silence or rejected. The language of all (he provisions and ordinances of the i States on the subject amounts to nothing j more than an unwilliug admission of an j unwelcome truth. Aa to the ordinance of secession, it is cases declared j null and void," and in Qthers simply J " repealed," and in no iustance is a ref utation of this deadly heresy considered worthy of a place iu the new constitu tions. , If, as the President assumes, these in surrectionary States were at the close of the war wholly without State govern ments, it would seem that before being admitted to participate in the direction of public affairs such governments shou'd be regularly organized. Long usage has established, and numerous statutes have pointed out, the mode in which this should be done. A convention to frame a form of government should be assem bled under competent authority. Ordin orily this authority emanates from Con gress but under the peculiar circumstan ces your committee is not disposed to oriticise the President's action in assum ing the power exercised by him in this regard. The convention, when assem bled. should frame a constitution of gov ernment, which should be submitted to the people for adoption. If adopted, a Legislature should be convened t > pass the laws necessary to carry it into effect. When a State thus organized claiuis rep resentation in Congress, tho election of representatives should be provided for by law in accordance with the laws of Congress regulating representation, and J the proof that the action taken has' been in conformity to law should be submitted to Congress. In no case have these es sential preliminary steps been taken.— The conventions assembled seem to have assumed that tho Constitution which had been repudiated and overthrown was still in existence and operative to constitute the States members of the Union, and to have contented themselves with such amendments as they were informed were requisite in order to insure their return to an immediate participation in the Gov ernment of the United States. Not wait ing to ascertain 'Whether the people they represented would adopt even the pro posed amendments, they at once called elections of Representatives to Congress in nearly all instances before an execu tive bad been chosen to issue certificates of election under tho State laws, an J such elections as were held were ordered by the conventions. In one instance at least the writs of election were signed by the Provisional Governor. Glaring ir regularities and unwarranted assumptions of powor are manifest in several casos, particularly in South Carolina, where the convention, although disbanded by the Provisional Governor, on the ground that it was a revolutionary body, assumed to district the State. It is quite evident from all these facts, and indeed from the whole mass of test imony submitted by the President to the Senate, that in no instance was regard paid to any other consideration than ob taining immediate admission to Congress. j under the barren form of an election, to j which no precautions were tikeu tose cure regularity of proceedings or the as pent of the people. No constitution ha been legally adopted, except, perhaps, in the State of Tenhessee, and such elec tions as have been held were without au thoritv of law. Your committee arc ac cordingly forced to the conclusion that the States referred to have not placed j themselves iti a condition to claim repre sentation in Congress, unless all the rules which have since the foundation of the Government, been deemed essential iuj such cases should be disregarded. It would undoubtedly be competent Congress to waive all formalities and to j admit these Confederate States to repre sentation r.t once, trusting that time And experience would set all things right.— Whether it would be advisable to do so, however, must depend upon other consid erations, of which it means to treat. Rut it may well be observed that the induce ments to such a step should be of the very highest character. It seems to your com mittee not unreasonable to require satis factory evidence that the ordinances and constitutional provisions which the Pres ident deems essential in the first instance will be permanently adhered to by the people of tho States seeking restoration after being admitted to full participation in ftio Government, and will not be re pudiated when that object shall have been accomplished. And here the bur den of proof rests upon the late insur gents, who are seeking restoration to the rights and privileges which they willingly abandoned. and not upon the people of the United States, who have never un dertaken directly or indirectly to deprive them thereof. It should appear affirma tive that they arc prepared and disposed in good faith to accept the results of the war, to abandon their hostility to the Gov ernment, and to live in peace and unity with the people of the loyal States, ex tending to all classes of citizens civil rights and privileges, and conforming to the republican idea of liberty and equal ity. They should exhibit in their acts something more than unwilling submis sion to an unavoidable necessity ; a feel ing if not cheerful, certainly not offensive and defiant, and they should evince an entire repudiation of all hostility to the General Government by an acceptance of such just and favorable conditions as that Government should think the public safe ty demands. Has this been done? Let us look at the facts shown by the evidence taken by the committee. Hardly had the war closed before the people of these insurrectionary States come forward and haughtily claim, as a right, the privilege of participating at once in that Government which they had for four years been fighting to overthrow. Allowed and encouraged by the Kxecu tive to orgauize State governments, they at once plaeod in power leading rebels, unrepentant and unpardoned, excluding with contempt those who had manifested ! nn attachment to the Union, and prefer ring in many instances, those who had rendered thcmselvcsgffie most obu"xious. In the face of the law requiring the oath wliich would necessarily exclude all such men from Federal office, they elect, with j very few Senators and Rep resentatives in l**gre.sß, men who bad tetivelt participated jo the rebellion, in- 1 rtkinjily elenowneing the law as uncon-' BtitutiomSr It is only necessary to in atance the election to the SeriHte of the late Viec President-of the Confederacy, a man who, against his own declared con victions. had lent all the weight o! his acknowledged ability and of his influence us a most prominent public nm.i to the cause of the Rebellion, and who, unpar doned rebel as he is, with that oath star ing hiui in the face, had the assurance to lay his credentials on the table of the Senate ; other rebels of scarcaly less note or notoriety were selected from other quarters. Professing no repentance, glo rying apparently in the crime they had oommitted, avowing still, as the uncon tradicted testimony of Mr. Stephens and many other proves, an adherence to the pernicious doctrine of secession, and do daring that they only yitlded to neces sity. they insist with unanimous voice upon their rights as States, and proclaim that they will submit to no conditions whatever, preliminary to their resump tion of power under that Constitution which they still claim the right to repu pudiate. Examining the evidence taken by your committee still farther, in connection with facts too notorious to be disputed, it ap pears that the Southern press, with few exceptions, and those mostly of newspa pers recently established by Northern men. abounds with woeklyand daily abuse of the institutions and people of the loy al States ; defends the men who led, and the principles which incited the rebellion; denounces and reviles Southern men who adhered to the Union ; and strives con stantly and unserupuously, by every means in its power, to keep alive the fire of hate and discord between the sections ; Calling upon the President to violate his oath of office, overturn the Government by foice of armr, and drive the represen tatives of the people from their seats in Congress. The national banner is openly insulted, and the national airs scoffed at, not only by an ignorant populace, but at public meetings; and once, among other notable instances, at a dinner given in honor of a notorious rebel, who bad vio lated his oath, and abandoned his (lag.— The same individual is elected to an ia portant office in the leading city of bis State, although an unpardoned, rebel, and so offensive that the President refuses to allow him to enter upon his official dutieV In another State a leading general in the relel armies is openly nominated for (Gov ernor by the Speaker of the House of Delegates, and ti.e nomination is hailed by the people with shout? of satisfaction, and openly endorsed by the press. Looking still further at the evidence taken by your committee, it is found to be clearly shown by witnesses of the highest character and having the best means of observation, that the Fieedmeu's Bureau, instituted for the relief and pro tection of freedmen and refugees, is al most universally opposed by the mass of the population, and exists in an efficient condition only under military protection, while the Union men of th ■ South t.re earnest in its defence, declaring'with one voice that without its protection the col ored people would not bo permitted to la bor at fair prees. and could hardly live in safety. They also testify that without the protection of United States troops, Union men, whether of Northern or I Southern origin, would be obliged to aban -1 don their homes. The feeling in many portions of the country towrad emancipated sla>es, espec ially among the uneducated and ignorant, is one of vindictive and malicious hatred. deep-seated prejudice against color is assiduously cultivated by the public journals, and leads to acts of cruelty, op vjiression and niuruer, which the local au thorities are at uo pains to prevent or pun ish. There is no general disposition to place the oolorcd race, constituting at least two fifths of the population, upon terms even of civil equality. While many in stances may be found where large plan tors and men of the better class accept the situation and honestly strive to bring about a better order of things by employ ing the freedmen at fair wages and .treat ing them kindly, the general feeling and disposition among all classes are yet to tally averse to the toleration of any elars of people friendly to the Union, be they white or black ; and the aversion is not unfrequently manifested in an insulting and offensive manner. The witnesses examined as to the will ingness of tho people of the South to con - tributo under existing laws, to the pay ment of the national debt, prove that the taxes levied by the United States will be paid only on compulsion* and with great reluctance, while there prevailed to a great extent an expectation that compensation will be made for slaves emancipated and property destroyed during the war. The testimony on this point comes from offi cers of the Union army, officers of-the late rebel army. Union men of Southern States, and avowed secessionists, almost all of whom state that, in their opinion, the people of the rebellious States would, if they should see a prospect of success, repudiate the national debt. While there is scarcely aDy hope or desire an.ong lerding men to renew the attempt at secession at any future time, there is still, accordin, to witnesses, in eluding A IT. Stephens who may be re garded n* gcod authority on that point, a generally prevailing opinion which de fends the legnl right of secession, and upholds the doctrine that the first alle giance of the people is duo to the States, and not the United S'atcs. This belief evidently prevails among leading and prominent men as well as among the mas ses everywhere, except in some of the northern counties of Alabama and the eastern counties of Tennessoe The evidence of an intense hostility to the Federal Union, and an cqnally intense love of the late Confederacy nurtured bv the war is decisive While it appears that nearlv all are willing to submit, at least for the time being, to Federal au thority, it is equally clear that the ruling motive is a drsire to obtain the advant ages which will be derived froir a repre sentation in Congress. Officers of the Union army, r.n duty, and Northern men who go South to engage in business are genera'lv detested an 1 proscribed. South ern men who adhered tot.be Union are bitterly battel r-nd r<-l n ntU'-slv per«eeu ted In so"jo localities prosecutions have been instituted in State courts Rgainst Union officers tor acts doue io the linoof official duty, and similar prosecutionsnre threatened elsewhere as soon as the Uni ted Statos troops are removed. All such demonstrations show a state of feeling against which it is unmistakably neces sary to guard. The testimony is conclusive that after the c jllapse of tho Confederacy the fee' ing of the people of the rebellious States was that of nbject submission. Having appealed to the tribunal of arms, they had no hope, except by tSi«. magnanimity of their conquerors, their lives and possibly their property might be preserve j. Un fortunately the geueral issue of pardons to persons who have been prominent in the rebellion, and the feeling of kindness and conciliation manifested by the Ex ecutive and very generally indicated through the-Northern press, had the ef fect to render the whole communities lor getful of the crime they had committed, defiant toward the Federal Government, and regardless of their duties as citizens. The conciliatory measures of the Gov ernment do not seem to have been met even half way. The bitterness and de fiance exhibited toward the United States under such circumstances is without a parallel in the history of the world. In return for our kindness we receive only an insulting denial of our authority. In return for our kind desire for the resump tion of fraternal relations, wo receive only an insolent assumption of rights and priv ileges long since forfeited. The crime we have punished is paraded as a virtue, and the principles of republican govern ment, which we have vindicated at so terrible a cost, are denounced as unjust and oppressive. If we mid to this evidence the fact that, although peace has been declared by the President, he has not to this day deemed it safe to restore the writ of /uiftcun corpus, to relieve the insurrectionary States of martial law, nor to withdraw tho troops from many localities, and that the com inanding general deoms an increase of the army indispensable to the preserva tion of order and the protection of lojal and well disposed people in the South, the' proof of a condition of feeling hostile to the Union and dangerous to the govern ment 'broughoui the 'usurreotion States would seem to bo overwhelming. With such evidence before them, it is the opinion of your committee— 1. That the States lately in rebellion were at the close of the war, disorganized communities, with ut civil government, and without constitutions or other forms, by virtue of which political relations could legally exist between them and the Federal Government. 2. That Congres? cannot be expected to recognize valid the election of rep resentatives from disorganized communi ties, which, from the very nature of tlio case, were unable to present tl\pir claims to representation under those established an 1 recognized rules, the observance of which hag been hitherto required. .'5. That Congress Would not. be justi fied in admitting such communities to a participation in the government of the country withcut first providing such con stitutional or other guarantees as will aid to secure the civil rights of all citizens of the Republic; a just equality of rcpre sentptiun ; protection against claims foun ded in rebellion and crimes ; a tempora ry restriction of the right of suffrage to those who have not actively participated in the efforts to destroy the Union and overthrow the Government, and the ex clusion from positions of publio trust of at least, a portion of those whose crimes have proved them to be enemies to the A nion and unworthy of public confidencb. Your committee will, perhaps, hardly be deemed excusable for extending this report further ; but, inasmuch as imme diate and unconditional representation of the States lately in rebellion if demand ed as a matter of right, and delay and even hesitation, denounced as grossly oppressive an 1 unjust as well as unwise and impolitic, it may not be amiss again to call attention to a few undisputed facts and the principles of public law applica ble thereto, in order that the propriety of that claim may be fully considered and well understood. The State of Tennessee occupied a po sition distinct from all the other insur rectionary States and has been the sub ject ot a Separate report, which the com- have not. thought it expedient to disturb. Whether Congress shall see fit to make that State the subject of scpe rate action or to include it in the same category with all others, so far as con cerns the imposition of preliminary con ditions, it is not within tho province of thia committee either to determine or advise. To asecrtaiu whether any of tlio so called Confederate States "are entitled t-> be represented in cither house of Con gress," the essential inquiry is whether there is in any one of them a constitu ency qualified to be represented in Coa press Tho question how fur persons claiming scats in either bouse possesses the credentials necessary fcn enable them to leprescnt a duly qualified constituency is one f.ir the consideration of each house separately, after the shall have been finally determined We now propose to restate as bricflly as possible the great faots and principles applicable to all the Slates recently in rebellion. First. The seats of the Senators and Representatives from, the so-called Con federate States became vacant in the year IN6I, during the second session of the Thirty-Six Congress, by the volun tary withdrawal of their incumbents with the sai *"iun and by the direction of the Legislatures or conventions of their respective States. This was (tone as a hostile act against the' Constitution aod Government of the United States, with ' •» declar.-d intent to overthrow the same ? forming a Southern confederation.— 'ini» act of declared hostility was speed ily followed by an organisation of the same States into a confederacy, which levied and waged war by sea and land against the United States. This war con tinued more than four years, within which period the rebel armies besieged the national capital, invaded the loyal States, burned their towns and cities, robbed their citizens, destroyed more thin 250,000 loyal soldiers, and impos ed i>n increased national burden of not less than 500.000.000, of which sev en or eight hundred millions have alroady 1 been met and paid. From the time these confederated States thus withdrew from their representation in Congress and lev ied war against the United States the great mass of their people became and were iusurgents. rebels, traitors, and all of them assumed and occupied the polit I ieal, legal, and practical relation of ene mies of the United States This post tion is established by acts sf Congress and judicial decisions, and is recognized re- j peatedly by the President in publio proc- ; tarnations, documents, and speeches. Second. The Stites thus confederated ' prosecuted their war against the United j States to fiual arbitrament, aud did not j cease until all their armies were captured ! their military power destroyed, their J civil officers —State and Confederate— I taken prisoner or put to flight, evory ves ! tigeof their lerritoryoverrunandoccupied by the Federal armies, and their people j reduced to the condition of enemies con j quercd in war, entitled only by public law i to such rights, privileges, and conditions ! as might be vouchsafed by the conquer or. This position is also established by judicial decisions, and is recognized by the President iu public proclamations, doenments and speeches. Third, Having voluntarily deprived themselves of representation in Congress, '< for the criminal purpose of destroying the Federal Union, aud having reduced J themselves, by the act of levying war. to the condition of public enemies,they have I no right to complain of temporary exelu- j sion from Congress, but, on the contrary. , having voluntarily renouueed their right to representation, and disqualified them ! selves by crime from participation in the : < iovcrnui'ent, the bunion now rests upon them, claiming to bs reinstated in their i former eoudition, to show that the are, qualified to resume Federal relations fn order to do this" they "must prove that they have Mfahlish'cd. with the consent ; of the people, republican form of govern mcut iu harmony with tho Constitution j and laws of the United States, that all! hostile purposes have ceased, and should ! give adequate guarantees against future ! treason and rebellion—guarantees which ! prove ratisfactofy to the Government against which tliey rebelled, and by ] whose arms they were subdued. Foujth. Having, by this treasonable 1 withdrawal from Congress and by flagrant rebellion and war, forfeited all civil and j political rights and privileges under the j Federal Constitution, they can only be I restored thereto by the permission air! authority of that constitutional power against which they rebelled,and,by which they were subdued. Fifth. Tlieso rebellious enemies wcr.: ! c jnquered by the people of the Unite 1 j States, acting through all the co-ordinate branches of the Government, and not j by the Executive depafftiient alone. The powers of conqueror'are not so vested in (he President that he can fix and regu late the terms of settlement and confer congressional representation upon con quered rebels and traitors. Nor can he in any way qualify cnemioi of the tiov ernmedt taexercise its law-making pow er. The authority to restore rebels to political power in the Federal Govern ment can be exercised only with tho con cuiren eof all the departments in which . pjlkieal power is vested. And hence the several proclamations of the Presi dent to the people of tho Confederate States cannot be considered as extending beyond the purpose declared, and can only be regarded as provisional permis sion by the Commander iu Chief of the army to do certain act', the validity whereof is to be determined by the con atitutional government, and not solely by the Executive power. Sixth. The question before Congrcsis, tli n. whether conquered enemies have the right and shall be permitted, at their own pleasure and on their own terms, to participate in making laws for their con querors; whether conquered rebels may change their theatre of operations from the battlefield, where they were defeated and overthrown, to the halls of Congress and, through their representatives, seize upon the Government which they fought to destroy,whether the national treasury, tho army of the natiou, its navy, its forts and arsenals, its whole civil administra tion, its credit, its pensioners—the wid ows and orphans of those who perished in the war—tho public honor, peace and safety shall all be turned over to the keeping of its ro:ent enemies, without delay aud without imposing such condi tions as, in the opinion of Congress, the so urity of the country and itfj institu tions may demand. Seventh. The history of mankind ex hibitu no example of such madness and folly. The instinct of self preservation protests against it. The surrender of Grant to Lee. and Sherman to Johnson, would have been disritri U' of lessinaimi tude, for now armies could have been raised, new battles fought, aud the Gov egnmcnt saved. The anti-coercive poli cy which under pretext of avoiding blood shod, allowod the rebellion to take from and gather force, would be surpassed in infamy by the matchless wickedness that now would surrender tho halls of Con gress to those so recently in rebellion, until proper precautions shall have been taken to secure the national faith end the national safety. Eighth. It has beet, shown in this report and in the evidence submitted, no proof has been afforded to Congress of a constituency in any of the so-called Confederate States, unless wa except the Slate of Tennessee, *• qualified to elect Senatorsai-d Representatives in Congress. No State constitution has had the sanc tion of the people. All the s) calfed legis lation of State Conventions and Legisla tures has been had under military dicta tion If the President may, at his will and under his own authority, whether as military commander or Chief Executive, qualify persons to appoint Senators and elect Representatives, and empower oth ers to appoint and elect them, he thereby practically controls the organization of the legislative department. The consti tutional form of government is therebj practically destroyed, and iu powers ab sorbed in the Executive. And while your committee do not for a moment im pute to the President any such design, but cheeifull? concede to most patriotic motives, they cannot but look with alarm npon a precedent so fraught with danger to the Republic. Ninth. The noceasity of providing adequate safeguards for the future before restoring the insurrectionary States ton participation in the direction of public affairs is apparent from the bitter hostili ty to the government and people of the United States yet existing through out tho conquered territory as proved iu contestiblv tiy the testimony of many witnesses and by indisputable facts. Tenth. The conclusion of your com mit :ee therefore, is that the so-called Conf'ederute Stales are not at present en titled to representation in the C< tigress of the United States ; iliat before allowing such representation adequate security for future peace and safety should be re quired ; that this can only be found in such changes of the organic law as shall determine tho civil rights and privileges of all citizens in all parts of the Repub lic, shall place representation on an eq uitable basis, shall fix a stigma upon trea son, and protect the loyal people against future claims for the expenses incurred in support of rebellion and for manumit ted slaves, together with an express grant of power,in Congress to enforce those provisions. To this c-d they oflrr a joint resolution for amending the Constitution of tho United States and the two several hills designed to carry the sumo into i feet, before re ferred to. Before closing this rep >rt your committee beg leave to state that spe cific recommendations subuitted bv them are the result of concession, lifter u long and careful comparison of conflicting opinions. Upon n question o£such magnitude, infinite ly important as it is to the future of the Republic, it was not to be ex pectcd that nil should think alike.— Sensible of the imperfections of the scheme, your committee su'jinit i f to C ongress as the best they could agroe upon, in the hope that its- imperfect ions may he cured, its defiecencies supplied by legislative wisdom, and that when finally adopted it may tend to restore peace and harmony to the whole country, and to place our republican institutions on a more stable foundation. The report is signed l>v all the Republican members of the commit tee, except E. B. Wushburnc and Ilenry T. Blow, both of whom are absent from the city. A Now and Grand Fpoch in Medi cine Hit. M'AOIIIKL is the founder of a new Medical System ! '1 lie quantitarians, whose vast internal doses enfeeble the stomach and paralyze the bowels, must give precedence to tho man who restores health and appetite, with from one to two of his extraordinary Pills, and cures the most virulent sores with a box or so of his wvudorful and all healing Salve. These two great specifies of the Doctor arc fast superseding all the stereotyped nostrum* of tho day. Extraordinary cures by Maggie I s I'ills and Salve have opcuc 112 the eyes of the public to the inefficiency of the (so called) remedies of others, and upon winch people have «o long blindly depended. Maggiel s Pills are not of the class that swallowed by the dozen, of whicli every box fuii taken creates an absolute necessity fur another. One or two ofMaggiel's Pi[ls suffices to place the bowels iu perfect order, tone the stomach, eieatcs an appetite, and render the spiiits light and buoyant! 'j here is no griping, and no reaStroi'i in the form of coustipa tion. If tho liver is affected, its func tions aro restored; and if the nervous system is feeble, it is invigorated. This last quality makes tho medicines very desirable for tho wants of'/delicate fe males. Ulcerous and qruptwe disoascs are literally extinguished*by the discn fectant power of Maggie! s Salve. In fact, it is heie announced that MAOUIKL'S BILIOUS, DVSPEITIC AND DIARRHEA PILLS cure where all olhets fail. While for Burns, Scalds, Chilblains, Cuts and all abrasions of the skin, MAOOIKLV. SALVE is infalliable. Sold by .1. Mui aiKL, 43 FultoD Street, Now York, aud all Druggists, at 25 cts. per box For Sale at Drs. QUAIIAMS& BUS ELTON'S Drug Store, sole Agents in Butler, Pa. (may !), till. A SPUNKY SOLPIEU. —A story i tol.l of a Prussian SM.tiri I stationed on the steeple at Troppau, and left behind there when his company re treated. Tho citizens attempted to take him prisoner, but the Prussian easily defended with his bayonet the narrow winding .stair by which alone access could be gaiuei to the steeple. They then decided on reducing him by famine, but tho Prussian having with him a good supply of cartridges announced that unless he was regu larly and well fed, he would shoot every one who passed iu the streets around the church. The good sol dier thu i contrived to maintain his position for two days, when Troppau was reoccupied by the Prussians and he was relieved. —What is thu difference belwcn a piece of honeycomb and a black eye ?• One is produced by a laboring bee, aud the other by a belaooring. —"Your purse, Tom," said an indul gent father to his spendthrift son, "re minds me of a thundercloud." "How so, father ?" "Because it's always light'- ning." —Upwards of one million dollars has been invested in new buildings at Leav enworth, Kansas, dur'ng the piesen year. —The farmers all over the Northwest are in want of laborers. Their ripcued crops are suffering for want of help to gather them. —The sieve through which the man Btrained cVery nerve is for sale at less than first co»t- <Thf gtmericnu <£itisrn. JfraP The Largest Circulation oj any 'Paper in the County. THOMAS ROBINSON. - - Editor. BUTLER PA. HKI».\ESI»AY AUG. 15/1800. and Union. Now and Forever, One nd 'naeparable."—D. Webster. ulirion §kht For Governor: Maj-Gcn.JOJJX W.GEARY OF CUMItERLANP COUNTV. Union Kepublican County Ticket. CONIIUK.SS. ll.m. TUOM \S WILLIAMS ASPKMRI.Y. •" II I'NliV PIJiI.OW, ..I ISntier Co. \V,\I. C II \ I: Hi .-ON. of l,:,wrei.<o (Jo. JO I Ml M'lMlKllltlN. ) v r j\.\im A. iji.K< ii. ) I °- ASSOCIATE Jt'IXIKS. JOS KIM I CI'MMINS,- TIIOS. OARVKY, H;I:J] T J.\s. i; sfoitV. rnoTiio notary. J. li. CLARK. ItEOISTi n AND nnCOItDER. SIM ICON NIX"N CLERK OF COURTS. FItANK M. I'.AS I'M AN. COM MlSSloNi.lt. JOHN *V. HIiANDON. COHoNKU. J AMI'S KKARNS. AUDITOR. 0 11. (JllMl'PMt, 8 yrs. J. IX (<!.!■ NN, I yr TRUsTEIiS OF ACADEMY, llev. J. I). I.K'.Uii rr. Row JOHN UAIHKV. ]■). McJCNKI.N, i;.s|..*2yrs. The Campaign Opened. The dash, rapidity and vigor with which Prussia surprised the world in the open'ng of the European War, scarcely surpasses the vigor with which the Ko pttblican forces mo being marshalled foi the upproaching conflict, lu tiia Mast, as in the West—every where the lines are being formed, not only by occasional meeting*, but grand Conventions, address ad by the acknowledge] 'alent of the oounty. Last fall we advanced our lines sy as to include "No> Joray." to the great mortification of Petrolium V. Nasby,— this fall we mean to embrace Delaware within cur linos, to the great disgust of Saulsberry—"the list slave-li d h-r in llie Union '' For a time it seemed uncoitaiu what effect the dofeetion of the Piesideut would have on our party. Isut already, it is evident it will bo of no to us, by cleaning out Iho cli.iff that wis still per milted to remain with tbe wheat. Tin people will be so thoroughly aroused thai ihe victory wiP be the in st. complete which we have had since "eighteen forty.' It nit be th.-it oar comity hli.il, I:ij; b 'liiml. Lei us up ut once iinlbo ■I• - ili<f \\ r fun -\v• 11 mi!- hi ij ,ri'y coiim i eriibly. All thai is i<-<j iiro lii ibc will K'S- liv the I >'unity lnw publish' <i on our second p tgo list \\v. K.it \vil bo seen that veterans .in- nor i-rititl'.tl to any :nl litionul Lioun ty. 'i'lio.-i who had cnli.stf.l 112 > three years and are ent.tl ;1 to, <-t li i I received on hundred dollars and ivlio w re enti tled no more iitidor existing laws, wore entitled to an additional bund rod dollars, The object of tho lav was to equalize the matter betwoi n tlio.se " ho had s Ti ed tlire • years and only g tone hundred lollars, with the veterans who got so much more iVo would advise thmo interested to get the CITIZEN (.NO, :!4,) containing this law, and read it carefully. Thi will save trouble. £fca>" Whet t'.e President caw fit, on the 221 of February, to apply thi cni iliet of "Dead I'uck" to Col. Forney, and 1 hat of Z>i'»-unionists to the representa tive men of tho Republican party, he had little thought that it woul 1 rcaet upon himself. since, however, hn has had to accept the first nppellation as his own • and now since he has thrown his whole influence in the interest of treason in Louisiana, wc find the loyal press through out the country make free to personify him by the nimfl of '• Rebel President Johnson !" Perhaps by this time he would prefer having preserved h s digni ty. However, as he is now in full sym pathy with tho icbel cause, itisof little consequence by what adjective his name is prefixed. lli.s conduct is most infa mous. He will soon work out his des tiny •—I onian Sisterhood, says young ]{ur ncy, are much nicer things than brothor- Wrla, an<! fur hot tcrarme'l foreonrjmsts. I lie Philadelphia Convention convened yesterday. What a hap py neeting there would be ! The Fendletons, Vallandighama and Woodwards, of the North, will have a fine opportunity of onco more ta king their old "comrades" by the hand. llow glad they will be to meet the Stephens, the Johnstons; the Wises and the Oris ! A prettv set of fellows to be called together by the President, for the purpose of forming a platform for the Republi can party of the country! W<< wish them a happy tin.e of it ! (£tunmunicntions. Kor tlif Citizen. Tnos. Robijjso*, Esq.-In the last issue of the lhrahl. some scriblur over the fascinating title of "Justice to nil men," asks some questions which he wish es some Republican to answer. The honied name he assumes, reminds me of the fable of (lie eat who rolled it self in die uieal tub to conceal its real ehara cter, tlis.t it might result in advan tage In its inischici'ious propensities still it was a cat S., ir j s evident tho wi i ter intends to take the defeated caudi dates into hi- merciful keeping in tho musk of I rictnLhip, only, tli ii Uo may tho ino e fii ly ereute dincord iu the ranks of the i'i |.iil.lic iii party, an 1 thereby effect Ins design. However, it is (vuuuuDiJahhj iliat lfo asks f,;r ni/iu-tmiliun. fur il is plain enough he needs it, or honest v ol purposo whieb ever he liny elect. Hut to tho questions. rirst, hi* deductions-are iu>t legitimate frmn (lie promises, fir lie asks \V 11> tlia re] uKlicun party. who being (lie soldiers' Iriend." did nor nominate some candidate* whom he designates, and then unfairly includes more than wore toftfirr* without any distinction, hence the inquiries uro unworthy of an answer, lint to inform the querist. I will say the nomination* were fairly made. and the result is the ehoiee of a majority of the repnbli-an voters ol the county; because in the cx en-isc of their lights as (reenien, they willed it to bo to. (hij» is the answer.—• Doubtless when each and every citizen was easting his vote in accordance witii his own preference, all fult it to bo un ceita'n as to w.h » would be the nominees. This was the very In t t.i ho elicited, and the re.-u't lair.y arrived at, is just what •'Justice, 4c.," linos fault iill. Surely he nspire so ie a JJit ta'nr. A-a ii, each caudal ate kocw that all could not bo successful, and ]ie who clu>o t. cast himself upon the troubled waters, knew it to be nncerfai , whe-herhe wi uhl arrive safely at the desired haven. Ii» the (iieeian games all rur. —who aimed at the prize—but all did not win. It is so among men yet, and when -'.Justice, ite.,' - becomes ab!o to revcrso the order of things, it is to be hoped he will bring matters right, and establish a now era, calling it by his own name, and thereby perpetuate Ins memory. Hut it was not been use some were Germans, or others could look hack through many genera tions t<> good old J'Vlerlaod, that they were defeated as the writer would insin uate, lor no good purpose. Nor wis it '■re use any of jho geotlouiCD rehire] to, were considered incompetent, for doubt less the people are wailing and willing to do tin in b in' r. It, is, thcrjlcrc, tho duty ol every republican to abide firm in his political faith ari I not be influenced by any one who would mislead by appeal to Hittianul <<// nuve incom petency as is evidently the desijn of ■ •Jtwitfe." As to his (lire-its about loav •ri_• tho party, it only remii:Jn mo of a l-.ci wJlii h transpired 1 jn_- #_>•.. in refer— ■are to nil individual, wlio was 'number. • ■ i w.th tlu: twelve of whom it i.s said •'li" went out from us that it might le in lie manifest lie was nit of u.-." iU.I'HSMt'AN. M V IIUI 1-2 !». On til.: il|l Hist, In t:i- Ills. i .. K I|, ,u . , Sv«i« of liittli-r, t-i M.-i Hnr BiioVn-H „> Wwi orf>rd, ohm, At tiell.tlfW n. Vi- I AilXUnt 7, ISifi, by thrf Rev. U A Mmtterg ( Mr. Ket diuan i Wi-yand. to .Mianua g Yog. 1,-v.. both or ilnthr, I'a. • »>n tie '2nd <>f July, by He*. J. s. slfirfe, Mr W * t.. \ ii unl, ii t. ufof ilih 0 ui'ity i>ii:i> On Angiixt Inf. 18M, Mr. ttamuel Waktoy of HtloDerv rork tp., ag< d feu y i no. II«i leave* anag.-d wife ami mmioroiH friend* to mourn bin Inn*. Mr. Wakley was one of tin- flrwt settlers of Bailor «■ ounty, served in the w.w of 101:4, was « good cttisen and devoted chi istian, belong nj( to the Cove nanter Church. /f,nb>h]y is lam In Harmony Oimtiy, hn grandson wlio was starved almost in death by ike llebelo, iu *brehce, only surviving to' reach Annapolis. j. p XKW A I>V EKTISi:iIK VI'S. Teacher's Examinations. R XAMI*ATIONi will bo b« l I nt the following pla- and Clearfield, at Reiber's School llouso, Aui 34, 1566. ' * Oakl.mU an.l Donegal, n* 4 « « Atig, 20. l'Hfker an I Knirriew, at Vfartinsbnrg, 'J7. Allegheny, at Schoul U.IUMU NO. 5, Augott #i. Marlon and Ventngo, at AfnrtinoriHa, Aognat W. Mercer and 81lpperyrook, at llarri»vi|le, Annft 30; Worth aftil Bra-ly,ac Wodt Liberty, August 31 Muddycr«H)k, «t I'orternvillc. Soptomber 1. Unifulo and Winfleld, at Clintou and .)pfferann, at Suxonbnrg. floptpmhor 4. Pennand at Mahout's {School ftotffo, Sep t»nib»rs. Adami, at Doiitb«dt *.< School nrf>Me',S^pterubor 6. t ratil»eri*y, at m i<eh OJl ll >uia», A ptombor 7. Forwardhnd Jacknori,at JSvannburg. Soptouiborß Concord an 1 Waahiugton, at NorUi Wuahriigton, Bop tembor 10. Cherry and Clay, at Snnbnry, September 11. Franklin and Conf»oqu«nesting. at Proapoct, Sept. 12. liMncaMtfr at Middle Lanc-wto», September 13. Hotter and Centre, at Butler, September 14. Irregolar oxaminatiooa will beheld at Uut'cr, on.22d' ond 20th of September, and on fctli of October. Direc tor* are, respectfully, bat earnestly invited to attonJ. The exercise* will bo made interesting and instructive. Teachef* will c«tao provided with peni, ink, paper, lut Certificate, antainped envelope, and the proper revenue' TFJTINP. JOHN If. ('HATTY. V«tW, Aogn-t 15,1W6. Connfy Suporlntendea?
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers