I Eonrad's neuer l
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N Die neuesten Moden in Männer und Knaben
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v Ausiiassitungeu. Haildschuhen usw
Organist» t in
-»° r nur 2K J-hr-n-hat die T r a d - r - N a t i o n a l einen Rekord si>.
~eich«iibi»e» und b-stSndige» Wachsthum. Dcposiien sind in«g-samm, jetz>
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Für Ihren Säugling
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Dr. Langes Lact.ilcv Tissuc Food.
<i« ist nicht, was wir sagen, sondern was die Milch thut, welche« die ganz,
Geschichte Ihrer Populiiriläl enahlt.
Fraget den Apotheker dasiir oder schreibt an
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JA >
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M beim nächsten Bedarf, daß die Accidenz.
7 Abtheilung des „Scranton Wochenblatt" x
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Wenn Sie ermüdet g
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Peoples savings und
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Die größte Itaatbant in Peansyliiial»
Leitender Optiker,
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Dinner und Kaufmann'« Lunch
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N la Carte immer.
Theater Gesellschaften Spejialttitt.
Prompte Bedienung.
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«»in de» deste» Belriaken »»d «>4»rre»
»erde» auch die i» ein»,«?,»gliche» deutsche»
»»che ,»deretlel-» Speise» a»s Verl«»?» ser
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Deutsch gesprechen. WAR-PROPAGANDA.
From The New Republic.
The New Republic has receiv
ed recently main letters from
readers who art troubled by cer
tain phases ol tin foreign and
domestic policy •it tin govern
ment 1 l'.-i l'.-i '.err* conn al
most entiiely from people who
favored the declaration ol wai
against Germany last April and
who have been no less in lavor
ever since ol vigorous and whole
hearted military, naval and eco
nomic co-operation with the Al
lies for the purpose of prevent
ing German victory. But they
do not want the vast power
which their nation is now creat
ing exerted exclusively for the
purpose of preventing German
victory. They were converted
to the employment of such a
dangerous and double - edged
weapon as war partly because of
President Wilson's previous pro
paganda In favor uf international
organization, and because they
saw no way of effectively bring
ing the influence of this country
to bear on behalf of lasting
peace save by participation in
the risks, the sacrifices and the
labor of defeating German ag
/gression. What troubles them
now is a doubt whether the dip
lomatic management of the war
by the American government,
and the propaganda recently as
sociated with it, is calculated
either to promote lasting peace
or to extinguish German militar
ism ; and this doubt has been
reenforced by the extent to
which the government has re- (
cently been setting up a ,coer- ;
cive censorship over public opin- j
ion. The doubters quote Presi
dent Wilson's words, "Just as j
we fight without rancor and
selfish object ... we shall, I
feel confident, conduct our oper
ations as belligerents without
passion and ourselves observe
with proud punctilio the prin
ciples of right and fair play we
profess -to be fighting for"; and
they ask in all seriousness how
for the American nation is being
urged to conduct its war-like
operations without rancorous
passion and how far its govern
ment is itself proudly and punc
tiliously observing its advertised
principles of right and fair play.
If these doubters raise any
question as to the wisdom pf the
declaration by this country of
war on Germany or as to the
overwhelming importance of re
sisting uncompromisingly the
triumph of the German military
party. The New Republic has no
sympathy with their criticstn
The price of American partici
pation may be heavier than was
anticipated some months ago,
but the increased cost is out
weighed by the clearest possible
testimony to its salutary conse
quences. When the decision had
to be made, there was no way of
being sure what the effect would
be on the outcome of the war of
an unrestricted submarine cam
paign. No one could certainly
tell whether or not the conni
vance at its barbarities by this
country would or would not be
equivalent to an underwriting of
German victory. We now know
that it probably would have en
abled the Germans to win. The
combination of the submarine
campaign, the Russian revolu
tion and American refusal to re
sist the former and to support
the latter would have reduced
France, Great Britain and Italy
to a struggle against odds which
could hardly have failed to re
sult either in a war of general
extermination or in a treaty of
peace favorable to Germany.
Those who opposed American
intervention are finally condem
ned by the manifest practical
consequences of American ab
stention. By clearing the way
for a triumph of the military
caste in Germany it would have
left democracy throughout the
world with its back to the wall
and condemned to adopt perma
nently instead of temporarily the
handicap of militarism. In no
country would the democratic
movement have been more de
fenseless than in America. For
we would have been isolated,
distrusted and friendless in a
world more than ever militar
ized, and we would have armed,
not as at present with some hope
of making a temporary use of
military force contribute to en
during peace, but under the in
fluence of a bad conscience and
an overwhelming fear.
In the essential respect the
wisdom of American participa
tion in the war has been brilli
antly vindicated by the event.
Any criticism of the government
which tends to a contrary con-
elusion and which implies a wil
lingness to acquiesce in a victory
for the German governmerit, be
cause of a reluctance to pay the
price of its defeat, must be un
equivocally repudiated. But this
is not the whole story. The let
ters of our correspondents sug
gest a criticism of the conduct
of the war which assumes the
need and value ol implacable
American resistance to German
aggression, but which questions
the means which are being adop
ted to make that resistance ef
fective. They raise la doubt
whether the American govern
ment is adapting its domestic
policy to the need of securing
the kind of support trom popular
opinion which is required for
the success of its diplomatic
campaign against the German
government and for the fulfil
ment of its ultimate purposes in
entering the war. That cam
paign consists essentially in our
attempt to capitalize the moral
superiority of the cause ot the
Allies, to assist military with po
litical issue of the war in such
a way as to impair German mor
ale by undermining the defense
psychology of the German
people and at the same time to
give increasing endurance and
integrity to the morale of the
enemies of Germany. But a na
tion which uses political weap
ons must conform in its own be
havior to the spirit of its policy.
Its people must cooperate with
its government in offering to the
German people the olive branch
as well as the sword, and this
the American nation is not do
ing and is not being encouraged
to do by its own government.
A diplomacy which depends upon
a combination of coercion and
conciliation is being sustained
by a war propaganda which is
exclusively vindictive and coer
cive in spirit and method. This
propaganda is already compro
mising the success of the Presi
dent's attempt to impair German
morale, and unless it is checked'
its effect on the morale of this
country is likely to be no less
deplorable.
From the editorials which ap
pear in the enormous majority
of American newspapers, from
the speeches which are being
made by a majority of American
patriotic orators, no one could
possibly infer that the American
government officially entertain
ed a policy except that of a de
cisive military victory, which
was to be obtained at any cost
and which would be used for the
purpose of chastising and humil
iating the German people. Few
newspapers and none of the
speakers so much as ref :r to the
President's alternative of a peace
of reconciliation or gree{ with
the slightest encouragement the
efforts which are now being
made by the liberal parties in
Germany to defeat the aggress
ive designs of their own govern
ment. On the contrary the de
testable practice of classing the
whole German nation together
as assassins und Huns seems to
be coming into favor. Stump
speakers sent out by defense so
cieties are evoking in the name
of American patriotism the most
malignant and venomous pass
ions of their audiences, not only
against the whole German na
tion, but against everyone in
this country who disagrees with
their attitude and who does not
share their own rancor and in
tolerance. Temporarily the pro
paganda of patriotism has been
divorced from every feeling and
idea which last spring recon
ciled so many pacifically minded'
Americans to participation in
the war.
How is it possible to pretend
that a war conducted in such a
spirit can make for enduring
peace? It is this headstrong and
vindictive state of mind, this
easy confusion of blind pugnac
ity with the sense of absolute
righteousness which has been
and always will be the most
fruitful mother of wars. As a
matter of fact the people who
are now laboring to infect Amer
ican public opinion with their
own virulence always have been
and still are the enemies rather
than the friends of lasting peace.
They were doing their best to
militarize this country before it
entered into the war,, and they
are making the best of their op
portunity to continue the work,
and their efforts will not cease
after the war is over. When the
President proclaimed in the
Senate address of last January
his program of constructive in
ternationalism, they either sneer
ed at it or denounced it. They
can be counted onto resist any
attempt to put it into effect. At
present they are supporting him
only in so far as he is making
war. They are deliberately en-
deavoring to neutralize his at
tempt to accomplish in part the
better objects of the war by the
conciliatory methods of a demo
cratic diplomacy. One and all
they are the President's bitter
and irreconcilable personal ene
mies. They are only waiting
for a good opportunity to turn
on him and rend him once again
as they did during the last cam
paign.
The government cannot es
cape some measure of resoonsi'
bility for the ugly and sinister
mask which is being fastened
on the face of American patri
otism. It could not have wholly
prevented this perversion of the
spirit, which, according to the-
President, would oe punctilious
ly observed by the nation in its
conduct of the war, but it could
have done much to counteract
the process of demoralization.
The great failure in the domes
tic policy of the government has
consisted in its management of
public opinion. It has depended
too much upon the repetition of
the President originally embod
ied his policy and has neglected
the task of applying them to the
concrete problems of domestic
and foreign policy in a way
which would increase their vital
ity. The official press bureau
has done nothing to assist the
President's diplomacy by disse
minating its spirit, and by ex
plaining its purposes and its con
sequences. It has done, abso
lutely nothing to arouse the
interest of public opinion in the
constructive problems of the
settlement. Its notion of infor
mation and propaganda has been
a poor survival of the muckrak
ing magazine. The result is
that when two different kinds Of
agitation inimical to the success
of its own policy started up, the
government was placed at a
grave disadvantage. It was not
prepared to resist a militarist
agitation which was dangerous
to its work on behalf of endur
ing peace, and it could think of
no answer to an agitation in fa
vor of immediate peace except
violent suppression. Of course
the effect of suppressing the
agitation for peace at any price
and conniving at the agitation
for war at any price* has been
to strengthen both extremists
and weaken the supporters of its
own intermediate policy. The
peace propagandists rejoice in
suppression because it drives
agitation underground where it
will become much more irre
sponsible, insidious and menac
ing. The militarist agitators are
permitted without protest to im
pose themselves on the public
as the only unadulterated
American patriots.
A sufficient, although not the
only, objection to such a method
of managing public opinion is its
tendency to impair the ultimate
efficiency of our American con
tribution to the war. Not only
does it increase the resistance,
which the American military
and politial power will have to
overcome both at home and
abroad, but it will inevitably
tend to dry up the fountain of
American moral endurance. The
American people will eventually
react against a war which they
were induced to enter because
it was intended to safeguard de
mocracy and to promote organ
ized peace, but which is being
too much managed by people
who are opposed to organized
peace, who expressly repudiate
the idea that it was intended to
safeguard democracy and who
by all their words and acts prove
an utter lack of faith m any
method of dealing with enemies
and opponents except that of
violence. No matter how dras
tic the measures adopted to sup
press opposition to a war con
ducted in a spirit of vindictive
and savage hatred, that opposi
tion will grow. Such a war
would be too .offensive to Amer
ican national conscience. It
would be too injurious to Amer
ican national interest. The Pre
sident, by every promise which
he made to the American people
in leading them into war, is
committed to evoking for its
support a different kind of pro
paganda. Otherwise he will fail
in his campaign to divide the
German people from the German
government; the war will be
come more than ever one of phy
sical and moral attrition and of
competitive annihilation; the
Russian republic will be sub
merged for a generation or more;
and ultimately the connection
will be severed between tne
government as the official en
gine of organized power in
America and the deepest sources
of American moral endurance
and aspiration.