VOLUME 3. stU<t MfHP* VfIU'RE DOWN. What legion of "friend*" always blew us, When golden succ«»«i light* our way , flow they smile as they softly address iw, g«> cordial, good humored, and gay. But, ah ! when the nun of prosperity Until set—then how quickly they frown Aftd cry ont in tone* of severity, •' Kick the man, don't you see he la down 7™ What though, when you knew not a sorrow, Your heart wns as open as day, 4nd "your friends" wh«»n they Wanted t borrow Von obliged and ne'er asked them to pay. What though not a soul you e'er flighted, Aa yon wandered about through the town, Tour "friends" become very near sighted, And don't seem to see when you're down. When you're "up" yon are loudly exaltud, AhA traders sll ring out your praise. Wheft d<»wn you've greatly definite* And ihey «'really.don't fcnry your ways.' Your style was tip-top when you'd money, fci sings every encker or clown, Hut now 'tl« exceedingly funny, 1 hlngs aro altered lecause you art down." Oh. give me the heart that forever !■ free from the world's selfish rust, ■AC'I the soul whose high noblu endeavor Is to raise f»llen men from the dust; And when in adversity's aeeaa A victim is likely t'» drown. All hall to the friend whose devotion Will lift a man up when he s "down." £rlcrt £tovij. HOW HE DID IT, —OR— FANATICISM CURED. " Hear, dear! no toast, eggs boiled as hard as brickbats, and the coffee, stone cold," and Mr. Peters rose from the table in a temper by no meads amiable, and rang the bell violently. There was no auswer. lie r*ng again, a third, fourth time, and still no answer. Out of all pa tience, he went to the dflßffeitiid called— "Maria ! Maria !" A slight, pretty little woman, dressed in a soiled, tumbled wrapper, with hair in a state of direful confusion answered this summons. She had one of those round, bright faces which nature inten ded should be decked with continual smiles; but now, with all its ruses in bloom, it was drawn out to its full length, and the large blue eyes had a serious, or rather doleful expression, totally at vari ance with their usual jnyous look. 11e r Voice, too, had lost its melodious, ringing sound, and was subdued to a dismal whine. "What is it, Joseph ?" " Where's the servant ?" " rtoae out fur me. I want more white ribbon for my ascension robe." Mr. Peters said a very naughty word, and continued, "cold coffee, hard ogsrs, breakfast not fit to eat." *' I wish," whined the wife, " you would think less of temporal letters, and turn your attention to the great end of life." " Hang it all, madam, I would like to enjoy uiv life while I have it. Here was I, the happiest man in the country, with a pleasant homo a chatty, chceiful, Joving wife, and good quiet children ; and now, since you have joined the Miller iles, what am I?" »' Oh, Joseph, if you would only come into that Messed circle !" " Oh, Maria, if you would only coinc out of it. Where are the children 112" " I'm sure I don't know." " Arc they going to school today ?" " My dsa*, t}*» teacher hiis given up the school, atfl is turning her mind to more exalted objects. Oh, Joseph, turn now "-hile there is time. You hav« Mill a week for preparation and repentance." " Repentance ! well, when I take up the subject, it will take rather more than a week to put it through." And Mr. Peters put on his coat and took up his hat. " Joseph," said his wife, "you need not £ggd house any dinner, I shall be out, and I'll lake the boys over to their uncle'* to dine." Joe made no answer, unless the »io lent, emphatic manner in which he closed < the door was one. Muttering w-th anger < he strode into a restaurant to make a ' breakfast. Hero he was bailed by oncol bis bachelor friends, Fr#4 Somers, who looked tip as he heard Joe's order. " Hello," h" cried, "you hero? Why, what are you dutag here at breakfast .time? Wifesiokf" " No." " Had a quarrel ?" « No." " Gone out of town ?" '• No." " Then why don't jou breakfast at home ? Chimney on fire 112 " No." " Servants all dead 112" » No." " Well, what i« thunder is to pay ?" " Maria's joined tits Millerites." Fred gave # lone whistle, and then said, "Going fceascend next week, is she?" "Yes; audit I dont commit suicide in the meaM time, yo« may congratulate me. lam almost. dißtracted. Can t get 9 decent meal, children running riot, ser vants bowse all in confusion, wife tho blues, either quoting tb« speeches of the eiders jt njc, or sewing on a white AMERICAN CITIZEN. robe togo to Ileaven with, and groaning every third stitch. Hang it all, Fred, I've a mind to take poison, or join the army." " Il'm, h'm ! you give an enchanting picture; but I think I can suggest a cure." " A cure !" " Yes, if you will promise to follow my advice, I will make your home pleasant, your wife cheerful and your children happy." "Do it," cried Joe; I'll follow you like a soldier. What shall Ido ?" At tea' \e Mr Peters entered his house, wh. \ng. Maria was seated at the table, sev \ig on her white robe, and there was no sign of preparation for 112 * evening mc»l. "Maria, my dear," sa d Mr. Peters, cheerfully, "is tea ready?" "I don't know."was the answer, "I have been out all the day attending meet ing." "Oh, very well, never mind. Attend ing meeting ? You are resolved, then, to leave next week t" "Oil, Joe, I must go when I am called." "Yes, my dear, of course. Well, T must resign myself I suppose. By the way, my dear, has it ever occurred to you that I shall bo left a widower with three children '! I think Iw a handsome man yet, my love," and Joe walked over to the glass, passed his fingers through his hair, and pulled up his collar. Maria looked rather surprised. "You see. my dear, it is rather a relief fir you to 080 quietly, you know. It is so wearing on the nerves to have a long illness; and besides, my dear, tUere wi'l bo no funeral expenses, and that is quite a saving. Mrs. Peters' lips quivered, and her large blue eyes were filled with tears Joe longed to stop his heartless speech and comfort her, but he was fearful tho desired effect was not yet praised. ••So, my dear," lie continued, "if you muM go,l have been thinking of getting another wife." "What?" cried Mrs. Peters. "Another wife, my lo\\e. Tho house must be kept in order, and thcboyscared for." The grief was gone from Maria's face, bul her teeth were set with a look of fierce wife, Joe! another wife !" "Yes. I think I havo selected a good successor. I deliberated a long time when T was a bachelor, between her aud yourself. You will like her, for fctie is your bosom friend." "My bosom friend !" "Yes. my dear. I think on the day that you ascend, I will marry Sarah Ba ker." "What! that good-for-nothing, silly, etnp'y-headed old maid to he the mother of my children ! What!" "Well, my dear, it scfms to he the best 1 can do. I don't want to leave my bu-' siness togo courting, and she will have me, I know." '•No doubt', oh, you great, brutal, hateful—" "Stop, my dear, don't fly into a flurry, we will try to spend our lask week in happiness. Oh, by the way, I have a proposition to make "Clo on, sir ! Don't spare me !" "Ah. yfes, that is the very thing I wisb to do. I know your mind is entirely en grossed with yom ascension, and I wiiih to spate you the care of the house. Sup pose you invite Sarah here to morrow to spend the week." "What!" "And you can leave the in her charge all day. That will give you plenty of time t« go out, and she can learn the wjys about the house. "What!" "And, my dear, one little favor. It may be the last I shall ever ask. Stay at home one or two days, won t you, and show her roijnd, where you keep things, and so on, so that she won't have any trouble in keeping order after you go ? You will do this to oblige iue, won't you dear V Mrs. Peters, for answer, rolled np the ascension robe iato a ' all, and fired it at Joe. Tbe cotton, scissors, work-basket and table cloth followed this wtowle in such rapid succession, that he was unable to fly. Then Maria'# rage found vent in words. "So! You and Sarah! That's the reason you rchistled when you came in ■ You will be very gl»d to J»?« me go,and marry her, won t you ? No doubt of it! But you shan't marry her, sir ! You , shan't have that gratification! 1 will stay, if U\g vnly to spite you ' 1 won t go ! I tell you, Mr. Peters, I won t go! "But, my dear, yo« say must go if you arc com® for !" "I won't go I" "Let us have Faith that Right makes Might; and in that Faith let us, to the end,dare to -do our duty as we understand it"--A. Lincoln BUTLER, BUTLER COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY, JULY 11, 1866. "But consider, my doar !" "I won't go !" "Hut what will Sarah think ?" "Sarah ! Don't dare to mention Sa rah to me again ! I—l—Oh ! —I aui fairly choking!" and the little woman threw herself into n chair, in a fit of hys terics. N»xt morning Mr. Peters met Fred in the street, "Well, old boy, how goos it ?" "Fred," was the reply, "I am the hap piest man in the world ! I have regained my wife and domestic peace, and got rid of a busy,'attling old maid, who under pretence of loving tny wife was everlast- Tigly interfering in all our household arrangements." "Then Mrs. l'eterg will not ascend ?" "No. If Sarah is to bo my second wile, and stop-mother to my chjldren, Mrs. P. has concluded that she won't go." THE DDTYOF UNION During the last lew months there have bean enthusiastic meetings and passion ate speeches in support or condemnation of Congress or the President. It has been confidently asserted that the differ ence would be referred to the people at the autumn elections, and they would autlioritively decide bctweeu the contest ants. All this has seemed to us prema ture, for the reason that the points of dis sent were not finally established. All that is clear is, tnat the President holds certain theories of the situation and Con gress apparently others. But what Con gress intended to propose under its theo ries was undecided, while nothing was more evident than that tho President's logic was amazingly defective—and, to use a plain phrase, that his bark was worse than his bite. A A political canvas before an election must be conducted upon certain proposod measures, and not upon theories _ A bank or no bank ; a tariff or no tariff: tho tol eration or prohibition of slavery in a Ter ritory ; it is upon sucli intelligible meas ures that every body can comprehend that the great popular debates upon the stump are held and the popular decisions are made at the polls. Now the important, question is, what are tho differences in proposed measures between the President and Congress upon which the country is to bo asked to decide ? That both honestly wish the restoration of the Union can not be doubted. That both have a as to the principle which should regulate that restoration Is obvious. But until wo know precisely what Congress proposes how can an issue be made for an election ? The decision of the Senate caucus and the debate in the Senate forshadow, indeed, the ground which Congress probably moans tooceupy. But is it so clear that the President will refuse to stand with them ? Suppose that Congress proposes to disqualify cer tain rebel leaders for certain offices until two-thirds of each House remove the dis qualification, and substantially to equalize representation by basing it upon voters, is it probable that the President, who has so constantly insisted upon making trea son odious, and has suggested the very ssuae amendment, will take the unneces sary responsibility of opposing so mild and generous a settlement? In making these propositions Congress will have yielded much to the desire of harmony with tb« Executive. Is the Executive to yield nothing ? It is true that the President may refuse all accommodation. lie may insist that he has required all that is needful, all that is constitutional. lie may declare that he will stand or fall without moving an ineli from his present position. lie ha* indeed virtually said as much. But he said it under other circumttai,ces. Ho said it when it seemed as if Congress in tended to occupy a position of uncompro mising hostility. Hejaiid it before the ma ture decision of Congress had been de clared. If after that declaration—after the wise, just, and moderate proposition which it would teem that Congress is prepared to make—the President should insist that the representatives of the loyal people are to have no voice in the settle ment of the victory which those people have won, thou the issue will indeed be made, and the final appeal taken to the country. But surely all those who believe as we do, that the division of the Union party, and the consequent surrender of the Government of this country to a party controlled by the counsels of such leaders 1 as Alexander H. Stephens, George H. Pendleton, Vnllandigham, and Horatio Seyirour, would be incalculably disastrous to the cause of true liberty and civiliza tion, will not passionately insist that such division, with all its cousequence, is in evitable. Mr. Wendell Phillips, wo ob» serve, fervently Aires that result. He prays that the Union party may be de ieated But its defeat is the resumption of power by Alexander 11. Stephens nnd his frionds. Why does not Mr. l'hillip ß put it inthe other way, and nay that ho fervently hopes for the success of those gentlemen ? Mr. Phillips did what he could to defeat Mr. Lincoln in 1864 by chilling the public confidence in him.