I Eonrad's neuer l j Wyon»i g Avenne. N Die neuesten Moden in Männer und Knaben ! Steifen und wtichtn Hüten. Hemden. ! v Ausiiassitungeu. Haildschuhen usw Organist» t in -»° r nur 2K J-hr-n-hat die T r a d - r - N a t i o n a l einen Rekord si>. ~eich«iibi»e» und b-stSndige» Wachsthum. Dcposiien sind in«g-samm, jetz> »der vier und ein- halb- Million D°llar»-s>- haben sich mW «>e verdoppelt in d-n letzten sechs Jahren -und sie wachsen immer noch. Trad r d N ti «nl B» nk. > wünschen reiche, reine Milch, gebrauchet Dr. Langes Lact.ilcv Tissuc Food. W MW W »iHk^^«', I »II oo oo» «üb- I I»II^>I^I bSrrii. ?«,«. xcous'ric lzoo c»n<»«,, »i-»? Vori- M beim nächsten Bedarf, daß die Accidenz. 7 Abtheilung des „Scranton Wochenblatt" x eine der besten m der Stadt ist. Wenn Sie ermüdet g und durstig find Goldrue Mednille Ttegmaier Brau Co. Beide Telephone. Wm. F. Kiesel Sou, P ivat-Ba»k. liotariats-Reschäft und Feuer- Berstchernnft " l«tablirt IBZB.I 14 Ave., Scranton, Pa. Gebrüder Scheuer's ..Keystone' Brod. Cracker und Cakes Bäckerei, 3t3 345 und Zt7 Brook Straß», gegenüber der Knopf-Fabrik, Süd Scranton. Peoples savings und Dime Bank. Die größte Itaatbant in Peansyliiial» Leitender Optiker, SS t Lacka vanna Avenue. 323-325 Epruce Ctraße. .Club' Frühstück. Dinner und Kaufmann'« Lunch 11.3» bi» !t. N la Carte immer. Theater Gesellschaften Spejialttitt. Prompte Bedienung. George I. Rosar, Eigenthümer. Henry Horn'< Restaurant, NZ Pe»» Ave., Srra»t»», P>. «»in de» deste» Belriaken »»d «>4»rre» »erde» auch die i» ein»,«?,»gliche» deutsche» »»che ,»deretlel-» Speise» a»s Verl«»?» ser lirl, »»d,«ar,» lehr mät«,e» preise». «a»f»a»»« Mt«iag«l»»ch ligllch ZV te»w« Zede» «a»ßa« Ade»d »«rar, ?»»i^-ech»it« Schadt Co., Allgemeine Versicherung, «0S » Mear» Gebäude« W. S. Vaughaa, Sr»»dcige»th»» Gekauft, Verkauft, Bermiethet» Office. b6O Epruce Straße, vcnmton, Pa Deutsch gesprechen. WAR-PROPAGANDA. From The New Republic. The New Republic has receiv ed recently main letters from readers who art troubled by cer tain phases ol tin foreign and domestic policy •it tin govern ment 1 l'.-i l'.-i '.err* conn al most entiiely from people who favored the declaration ol wai against Germany last April and who have been no less in lavor ever since ol vigorous and whole hearted military, naval and eco nomic co-operation with the Al lies for the purpose of prevent ing German victory. But they do not want the vast power which their nation is now creat ing exerted exclusively for the purpose of preventing German victory. They were converted to the employment of such a dangerous and double - edged weapon as war partly because of President Wilson's previous pro paganda In favor uf international organization, and because they saw no way of effectively bring ing the influence of this country to bear on behalf of lasting peace save by participation in the risks, the sacrifices and the labor of defeating German ag /gression. What troubles them now is a doubt whether the dip lomatic management of the war by the American government, and the propaganda recently as sociated with it, is calculated either to promote lasting peace or to extinguish German militar ism ; and this doubt has been reenforced by the extent to which the government has re- ( cently been setting up a ,coer- ; cive censorship over public opin- j ion. The doubters quote Presi dent Wilson's words, "Just as j we fight without rancor and selfish object ... we shall, I feel confident, conduct our oper ations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the prin ciples of right and fair play we profess -to be fighting for"; and they ask in all seriousness how for the American nation is being urged to conduct its war-like operations without rancorous passion and how far its govern ment is itself proudly and punc tiliously observing its advertised principles of right and fair play. If these doubters raise any question as to the wisdom pf the declaration by this country of war on Germany or as to the overwhelming importance of re sisting uncompromisingly the triumph of the German military party. The New Republic has no sympathy with their criticstn The price of American partici pation may be heavier than was anticipated some months ago, but the increased cost is out weighed by the clearest possible testimony to its salutary conse quences. When the decision had to be made, there was no way of being sure what the effect would be on the outcome of the war of an unrestricted submarine cam paign. No one could certainly tell whether or not the conni vance at its barbarities by this country would or would not be equivalent to an underwriting of German victory. We now know that it probably would have en abled the Germans to win. The combination of the submarine campaign, the Russian revolu tion and American refusal to re sist the former and to support the latter would have reduced France, Great Britain and Italy to a struggle against odds which could hardly have failed to re sult either in a war of general extermination or in a treaty of peace favorable to Germany. Those who opposed American intervention are finally condem ned by the manifest practical consequences of American ab stention. By clearing the way for a triumph of the military caste in Germany it would have left democracy throughout the world with its back to the wall and condemned to adopt perma nently instead of temporarily the handicap of militarism. In no country would the democratic movement have been more de fenseless than in America. For we would have been isolated, distrusted and friendless in a world more than ever militar ized, and we would have armed, not as at present with some hope of making a temporary use of military force contribute to en during peace, but under the in fluence of a bad conscience and an overwhelming fear. In the essential respect the wisdom of American participa tion in the war has been brilli antly vindicated by the event. Any criticism of the government which tends to a contrary con- elusion and which implies a wil lingness to acquiesce in a victory for the German governmerit, be cause of a reluctance to pay the price of its defeat, must be un equivocally repudiated. But this is not the whole story. The let ters of our correspondents sug gest a criticism of the conduct of the war which assumes the need and value ol implacable American resistance to German aggression, but which questions the means which are being adop ted to make that resistance ef fective. They raise la doubt whether the American govern ment is adapting its domestic policy to the need of securing the kind of support trom popular opinion which is required for the success of its diplomatic campaign against the German government and for the fulfil ment of its ultimate purposes in entering the war. That cam paign consists essentially in our attempt to capitalize the moral superiority of the cause ot the Allies, to assist military with po litical issue of the war in such a way as to impair German mor ale by undermining the defense psychology of the German people and at the same time to give increasing endurance and integrity to the morale of the enemies of Germany. But a na tion which uses political weap ons must conform in its own be havior to the spirit of its policy. Its people must cooperate with its government in offering to the German people the olive branch as well as the sword, and this the American nation is not do ing and is not being encouraged to do by its own government. A diplomacy which depends upon a combination of coercion and conciliation is being sustained by a war propaganda which is exclusively vindictive and coer cive in spirit and method. This propaganda is already compro mising the success of the Presi dent's attempt to impair German morale, and unless it is checked' its effect on the morale of this country is likely to be no less deplorable. From the editorials which ap pear in the enormous majority of American newspapers, from the speeches which are being made by a majority of American patriotic orators, no one could possibly infer that the American government officially entertain ed a policy except that of a de cisive military victory, which was to be obtained at any cost and which would be used for the purpose of chastising and humil iating the German people. Few newspapers and none of the speakers so much as ref :r to the President's alternative of a peace of reconciliation or gree{ with the slightest encouragement the efforts which are now being made by the liberal parties in Germany to defeat the aggress ive designs of their own govern ment. On the contrary the de testable practice of classing the whole German nation together as assassins und Huns seems to be coming into favor. Stump speakers sent out by defense so cieties are evoking in the name of American patriotism the most malignant and venomous pass ions of their audiences, not only against the whole German na tion, but against everyone in this country who disagrees with their attitude and who does not share their own rancor and in tolerance. Temporarily the pro paganda of patriotism has been divorced from every feeling and idea which last spring recon ciled so many pacifically minded' Americans to participation in the war. How is it possible to pretend that a war conducted in such a spirit can make for enduring peace? It is this headstrong and vindictive state of mind, this easy confusion of blind pugnac ity with the sense of absolute righteousness which has been and always will be the most fruitful mother of wars. As a matter of fact the people who are now laboring to infect Amer ican public opinion with their own virulence always have been and still are the enemies rather than the friends of lasting peace. They were doing their best to militarize this country before it entered into the war,, and they are making the best of their op portunity to continue the work, and their efforts will not cease after the war is over. When the President proclaimed in the Senate address of last January his program of constructive in ternationalism, they either sneer ed at it or denounced it. They can be counted onto resist any attempt to put it into effect. At present they are supporting him only in so far as he is making war. They are deliberately en- deavoring to neutralize his at tempt to accomplish in part the better objects of the war by the conciliatory methods of a demo cratic diplomacy. One and all they are the President's bitter and irreconcilable personal ene mies. They are only waiting for a good opportunity to turn on him and rend him once again as they did during the last cam paign. The government cannot es cape some measure of resoonsi' bility for the ugly and sinister mask which is being fastened on the face of American patri otism. It could not have wholly prevented this perversion of the spirit, which, according to the- President, would oe punctilious ly observed by the nation in its conduct of the war, but it could have done much to counteract the process of demoralization. The great failure in the domes tic policy of the government has consisted in its management of public opinion. It has depended too much upon the repetition of the President originally embod ied his policy and has neglected the task of applying them to the concrete problems of domestic and foreign policy in a way which would increase their vital ity. The official press bureau has done nothing to assist the President's diplomacy by disse minating its spirit, and by ex plaining its purposes and its con sequences. It has done, abso lutely nothing to arouse the interest of public opinion in the constructive problems of the settlement. Its notion of infor mation and propaganda has been a poor survival of the muckrak ing magazine. The result is that when two different kinds Of agitation inimical to the success of its own policy started up, the government was placed at a grave disadvantage. It was not prepared to resist a militarist agitation which was dangerous to its work on behalf of endur ing peace, and it could think of no answer to an agitation in fa vor of immediate peace except violent suppression. Of course the effect of suppressing the agitation for peace at any price and conniving at the agitation for war at any price* has been to strengthen both extremists and weaken the supporters of its own intermediate policy. The peace propagandists rejoice in suppression because it drives agitation underground where it will become much more irre sponsible, insidious and menac ing. The militarist agitators are permitted without protest to im pose themselves on the public as the only unadulterated American patriots. A sufficient, although not the only, objection to such a method of managing public opinion is its tendency to impair the ultimate efficiency of our American con tribution to the war. Not only does it increase the resistance, which the American military and politial power will have to overcome both at home and abroad, but it will inevitably tend to dry up the fountain of American moral endurance. The American people will eventually react against a war which they were induced to enter because it was intended to safeguard de mocracy and to promote organ ized peace, but which is being too much managed by people who are opposed to organized peace, who expressly repudiate the idea that it was intended to safeguard democracy and who by all their words and acts prove an utter lack of faith m any method of dealing with enemies and opponents except that of violence. No matter how dras tic the measures adopted to sup press opposition to a war con ducted in a spirit of vindictive and savage hatred, that opposi tion will grow. Such a war would be too .offensive to Amer ican national conscience. It would be too injurious to Amer ican national interest. The Pre sident, by every promise which he made to the American people in leading them into war, is committed to evoking for its support a different kind of pro paganda. Otherwise he will fail in his campaign to divide the German people from the German government; the war will be come more than ever one of phy sical and moral attrition and of competitive annihilation; the Russian republic will be sub merged for a generation or more; and ultimately the connection will be severed between tne government as the official en gine of organized power in America and the deepest sources of American moral endurance and aspiration.