests of the entire country from one extremity to the other. We go into it for our own pakes and the sakes of those who are to come after us. We go into it for the take of the Constitution, for the sake of the flag of our country all, all of those are iuvolved in the one great struggle that the Democracy will have to make against a common enemy. Why do we conceive it possible that the op position may unite? For this reason, they have no bond of Union but one ; and what is that bond of union ? Is it love for each other ? No: it is a common hatred to the Democratic party Great applause. And while every other ijtimeiit in the heart may die, I say to you, f-ir, thfit hatred never dies. That eri sir, which has exibted from the fall lo the present day in the human heart, the passion af hate, has had no death oud ,ever found a grave. Sometimes it sire?", but you may rest assured that it dies- -ncvor! Why do I say that we go into it with high Lopes? Why. because at last tbo hopes of Pennsylvania ai e almost realized. Applause At last we begin to feel and see that the cential State of the L nion has not been ostracised by the other States that Hurround her in a bright and glorious eonjtellAfitra Web-gin to fetl-thkt
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers