HI '-'-,- - -v-r$f tJfcSK," -.- . .... . -t- ' 4 1 The whole art of Government consists in the art or being honest. Jefferson. VOL 9. STRpUpSBURG lVIONROE COUNTY, PA., THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 2, 1848. No. 16.-1 ir i is r r p. iwi l iiwi . in ran ran r ifrai -i ' 'ff.'is- PabUsIicd by Theodore Schocli, vrunvrs Two dollars perunnum m auvanceTu o dollars ,?irtiT half vcarly ?nd if not puid before the endof an a Quarter, . j , J,..r .... ,i.5 "'JbL a carrier or stage drivers employed by tl pruprie p.ipcre j .u.ftd 37 i.2 cents, nor vear. extra. N p iper discontinued until all arrearage's arc paid, except nthtf'oDtion of the Editor. . i'-7, vl:crtiseraents not exceeding one square (sixteen lines) Tl be inserttf.1 three w eclcs for one dollar, ami twenty-nve rVVts for every subsequent insertion. The charge for one and three insertions the same. A liberal discount made toy early illVeVtcrs addressed to the Editor must be post-paid. JOB PRINTING. IIaria;aRcncral assortmcntof laige. elegant, plain aiidorna manl;d Type, we are prepared to execute every description of Cities, Circulars, Bill Eieuds, fotey, Islank Kocczptji, JUSTICES. LEGAL AND OTHER PAMPHLETS, &c. Pnntcd with neatness and despatch.on reasonable totrns AT THE OFFICE OF THE .Icffctviouiati Kcpiibltcaii. jJillHI III I.I'IUM I. II IT HI. HJII I I w g 117 The following appeal -to the Laborers of Pennsylvania, by Hura.ce Greely, ediditor of the Tew-York Tribune, we commend to the consid iideiation of every voter in this County. To the Laborers of Pennsylvania. Men and Brethren J For the familiarity of this addiess, I make no apology and ask no pardon. Your State is the chosen home of my kindred. I have worked on lier soil and as a mechanic among her sons. She embosoms ail 1 own of this earth's surface but a jirave. But, more than this she has been my teacher in the noble science of National Policy. hen but a child I listened to the words of wis. dnm that fell from the lips of her Sntoer. her Tod, her Baldwin, her Forward, as from her chair of Slate and from the halls of Congress they appealed to Intelligence and Patriotism in behalf ol the policy of Protection to Labor. In those jorer days, Pennsylvania spoke with no divided, no double voice. She was the citadel of Democ racy, and Protection was then Democratic; but on this subject Pennsylvania knew no party. Her Jngersohs and Dallases then were not the Charles .1. Inger-solls and Mifflin Dallases of this day. They stood together for the interests ot their State and of Labor everywhere. New-York may have lit?pn rlistrartfiri hv p-littGrinor dreams of commercial .magnificence, and Boston was entirely under the swav of the Free Traders, when Pennsvlvanla i taught me that the prosperity and true glory of a j young nation tute ours were to oe sougm, n?7" thtough War and extended dominion, not through of American Iron is made up of the prices of Ore, vast Commerce with its gigantic fortunes for the of Wood, &c. which would have borne no value I few and hooeless bankruutcies of the manv. but : otherwise, and of Labor, Vegetables, Fruits, But- through a devotion of its intellect and its energies to the steady encouragement of Useful Labor by j calling into existence new branches of Productive 1 Industry, by fostering to vigorous maturity those yet infantile and feeble, and by so adjusting its Duties on Imports that the fluctuations of Foreign Markets, the oscillations of Foreiirn Policv. shall not deprive any portion of our own People of Em- lilovment and Bread. Years have Dassed since voir Stale taught me these truths, during which experience and id study have combined to convince me more and more firmly of their soundness and .... , . ... i Multify and immolate herself. Deceived and con luscd she has temporarily been by men, whose path to personal aggrandizement lay across, that dictated by her principles and her interests, but she is still unchanged in conviction as uncorrupted in heart. 1 speak to her as she was and is : her betrayers shall answer for what she has seemed lo be. 1 I do not propose to argue, lo. you the. policy- of Protection; that w ere needless; butl wUl fore stall cavilers. by staling, concisely what it is : We who stand for Protection maintain that a Nation large and prolific as our3 ought to draw upon its own internal resources for all such desir able staples as may be produced on its own soil with substantially as ihile labor as elsewhere We do not, we never did, cpntend for buying only of each other and thence attempting to grow. Cot ton t'o Labrador or Oranges in Wisconsin, But we do insist that a nation so large as ours and so widely separated from other civilized countries commits an enormous and calamitous mistake '-ljien it pe tsists fi&m. year to; year in,imporfihg its Fabrics" roi beyond the ocean and sending its Food thither in Payment and leaving its Ores un disturbed in tL iir beds while it ships off its har vests in exchange for foreign. Metals. W insisd that to send our , vouon, j? iax auu w ooi across ;tne ocean to be made imo Cloth for qu use. ev?n if the manufacturers, . shall be fed with our Grain, a.nd Pork involves .an en'ormous wasie ot Human L,a bory in the expensive transportations, trans-ship ments, &c. which wouac ineviiauiy ne saved by wooing the tnant: factuiter to put up his mills and factories beside-an aoiong our farmers, thereby inducing a more thor." n(ji versified, culture, annually fertilizing jnsi"M? of exhausting, (by the removal ofits products) tt.'e o11'.3""1 at the, same time secuiinn tn nor laborers a far groater choice of employments and higher' average wages" than nny one vocation could possibly furnish. In short, we believe ihis country is now an.nually impdver- ir. -i J :5i: , ..r ji lining nseu iq jne Axtenj ol roaJW.WJHV11 Ul UU1" jars by buying largely of the'Metai3.- " ares and Fabrics . of Europe .atjd eending itbithc its Gjaio, .Meat, cj-c, in rjeJLurn. instead of .making. . its own jetals, W'ares.ajjd XabricsAlinoskexCiPS'e.b.a?" thus withdrawing ii.hus.bajidrnen largely fm. lbe growing of Grain 'nr.fX rearing "of lilmals 16 the culture of Fruits, Vegetables,' &c. anil the fabrica tion of the , thousand c.eskp-ie4to yarmth, comr lvtt or. elegance we now buy from abroad when the importance. Tney tell me tnat my teacher lias we msiei on me compreuensie aim emcunu rio apostatized ; but I know better. She cannot so ; lection of American Industry at every point at: VmiGht eastlv be madet noma. . 4 thought tyou' werehos'tileto Com merce;' say a rt lrderveUc;aifi,r ypu fought wrong, aa usual. A thoroughly Protec tive Tariff would scarcely, after a few years, re duce our importations, though it would essentially change their character. We should- still buy largely from abroad, but not of-aritcles that come in direct competition with ounown-products. We should buy far more of such as. we continued to buy because of our greatly increased ability to buy. Thus Massachusetts, with her immensely uiversiuea industry, now comsumes more ol Im ports than either Carolina, because her laboring classes are setter educated, better employed, bet ter paid have a larger circle of wants and the means of gratifying them. If every person in this country were steadily employed and fairlv reruu eraled, the demand for every description of goods would ue increased beyond all calcution. Thi is the end contemplated by Protection. ' But what is the need of Protective Duties,' asks a doubter, 'if it be our interest to buy at homer Whose interest 1 It is : our interest' as a People that no iniquities shall bo committed in the land, yet. they are committed daily because individuals lancy their several interests may be promoted by that which they know to be hostile to the general interest. The fine lady does not step into a fashionable store in quest of such a dress as the public interest may dictate, but such a one as will increase her personal attractions. The lawyer who has just received 50 for plead ing the cause of an American citizen turns into a tailors shop to expend .his fee in a suit of clothes; and, though he is quite aware that if everybody would wear American cloth the general prosperi ty of the country would be promoted, and he, hav-. ing more suits to plead, might have more to wear also, iTe yet says 4 My one suit can make no ma 4 terial difference the British cloth is more fash- ionable and is said to be more serviceable, so I 4 will take it' not considering that the very fact of such general preference tends to keep Ameri can goods inferior in quality and cheapness. So we go on, keeping our own fabrics in the back ground so far as possible by :oustantly insisting or conceding that they belong there. 4 Cut if England will sell us Railroad Iron for $40 or $50, while good American Bars cost $00, why should we not buy of her!' For several good reasons, and among them these : Because buying mainly of our own makers would stimulate them to continued improvement in their machinery, processes, &c. and would thus unless all analogy is deceptive) soon bring down the price of Ameri can Iron, as the prices of American Pins,. Cotton fabrics, Cut Nails, Wood Screws, and hundreds of like articles have been reduced. Because the money price at which the two articles are res- pepttvely sold in New-York affords no reliable cri lenon ot theic relative cost, andour Iron made at home foc4$Gfc has really cost us less than thatim Iter, &c. &c. of which the money value has often been created and always largely ting Jron Works in operation in increased by put the vicinity. It is my deliberate conviciion that the Iron used in this country would cost the consumers far less if made here at $60 per ton than if imported -at $45; while 1 am equally certain that steady and era cient Protection for twenty years would reduce the cost of American Iron at least twenty and probably forty per cent. It is not, therefore, for the sake of Iron-makers especially, but lor thei ;sako ol. every class oi producers ot weaitn, mat t- . . .t i : i i3c-: . ti which foreign competition is encountered or could be effectually attempted. . Take, another familiar example.: The People of Illinois and Wisconsin have an excellent soil for Grain and Cattle, and are abundantly proffered Wares and Fabrics in exchimge for. their, great staples, at prices lower, it is said, than the cost of .producing the Wares and Fabrics within their own' horders. But is there one rational being who imagines, that their wants would, not be better supplied if their State were thickly doUed with Factories. Forces. Foundries. &c. andPthe im portation of Wares and Fabrics were forbidden Suppose.the Broadcloth now imported for $2ahould ' thus be made at a nominal cost even of $3, and j other Manufactures at proportional rates what of it ? Who believes that the farmers of these States would then sell their Wheat and Pork as low as they now must in order to undersell ip distant markets the producers on farms adjacent to those markets 1 or that they would not and bet ter use for their arable, acres than growing Grain and making Pork e,ven at double the present pri ces! The arm on the Western Prairies which yields barely ten dollars' worth of Wheat to the acre would, if surrounded by a thrifty manufactur ing and mechanical population, readily produce fifty to one hundred dollars1 worth of Fruits and Vegetables, whose bulk and perishable qualities forbid thejr transportation and consequently their culture, at & distance from extensive market's of consumption. The Wisconsin farmer who toils early and lale to.raise five hundred dollars worth of Grain aud Meat from his quarter-section could realize one thousand dollars from it with lighter labor if thete were a Lowell or Patterson at hand, where Milk, Chickens, Apples, Cherries, Potatoes, Turnips,. Wood, &c. &c. could at all times be sold forTcash. And, so far from Protection being'ad--verse to; the. dictates of diffusive Benevolence and Philanthropy, as is sometimes contended, I main tainthatjf we looked to this point alone-r-if we considered solely our duty as brethren of the hardr toiling, ill-fed artisans and laborers of Europe, we ought to adopt the Protective Policy, in order not so-much to. woo ihem to our shores, for they are coming rrfpidlj; enough, as, to secure them steady employment and fair wages, when they do come, and neithej,doora,.them to perpetual degradation and famine, in. tjie, land of their birth nor to the inadequate and precarious recompense always ac- corded to Agricultural taoor in a country wnere no oilier is' pursued. If the policy which tends to pjace.. the .producers; of Fopd by the side of; the 'producers of Clothing, enabled each to supply his wants at first cost without paying tribute to a.ldng line of forwarders, shippers, factors, wholesale and retail merchants, &c. be not that which true Philanthropy would dictate, then I am indeed grossly in error. , , a But why, it may ba'Bskcd, do I recall all this in addressing you, when I know that you understand it already, and that'inany of you are perfectly competent to-teach Political Econo my to the College Professors arid thcory-spin-niug Doctors of ihat perverted Science ? 1 do it to call your attention to the deliberate con spiracy of your would-be leaders and rulers to betray you into ihe power of the bitter adver saries of the time-honored convictions of your once unanimous State to sacrifice your prin ciples and your interests on the altertif South Carolina policy and Presidential aspirations. I ask you to look once more at the Resolution relating to this subject of the last Baltimore Conventions, viz : "That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal Government to foster one branch of Industry tdlhe detriment of another, or to cher ish the interests of one portion to the injury of another portion of our common country ; that every citizen and every section of the country has a right to demand and insist upon an equal ity of rights and privileges, and to complete and ample protection of person and property from domestic violence of foreign aggression. fRESOLUTIONS OF THE BALTIMORE PoLK CoNVJENTIQIf, 1844 ; REPEATED BY THE CASS DITTO, 1848. ' ;. He who wilfully mis-states his adversary's positions evinces a. guilty consciousness of the unsoundness of his own. He resorts to a dis honest stratagem because he is aware that he cannot stand in the open field of argument. Compare the doctrine of Protection, as above stated, with the counterfeit which the concoc ters of the Bnltimorc Resolutions seek to palm upon the country. Who ever contented that one branch of Industry ' should be fostered 'to the detriment of another V' Who ever asked them 'to cherish the interests of 'one portion to the injury of another portion of our common coun try?' Who has advocated an inequality of rights and privileges ? . The manufacturers, of these resolutions seek by a' fraudulent statement of the question to libel the friends of Protection, and to win the confidence of its enemies with out provoking the hostility 1of the thousands in the disguise so knavishly upon it. . . i - i . To he discerning it became obvious, early n 1844, that Pennsylvania was to be swindled. Her laboring masses were devotedly favorable to the principle of Protection and lo its embo diment, the Tariff of 1S42 ; the. preblem pro posed was to cajole her into voting for ihe deadly enemies of Boih. This was no easy tak ; for that Tariff not only accorded i with her convictions but manifestly - anti signally promoted her interests. I his resolution was intended teusatisfy the ultra Cation interest, while it only mystified her. I Before it appeared, on nr vour Representatives. Mr. Bidlack. ren resenting a District at once strongly Iron and strongly Democratic, procured copies of The Globe Prospeciua to circulate in his District, first striking out of it all that portion avowing deadly hostility to Protection and the Tariff" oj '42 ! Comment were needless. James IC. Polk was nominated at Baltimore. He was known to the intelligent as a uniform, embittered, iuveiefaie enemy of Protection. Bui this was atrongly denied by the journals. and speakers ol trie party supporting htm in Pennsylvania. They insisted that he wan as favorable to the rrotective Policy as Henry Clay j There were aome among them brazen enough to maintain this in public comroversies on the Htuinp. Schuylkill County was, ihe the aier of one of these debates it gave a large majority that. Fall for Uie sham Protectionists-; it has just detected ihe fraud aud given a like majoriiy for ihe oiher sort. Judge Christian Myers of Clarion was a Polk Elector and iron-' master ; he christened his, new works 'Polk Furnace-' to testify his faiih in the Proteciive orthodoxy of his candidate; he is now oppo sing Cass and the. party .which" deceived him Wilson M'Candless of Pittsburg was another Polk Elccior, and wrote a letter certifying that Mr Polk was quite as good a Protectionist us Mr. Clay. 1 have not yet heard of hivrepeni auce, but, though a lawyer, L think ,he cannot , much longer withold ?'. He ought ip lament in dui and ahes the deception he practiced, the miiichiefrhe has wrought. , , But there' were those among you whom these asHiirances did not satisfy they feared iheir chorjshed policy wai to be sacrificed ihey woufd not reM on. ahything-shori of the word of Mr. Polk hinself, tho value of whose word was not so well knowji then as it jiow is. Accordingly, a letter was dispatched lo Mr. Polk by John K. Kape, (whom Ppjk has since appointed a Judge,) and who obtained the fol lowing answer : , Colombia, Tenn. June 19r 1844. Dear Sir : I have received, recently, sev eral letters in reference to my opinions on the subject of .the. Tariff, andarnong others, yours I df.the 10th ultimo; My opinions on this sub ject have been oft en gi Veil' to .ihe, public.: They qre to be found in my public aci, and in the public discussions in which I have participa ted. .' I am in favor of a Tariff for Revenue, such a one as will yield a sufficient amount to the Treasurer to defray, the expenses- of- Govern ment economically administered. ; In adjusting the detail of a Revenue Tariff, I have hereto fore sanctioned biich moderate discriminating duties as would produce the amount of revenue needed., and at the same time afford reaeonable incidental Rtoteciion to our Home Industry. 1 am opposed o a Tariff for Protection merely, and nol for Revenue. ' Aciingupon these principles.il is well-known hat I gave ray support to the policy of General Jackson' Administration on "the subject. I voted against the Tariff act of 1828.' I voted for the act of 1832, which contained modifica tions of soma of-tho objectionable provisions of tho act of 1828. As a member of the Com mittee of Ways and leans of the House of Representative, I galve my assent to a bill re ported hy that Committee Tri December, 1832, making farther modifications of the act of 1828, and making also 'discriminations in the impo sition of the duties which il proposed. That bill did not pass, but was' superseded by tho bill commonly called the. Compromise bill, for which L voted. 1 ' ' In my judgement, it is the duty of the Gov ernment to extend, as far as it may be practi cable to do so, by its revenue laws and all oili er means Within its power, fair arid just Pro tection to all the great interosis of ihe whole Union, embracing Agriculture, Manufactures, and the Mechanic Arts, Commerce and Navi gation. 1 heartly approve the resolutions upon this subject panned by the Democratic National Convention, lately assembled at Baltimore. 1 am, with great respect, dear sir,, your obedi ent aerrant, JAMES K. FOLK. John K. Kane,- Esq. Rhiladelphia. There is no need of dwelling on the terms of this letter. Though artfully drawn, the intent to deceive is obvious throughout. Mr. Polk has made dozens of Speeches, iif Congress and on the slump in Tennessee, against the policy of Protection, not agaiiist'fhi3 'or that mode or measure, but broadly against the idea of Pro tection at all, He knew as well as you do that the question had but two aides, of which he was. on one and Pensylvahia on the oihftr. Yet. knowing this full well, he wrote, that let ter to confuso and befog the subject ao that par tisans les critically circumstanced migh pro claim him as good a' Protectionist as Henry Clay ! ' 1 n I cannot doubt that a deliberate intent to de ceive, was the impulse to ihis letter: After Mr. Polk's election, and just before his inauguration, I was in 'Washington watching ihe consumma tion of the Texas Iniquityand was there intro duced to Mr. John K. Kane. -After some un important conversation, I said to; him, "Mr. Kane, .the letter oil the subject of ihe Tariff which you received from Mr. Polk and pub lished, has been the theme of much comment, and has received contradictory interpretaiidus. I ihmk its true meaning might be settled-- by- reading in. connection your letter to1 Mr. Polk to which his was the answer. Will you be good enough to lei me see that letter V Mr. Kane said he had no copy -of it at Ie'ast none in Washington. "Nay, but Mr. Polk is here, board ing at the. tame house with us, and he surely can produce your letier if you both think prop er' Ail was vain ihe letter of Kane to Polk, which drew, out the famous Kane letter waar never made public,' and I presume- never will be. Bui the practical commentary came soon enough in ihe, appoinimunt of Walker as Sec retary of the Treasury, the bitter attacks on the Pioiective Policy of both master and man in their various jle?.sages and- Reports, and ihe passage of the anti-Protective Tariff of '46 by ihe influence of Polk and Walker, the thick and-thin support of Cass, and the casting vote of Dallas. . That laai vole filled up the measure of treachery. Ihe ticket , had been waimly commended on .the plea thai, even if Mr. Polk was notentirely 'fight, Pennsylvania had in: her own Dallas a champion ol her interests whose votes and speeches in favor. of Protection were abundamly on record, arid that his influence would suffice io arrest any measure 'of.hosiili !y io the policy of '42. The hour-of trial cam&i aud Geofge, M.. Dallas voted with Calhoun nnd McDufHe in opposition to twenty-fivo of ihe twenty-six: Members of ..Congressfrom your Siato. By his. Vote the Tarilt of '42 was sub verted and that of '46 enacted. The fruits of '46 enacted. The fruits of that change yon now witness ; same-of them you feel. Will you now help your betrayers to triumph again ? Yours, H. G. The Way to Get B,ich. The only way by which-capital cVnvincrease is by saving. If you spend.as much as you jjet, .you will never he-richer thanyou.--are 'Ti not what a man gets, but what he Saves, that constitutes, his wealth-. - -'Vhnl is the meaning of Syntax, mother f" inqiiiVod a little-girl; - " . " ' 'It is taxion urnrMnd this-isvihe: only thing that U ot 9ed in Penusylvntaf was the f ply The ITIichigandcrV bealii1 Sori Come Locd3, come and listen, ' A storv I'll relate? .' .' ' I - j - r It-happened in a valley' . .Of the Indiana State. 'twas there I left the.Fe;ddies The Democrats had away And electioneerM'the harder, " ' When I thought of Extra Pay. Oh TCrtra PaV. You've cheered me many a day But now Old Zack is oil our track, And our strength is gone away. " ,j- For office under. Adams s -..,!? I worked it very neat, . Congratulating Harry Glay ; On Jlickory's' defeat ; But soon as I discovered, That he would Win the dav. I surely -was his firmest friend J ? I wanted Extra, Pay. Chbriu From one thing to another, - r -ytc t.H And over the whole, range O f .political opinioh r I've-" undergone a change , b . And when our party, differ'd -. ' 9 5J Tri measures, then I would ; : .v&tr 469t Say, "'there's so much confusiqav.Mkra 1 can'tbe understood . , -.ffiPt . When we kill'd little- Matty, - a &t H ' About four year3 ago, ' I Who would have thought this :party f Would fall to pieces so ! " -'H & The love of public plunder. ' W?n - Is a. great adhesivB power ns?r 7fii Yei, we are rent'assunder ' f 'v . We are weakening every hour. ' We sent old. " Rough and.Ready;4 so ', With a small but gallant band, . t -j-Td wage a war with Mexico, f Down on the Rio Grande : , It brought on.u3 vexation "I Disgrace upbn our name. - .-. ,;;BH While it :waa winning for Old Zac2 Imperishable fame. - - ii WeJsent:jurfQe3 a leader, - , 1 We passed him through our fleet'? -'i i5T We sought-for to disgrace Old Zaci" ' By making him retreat j "im We, cut off his xesources ; -..--I'uf1 : After all it wouldn't do uei,re- Old Zack has nobly flaxed them ou1f-: ,f . And now he'll flax us too Jffr vt Our nartv crave mr nffir-oc- . i j r They cannot any more ' I'll ne'er obtain the salaries, "That I enjoyed before, Thepeople -will not tru-it me" My credit's getting low ; Our party is dishearten'd ' : Our Chapman cannot crow. nit TheIndian sings his dcathtsong ; rr He thinks with dog and gun;, To .enjoy a pleasant hunting ground ' Beyond the setting sun. -. We1 too must sing our death-song, . Unhappier far than they : . Salt River has no offices ,u ir To yield us Extra Pay. j?: ' -T Oh, Extra:Pay, &c. IiOco Foco I2clics In order to preserve some evidence of.thft ,1. i. existence of the Locofoco p.ar'y from the rava ges of the. political earthquake, threatening t engulph it in Norember, we have consigned to. a fat'goiird the following articles of their faith as a legacy for admiring posterity-: A small quantity of ihe "noise and confusion which surrounded Cas at Cleveland. ' 1 The "circumstances which prevented" Kim from attending, ;. , y , -v r . The "change" which his mind is "at pres ent undergoing." : - fe-r The threshold, jhe.. porch, and. the alien for which he expected to fight. , .; A spoonful of the gravy in which he rollpd Mexico previous to swallowihgjiec. The rifle the Indian 'snapped at him. . : J Tt. ...,k air.nn Irl-U t t! .- ' - ''li' i utj. -caiiu ujivu nuitu ue "jitsi lanaou Canada. - . in The "whole oi none." The Life and Eulogy of Lrjilfs-?hiiipjSij beautifully bound in calf, tanned ft o'mhHfrfT of a defunct Democrat. The reason whv he ''would have votedfos'' tt,M if it had come up lasi year., i..r 1 he black cockaUe'he wore m 1812. The sword he.i broke. - The door that "closed hia-pblitical 'profes sions" . l , . P The 'corrupt system o( general' jnternal im iprovemenls"; for which he voted, Raimond ' - - . An Editor in'Indiana sayMrthai. "s.ajtiianrp.x cellent thing for hogs."' Jle addn that bsyhaa Mried it," How much Hid ' he eat ? ' - "
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