— He declared Lincoln recreant to liberty. He hopes now to chill confidence in the party that elected Mr. Lincoln by a sim ilar declaration. It must be remembered, however, that Mr. Phillips,s position is not partisan. He is a critic of all parties, and asks nothing of any. Hut nil uieu who, like John Bright in Kngland, bo liove that groat political and social results arc to be attained through party organi zations, will, like him, while they declare equal rights to be the ultimate aim of their efforts, yet cordially work with any great party which shows the practioal power to advanoo nearer to that bourne. It is to seeure the gains already made; to intrust the completion of the work of restoration to the hands which defeated rebellion, that it is the imperative duty of the President, of Congress, and of all loyal men, to maintain the ascendency of the Union party until its work is accom plished. Congre-s has evidently yielded much to this great result it remains for the President to decide whether the restoration of the Union which shoild be accomplished by an alliance of the late rebel leaders, of tho Copperhead loaders, and of such individual rceruits as Sena tor Cowan, would not bo a reactionary reconstruction, sure to plunge us into further troublo. It would not be Presi dent Johnson anil Senator Cowan who would control that alliance, but Mr. Ste phens, Mr. Vallandigham, and Mr. Pen dleton. Whoever takes the responsibility <of putting this Government into suoh hands will haven serious account to set tle with the loyal Ameriean people.— Ex. The Martyr of Fort Monroe- The strenuous effort of those who had no word of horror for the torture and massacre of Union soldiers at A nderson ville and Belle-Isle to represent Jefferson Davis as the victim of cruelty at Fort Monroe have occasioned the publication ' of his bill of fare for a week, which has been widely published. There are thou sands of honest people all over the land, who work hard for their living, who would bo very glsjd of half as good faro as the Martyr of Fort Woptoe daily enjoys. For those of our readers who may not have seen the list wo quote a specimen : "WEDNESDAY. — Brnakftut- • Ham and eggs, wheat and corn-bread, butter, sugar, coffee, milk. Dinner —Mutton-chops, stewed oysters, potatoes, onions, apples, bread, butter, eoftec. '•THURSDAY.— Mrcakfiwt —Bee f-stea K, two boiled eggs, wheat or corn bread, butter, sugar, milk, coffcc. Dinner— Veal-cutlets, panned oystors, potatoes, onions, bread, coffee, butter. "FRlDAY.— Breahfu.it —Stewed oys ters, mackerel, or fresh fish, wheat and corn bread, coffee, sugar, milk, and but* ter.— Dinner —Pork-steak, poached eggs, potatoes, onions, bread, butter, coffee. " SATURDAY. Break/ait Mutton chops, two boiled eggs, bread, buttor, milk, sugar, coffee. Dinner —Stewed oysters, potatoes, onions, bread, butter, coffee." This probably compares favorably with the daily bill of faro at And«rsoiwille; but since there will undoubtedly be a pcisistcut attempt to excite sympathy and even admiration for Jefferson Davis itu a political prisoner suffering for an honest difference of opiniou, it is as well to understand clearly and pre-jady what his position is. The odium that hangs around his name, and which will forever deepen, docs not arise from the fact that he held abstractly the theory of State sovereignty and the constitutionally reserved right of seces sion j but that he and his fellow-conspi ratars chose to assert that doctrine at tho cost of countless innocent lires end of the welfare of the country, not to remedy injustice or oppression for which there was no legal redress, but to perpetuate the foulest system of tyiaasy under the sun. Had Davis and bis confederates appealed to God and mankind for the rectitude of their iptention as revealed in the purpose ot the war which they invo ked—had they armed against tho National Government in the namo of vital State rights which that Govormu»ut bad denied —had they risen against an arbitrary power which was grinding them and their families, and trampling upon sacred, natural, and constitutional rights for which it refused a remedy—then, indeed the last terrible appeal to blood, which only hopeless oppression authorizes, would have been justified, and their cause, how ever unfortunate, would have commaadad the admiration and sympathy of the . world. It is idle to say that, holding secession to bo a constitutional right, they might assert it at any iluio, and for any purpose which pleased them. When war cost of the practical assertion of any right it oau be justified only by the fact of vi tal grievance for which there isjno other redress, or by the purpose for which it is intended to exercise that right. That was tho justification of our great revolu tion of 1776. But what is Jefferson Da vis as tho official representative of tho rebelliun of 1861 ? lie is a man who deliberately plunged his country into the most fearful war, and flooded it with blood that ho might whip women and sell children at his pleasure. His pre tense was State sovereignty, his purpose was human slavery. Thnt was the object for which ho nnd the other leaders i; fired tho Southern heart." For this they di rected the war. For this they starved brave men at Andersonvillc and Belle- Isle, tortured them into idiocy, and shot them like dogs. For this were Southern Union men seized at night, and lefore the eyes of their dejpairipg wives and agonised children hung nnd shot and drowned. For this they drove thousands and thousands of oonsoripts to die upon tho field of battle. For this Jefferson Davis's garments- reek with innocent blood, and his name is a stench. Hero is a pretty martyr, with his ham and eggs and panned oysters! Here is a christian hero; and General Milosmust bo removed if he docs not bow low enough! Here is a model American, who must be magnified into a Spielberg victim and sufferer of tho Hnstile if his muffins are not toasted, and his beefsteak is over done! Our readers will bear us witness that we have not advocated vengeance, that we think tho trial of Davis for trea son a mistake, and that wo arc ready to take, with fair precautions, all tho neces sary nnd inevitable risks of tho situation. Hut the maudlin sentimentality that would drape with tho dignity of a maityr for po litical opinion a man who for fcuch a pur pose waged a war wo believe will disas trously recoil upon those who foster it.— We have no wish to revive dead feuds or to use harsh words, but w>; can conceivo no greater misfortune to tho manhood of American youth than thatjthey should be taught to regard Benedict Arnold ns an honorable man, or Jefferson Davis as a guiltless and unfortunate patriot.—Har per't I Veeklg. Canadian Confederation, The Nclicme a JlrmuT to (he I'nHeii StiilcN—U'lmt Fruit Will it Bring Forth? Tho late Fenian movement upon the Canadian border was a lesson that the Canadians should profit by, but it is not thought they will, so long as they porsis t in setting up a new nationality through the proposed confederation. The Toronto correspondent of tho Now York Herald asks: Now that confederation has been, owing to various causes, rendered a cer tainty, it becomes an important question, what will bo its fruits ? The aflvocates of tluj scheme claim that it will consoli date British power on this continent and servo as a check'upon the expanding pol icy of the United States ; that it will re duce the public expenditures, lighten tho burdens of the people and become the nucleus of a great nation in the future, with one arm clasping the Atlantic and the other the Pacific ocean. I must con fess I cannot see it in this light. The interests of the various colonies are in many instances so diametrically antago. nistic, politically and religiously, that confederation is. destined to breed local jealousies, array ono colony against an other, and in the end one after another will seek safety in withdrawing from the compact and entering tho American Union. The assertion that expenses <if govern ment will be lessened is erroneous. Witfc ton or a dozen local legislatures where now thero a*e but six, of course there must bo increased expenses in all depart ments of the civil service. With many new offices created for needy friends and ministers, the colonies will soon find their debt millionf where it is pow thousand*. That confederation will render the colo nies more defensible is all moonshine.— The moment they aspire to a nation, IJ/3 they will under confederation, England will consider her duty to the colonies ful filled, and say to them, as she has already hinted through the London Timet and other organs, that if they wish to have a nationality they must defend themselves. The colonists thrown upon their own re sources, must tax themselves thirty or forty millions per year to organize and maintain a standing arn;y_ or failing in that, complacently await a war between England and tho United States, to fall a prey to a conquering army of Amerioans, or witness the snuffing out of their nn#on ality and upon its ruins the erection of a new Irish nationality by half a iq ill ton sons of Erin, who only await tlio signal gun of war to step across the border with out fear of neutrality laws. Everybody familiar with the resources of Canada and the Fcelans know that had the United States government acted upon the policy pursued by Col Turchin of the Ninoteonth Illinois, when his reg iment was at Athens, hungry, and he called his Adjutant and said, in his Teu tonic style, "Adjutant, I shutz mine eyes one hour, today tho entire Canadian frontier would be in possession of the Fe nians. Were Secretary Seward to say, "Sweeny, I willshutmy oyes fora month," God help Canada ! It would.be an Irish Republic when Soward awoke. Why Canada do«s not see this, I am at a loss to discover. They are loyal and patriotic people I will admit; but in all sincerity I tell theui that sooner or later they are destined, confederation or no confedera tion, to be absorbed by the United States and, instead of separation from Great Britain and forming an iudependent na tion under the powerful protectorate of the United States, with whom they could live on terms of close friendship, by their confederatirn scheme they monaoe the United States and throw down the gaunt let, which the United States in the event of war must take up, and, acoording to tho well accepted policy of tho Monroe doctrine' kno.'k over the confederate cas tle or give tho colonies of North America to the Fenians for a breakfast job. The Pause in Europe. It is natural that the great powers of Europe should pause upon the very edge of war and reflect if there be no alterna tive. It is so long since there was a gen eral war upon the Continent, and every war has such inevitable horrors aud BO doubtful a conclusion, that it is not strange there is reluotancojlostrike the first blow. Once struck, there would be no rcooil.— Once begun, war could end only in a re construction of the map, and an enormous debt, weighing upon every belhgerant with crushing force. Vet we do not see that war can be ea sily avoided. If the considerations were merely dynastical, thoy could be settled in a Congress. But they are national, and involve the most absorbing passions. Italy will go into no Congress which does not accept the cession of Venice to the Italians as a preliminary. Yet Austria can not consent to relinquish Venice without fatally impairing her prostige as a great power. Prussia can not consent without somo equivalent that France shall stretch her lino to the Ilbine; yet where is the equivalent that can be offered ? The call of a Congress is wise, if only to show that no accoiunodation is practica ble. Italy is inflamed already; Garibaldi has been summoned to the head of the volunteers. A has bsen taken. The people believe their cause to be sa cred. It has the sympathy of the world. The eager Italians believe the long looked for hour is already striking llow can they pause? If the ministry order Gar ibaldi back to Caprcrri/tbcy must be ready to face an insurrection. Austria must therefore, as it seems to us, surrender the Italian portion of her empire or there must be war. And if it comes and desolates Huropc, let us learn its lesson. It is simply this, that any settlement of great political con vulsions which is reactionary will very soon revenge itself upon those who make it by plunging theiu into deeper trouble. Thu English revolution of 1645 ended in the death of Cromwell by the return of Charles 11. and the old Stuart regime. It was a reactionary settlement, and it ended eighteen years later by the menace of a vast war, which was avoided by the peaceful and "glcriocs" revolution of 1088 ; nd a settlement which was not reaction ary. The revolution of 1787 in France was finally composed by the settlement of 1815 which was reactionary. It was made in the interest of certain families, and not of the nations nor of the people of Europe. Consequently there have been discontents aod dangers and overthrows until now, after fifty years, the settlement ia to be changed either by a Congress,, which is improbable, Qx by the sword. ID this country we ore doing for the Union what the settlement of 1815 did for Europe. Let us take care that it be not reactionary like that, but in the di rection of the war itself, like the glorious settlement of England in 1688.—Ejc. A BEAUTIFUL IDEA. —That was abeau tiful id«a in tho mind of a little girl, who, on beholding a rosebush, whera on the topmost stem, the oldest rorfc was fading, whilst below and around it three beauti ful crimson buds wore just unfolding their charms, at once artlessly 01 pressed to her brother. "See Willie, theso little buds have just awakoued is time to kiss their mother bu»fi>re she dies ' ' NUMBER PQ "IVIUHEB EQUALITY." One of the reasons assigned by tho Deniocrocy why the Republican party should not succeed, is the favoring by that party of "nigger equality," that it is a "nigger party," and in favor of pe eing the negro upon an equality with white men. This may be a very good argument for that class of Democrats who instinctively feel that the negroe9 are in finitely their superiors, »nd it may do for those who fearjthat the negro will rise above them. Every effort of patriotism . liberty, justice and humanity, to lift tho' burdens imposed upon a poor race by tha eutso of elusory— every effort to alleviate their sufferings and instruct thom in tho pathway of knowledge is stigmatised by theso demagogues as "nigger equality," and that very soon the negro will be upon an equality with white men. The int<j) ligent Uian has no fears of this kind. He walks the earth in the conscious digrjily of the equality of humanity, and as a uiatj whom God made. lie feels that it cutto | blcs him who extends the helping hand | to the sons and daughters af misfortune but never degrades. He feels that the sons of toil, whose hands are hardened by honest labor, are tho equals, beforo tho law, of kings und princes, and our young republic so proclaimed it in ilie ear of al' humanity, wheu she decided that a I '•men were born free and equal.'' The poorest man in the land is titled to the equality, before tho law, with the wealth iest citizon. llis cabin may be tottering and his wife may be in tatters, yet the one in the castle and the other is as eqjial ly protected by the laws of tho land as tho wife of tho wealthiest nabob. Tha unscrupulous politician, for the aoeotn plishment of his own selfjih purposes, will smother down tho best feelings of hi" nature, will shut out tho voice of «»n --science, and follow madly after the phan tom power. lle distorts and garbles tha sentiment of principles honestly promul gated for the benefit of mankind, an<J would prefer ruin to his country to tho defeat of his party. It is such as that aro prating about "nigger equality." Thoy call loudly upon the people tostand up for their rights, that this is a "white man's government," and the oppressed of ether climes have nothing to do with it. Cortainly it is a white man's government as long as it is governed upon the prin ciples of truth, justice and hu-iianity Whonever tljo Aujericaa people aro wil ling to concede that they aro no longer competent to hold the helm of the old ship of Sjate, then we will subruit to ba governed by to J shade or color that can safely guide us.— jlrvwtroup Republican. ■"AjJWjt# of Government, acting under instructions from the Quartermas« ter General's Department, sicce tlic ter urnation of the rebollion have been ac tively eugagod upon every battle-field in th; Southern States, in gathering together the bodies of the national dead, ami properly interring them in the nation'* cemeteries. The work of establishing these mute tributes to those who have fallen in defence of our country ia of nu mean importance, involving as it doe* months of patient toil. IB every South ern State, from Virginia to Texas, ceme teries have been, established, in sot»e of which repose the remains of more than 10,000 of or immortal dead, whose last resting plaocs, although they have not been adorned by costly monuments, have been markcl by giuiple, plain and expres sive head and f.,ot-b>ards, tearing upon their facos volumes for contemp!a:ion.— In order to prevent desecration of thess sacred spots, and keep the fences, grounds, fee., in repair. ,-bp«ri&teniießti> have been appointed to watch over them. —Governor Patton, of Alabama, writes that General Swayne, commissioner for the Freedmen's Bureau for that State, u now furnishing five thousand rations a week for the starving population of that section, and that the majority of them arc whites. The Governor sayg there art/ one hundred charitable objects in Ala bama. The great masa of these people depend upon the Freedmcn's Bereau for their subsistence. —Mrs. Jefferson Davis, who is livug at irortress Monroe, is in the daily receipt of considerable saws of money for her husband, sent through by eipress.— Theso contributions amount sometimes to SSOO to SI,OOO a day. He can safely count on the stream continuing for som« time yet. —Nebraska city papers claim that the State organization has been carried for the Union State ticket, sad that a Union Etajority in both branches of the Legisla ture has been elected. —The Hon. Justin 8. Morril, of Vt., declines to h# » candidate for re eleetiou.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers