VOLUME 2.
LATER FROM TEXAS.
AdJress by Governor Hamilton.
The Union Association of Gavleston
appointed a Committee to wait upon Gov.
A.J.Hamilton, and requested him to
deliver an address to the citizens of Gal
veston on Thursday evening last at . p.
in., at the Court-lloUso. The Governor
assented. lie appeared at tha hour ap
pointed, when an address was delivered
on the part of the Committee by Judge
C. Caldwell of Navasoia, to which the
Governor responded.
ADDRESS TO THE COMMITTEE
GOVERNOR : We have been solicited
„ g a committee of the Loyal Union As
sociation of Galveston and vicinity to ex
tend your Excellney a cordial greeting
and welcome, in their behalf. Many of
them, like yourself, have long been ex
iles from the endearments of home, and
nil those associations which render life
gweet and agreeable. You are not unac
quainted with their sufferings and their
wrongs. Others again, from circumstan
ces over which they could exercise no
control, were prevented from leaving the
scenes of their misfortunes.
You have not failed, however, to learn
from fugitive patriots the story of their
persecutions —how hundreds were cruel
ly treated, and many murdered for their
devotion to the Union of their fathers.—
It is, therefore, with no ordinary emotion
they welcome you back to the State
heartily rejoiciug in your selection as our
Provisional Governor. Wo have an
abiding faith, Governor, that under your
Administration Union sentiment will be
fostered and maintained, and Union men
find in you a protector and friend. Now
that the terrible strife is over, your wis
dom has been verified by the result. —
Your patriotism by the tenacity with
which you cling to the emblems of your
country's sovereignty and power, which
now proudly floats over all armed oppo
sition.
The sacrifice upon the altar of liberty
has indeed been great, but coming gene
rations will regard it as not having been
made in vain, if we are but true to the
obligations that lay so plainly before u.s.
With the mind unfettered, a free press
and free speech, with civil governments
restored to us upon the basis of a just re
ward for labor and human liberty, its
natural progress we may in all confidence
look forword to a career of unparalelled
prospects for our common country.
Wo tender you, Governor, our cordial
and zealous support in the discharge of
your duties, and in upholding the nation
al authority.
J. 11. Romaine, A. Allen, S. Murrison,
—l'rosh, J. Burk, Committee.
HESI'ONEF. OF GOV. HAMILTON.
JUDGE CALDWELL : For this kind
welcome by the Union Association and
citizens of Galveston, I have no language
that will adequately express my feelings
I can only say to you and to those you
represent —I thank you.
Fellow-citizens, to be permitted once
moro to stand upon Texas soil iin d thus
address you, fills me with emotion. I well
remember when, and under what circum
stance, I last addressed a public audi»
once in this city. It was in November,
1800, when organized Rebellion was first
beginnittg. Even then I was informed
it would not be pleasing to those who
were in favor of a disruption of the Gov
ernment for me to speak at all. But in
the hope of effecting some good, I did
speak at the Market-House all public
halls being refused me—and those here
now who can testify how earnestly, on
that occasion, I labored to dissuade the
people of this city from any participation
in the proposed Rebellion. But the
teachings of the dominant party in the !
South had done its work—reason was
powerless, passion was in the ascendant.
To such lengths bad perverted doctrines
of States Rights gone, vhat in the pre
ceding Spring the Democratic party of
Texas held a convention in this city, in
which, among other things, it was sol
emnly resolved that Texas, in annexing l
herself to the United States, surrendered
none of her original sovereignty, but only
orcutcd her an agent for the purpose of
exercising certain powers for her during
her pleasure ; that she was a mere attor
ney, in fact, acting under the authority
of, aud revocable at the pleasure of Tex
as. The revolutionary teachers not only
claimed a legal and political right to se
cede, but asserted that it would be peace
ful in its character and would not inyolvc
war. The argument was that, inasmuch
as the compact of union was between in
dependent States voluntarily entered into,
they could in the exercise of the same
independence, secede from i.t at pleas
ure. The very reason urged an unans
werable argument against the right
claimedj When parties do contract, be
AMERICAN CITIZEN
ing lie 2 to contract or not, they are held
to their contrtct, otherwise they are com
pelled by force. If this be the rule, un
der the laws of all civilized governments,
with regard to individual contracts, how
much more necessary is it to apply the
rule to the highest and most solemn of
all contracts that man can enter into—
that of a people each agreeing with each
and all the others to the formation of a
government for the protection and benefit
of all. Such a contract can never be
violated or disregarded upon any defensi
ble principle, except that of resistance to
such an abuse of power as has changed
the character of the Government and
made it a curse instead of a blessing. No
one has ever yet charged the United
States Government with a wrong to any
State or citizen. But the theory of the
right of a State to secede was utterly un
practicable. If it is true that one State
could, with or without cause, withdraw
from the Union, it is necessarily involved
the right of all the others to withdraw
from any one, and thus kick her out of
the Union without cause. Suppose that
the other States of tlje Union, actiqg ijpoi)
this theory, had determined to withdraw
from Tennessee, 'l'hey could have said,
Wc withdraw from you ; henceforth you
are nn independent Government, foreign
to us. We will form with you no treat
ise of amity or commerce; we will not
allow your citizens the light of way, ei
ther for themselves or commerce, across
our territory ; we hero you in; you arc free
and independent, but you shall live and
die independent upon your own soil, cut
off from all the outer world. What would
have been said of this by the civilized
world ? What would we of Texas have
srid if we had been thus treated by the
United States ? Who were the parties
to the contract which brought Texas into
the United States? Two Governments
were the parties to the solemn agreement
—Texas anil the United States. Were
the obligations of that contract not mu
tual ? were the rights resulting fiom it
not reciprocal ? Surely no sane and dis
passion mind can dispute or doubt it.
Then if, according to the doctrine of
secession, Texas could disregard the con
tract and withdraw from the Union, the
United States could have done the same
thing and driven Texas out of the Union
at any time since annexation.
It will also be admitted that while oth
er States were going out, Texas had the
light to remain in the Union if she tbo't
proper, nay more, that none of seceding
States, in such case, had any right to in
terfere with any privilege or interest of
hers, resulting from her membership in
the Union.
But after the withdrawal of Louisiana,
Arkansas and Kansas, what would have
been the condition ? Still in the Union
legally, but in fact out of it. Bound to
the other States of the Union, both by
solemn contract and in heart and hopes,
but territorially dissevered and dcuicd
the right of way to her sister States.
But the assertion of the Democracy
of Texas before alluded to—that Texas by
annexation yielded sowp of her original
sovereignty.
Shc was acknowledged and recognized
among the nations of the earth with
whom sho made treaties of friendship
and commerce. She could and did make
war--rai.se armies—equip navies—regu
late trade and commerce, emit bills of
credit, appoint ministers to foreign Gov
ernments, aud do and perform all other
acts pertaining to national sovereignty.
But when sho entered the Union she
agreed to do none of these things, but
resigucd such powers to the United States
Government, of which she became a part,
and whose Constitutiou rj-j>res>/i/ forbids
the exercise of any such powers by the
States.
But it is needless to pursue the argu
m;nt further. New that the blood-let
ting of a terrible civil \rar has brought
the people ouce to think and reason, all
will be able to perceive how pernicious
and wicked such doctrines are. Hereaf
ter let truth be the object of our political
arguments and conclusions. I have re
ferred to these things because they were
the means used to delude a people who
had neyer bwu wronged by their Gov
ernment, to engago in armed resistance
to its authority.
Thd Southern heart must be fired, and
hence the people must be made to believe
they were in some way wrouged, although
they were prosperous aud happy.
They piust be prepared to tear up the
Government, if only to pbov that they
had the right to tear it up.
They must fight for their right—thoir
right to tear down a Government that had
never wronged ; but had always blessed
them; to ruin themselves and
of people, if only to prove that a free and
chivalrous people have a right to destroy
as well as to institute governments. You
" Let us have Faith that Right makes Might; and in that Faith let us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we understand it"~ A - LINCOLK
BUTLER, BUTLER COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 16 1865.
would have it tiud have got it, and now
the question is. What will you do with
it ?
By reason of your rebellion you have
impaired no right of the Unitpd States,
but you have sadly changed your posi
tion and standing with that government.
Under the law defining treason and
providing for its punishment, without
the clemency of the President, unable to
take any step or do or perform any act
in reorganizing State Government.
The former State Government having
been overthrown by rebellion and the
citizens generaljy laboring under such
disabilities as to render them powerless
to act, the question presented itself to
the President "what is to be done ?"
The Constitution of the United States
declares that "the United States shall
guarantee to every State a Republican
form of government."
There being no Government (State) in
Texas and the people not* in condition to
act without the aid of the President, it
became his duty to provide the means
whereby they ijiay re-establish their for
mer rpla(.ions with the General Govern
ment.
To tliat end lie lias, to all but a few
offered amnesty for the past, and to this
few he has said present your claims for
special amnesty, and if you show merit,
your petitions will be refused. lie has
appointed me Provisional Governor and
made it my duty to take such steps as
may be necessary to give the people an
opportunity of availing themselves of his
amnesty upon the terms proposed, and
then, when thus prepared, to provide the
means for the assemblage of a convention
of delegates to a convention to be elected
by the people to alter or amend the present
State Constitution, or frame a new one,
as to them shall seem best, to bo submit
ted to the people of the State for their
action. In the discharge of the duty as
signed me, I can only say, 1 have but one
object, that is to carry out as 1 under
stand them, the views of the Government
at Washington, in enabling you once
more to occupy your proper positions in
the Union. Officially no feeling of ma
lice or spirit of revenge, will cause me
to swerve to the right or to the left. I
came as an humble instrument in the
name of the President and Government
of the United States, to tender faith,
friendship and Union to those who have
it in their hearts ta accept the offer. All
else depends upon the people.
Henry S. Foote 011 Negro Suffrage.
Henry S. Foote has written a long let
ter to Hon. A. 0 P. Nicholson on the
question of Negro suffrage. It is pub
lished entire in the Montreal papers.
Mr. Foote declares that slavery is dead,
find its future revival impossible. As late
fts last December, if proper counsels had
prevailed, the South might have made
terms with the National Government upon
the basis of gradual emancipation, uni
versal amnesty and reasonable compensa
tion to owners of slaves. The opportuni
ty was lost. "We have been compelled
to ( surrendcr at discretion.''
In relation to the duty of the South in
enfranchising the freedmen he says:
We must, in order to assure our return
to liberty and happiness not only recog
nize the colored denizens of the South as
now free, but we must allow them the
same means of preserving their freedom
that we ourselves desire to possess. They
must be frecdmen in fact as well as in
name. We must consent to their beiug
invested with the elective franchise; anil
this must be done, too, no matter what
cherished notion we may entertain in re
gard to the mental inferiority of those
whom some of us have heretofore regard
ed as the doomed posterity of Ham.—
Nor can we now safely talk about carry
ing them through a course of special tu
telage and probation surh as I understand
you to recommend,ere we make them our
own equals before the law of the land.—
These are not at all matters for our regu
lation, but we are to be attended to by
those who hold in their hands exclusive
ly the sword and the purse of the na
tion. I tell you, my dear Sir, and, thro'
you, I wish to urgo upon the whole mass
of ray fellow-couutrymeu of the South,
that tho«e things must be done by us, else
our States wili wot be allowed to have
Representatives and Senators in Congress,
or even be permitted, without molestation,
to administer their own municipal con
cerns.
lie states the reasoas why the Northern
people require it to be done, thus :
The people of the North are not will
ing lo trust us of the South with the ex
clusive control of this affair, because they
believe, and wo cannot possibly convince
them to the contrary, that, should tiey
permit fls to become represented ajiain in
the two Houses of the Federal Congress,
before we shall liave carried into opera
tion fully the arrangements which they
hav.e heretofore stipulated in lehj.it' of
the colored race, we should afterward
either openly resist the execution of the
compact or at least attempt to evade its
provisions; and some imprudent move-
roeuts which have recently occurred in
the South have greatly tended, I fear, to
aggravate this unfortunate feeling of dis
trust. Moreover, the people pf the North
are almost the exclusive holders of the
bonds which represent the vast debt
which has grown out of the prosecution
of the war,- and they are apprehensive
that if the exercise of the elective fran
chise is limited to the white population of
the South, the whole voting power of our
sectiou may be hereafter wielded in favor
of repudiating that debt. We shall never
be able to satisfy them that this debt will
be safe without the eounterpoiso of negro
suffrage.
He has no doubt of the success of the
new system of labor in the South, nor
does he think that any injury can arise
from extending the elective franchise to
both races alike. Southern plantations
will be as prosperous under the new as
they were under the old agricultural sys
tem. lie is decidedly of opinion that
there will be as little fraud in elections
hereafter as there was formerly, and as
judicious an exercise of suffrage. Since
it is a fixed fact that the negroes jnust be
free, ''it will he far better to make friends,
and neighbors and brethren of them, than
to retain them iu our midst as l'ariahs or
Ilelotes. 1 '
Our true interest lies in assimilating
our whole Southern population in politi
cal rights, in sentiment, in mental cul
ture, in a just and affectionate neighbor
ship, and in a true and loyal brotherhood.
We have to deal with a race whom we
knew to be mildly affeutioned, docile, and
readily subject to all high and command
ing influences, and it will be greatly our
own fault if we do not get along with
them iu the relation now in process of in
stitution far better than we ever did be
fore.
He intimates the duty of the South to
be sincere in their regard for the Nation
al Government in the following reference
to the preseut relations of Canadian peo
ple :
11 Before I conclude, permit 1110 to say
that here in this beautiful city, I daily
and hourly witness the friendly associa
tion, personal and official, of gentlemen
who less than twenty years ago were ar
rayed against each other in a political
contest, aggravated into actual war. This
happy effect has been produced by the
patriotic submission of the defeated Ca
nadian insurgents, and the liberal and
christian policy of the Government,
which not only granted a general amnes
ty, but generously remunerated even "de
nounced rebels" for losses incurred in the
conflict. What a glorious example for
the emulation of our country 1"
Labor at the South.
There is no surplus of Labor at the
South—-far from it. Southern staples
never before commanded such prices in
peace as they do now; and they are cer
tain to be high for the next eighteen
mouths, and probably much longer. And,
as half the arable land in the South now
lies fallow, arjd can be bought very cheap
ly, Labor ought to be in great demand
there and to be well paid. And the la
borers are there, willing to work, if only
assured of fair wages, good treatment,
and honest payment. Industry at the
South remains disorganized and Produc
tion deficient, mainly because the late
slaveholders, in too many instances, are
not reconciled to the idea of paying ne
groes for work as they would pay Whites.
They still cling to the hope that Slavery
—in essence, if not in name—may some
how be restored. In proof of this, we
extract the following from the leading
editorial of the Memphi* Argus of the
29 inst. — N. I*. Tribune :
" The number of free laborers lost to
the country in the Southern States, in
consequence of the rebellion, is very great;
besides, there has been no emigration
whatever for four years or more, abd idle
ness aud dissoluteness have grown to an
alarming liight among all classes. It will
be impossible for the white population al
ready in this .country to bepome at once
active aud zealous laborers, though we
have no doijbt., it may and will do so in
time; for we altogether reject the theory
that the white man cannot labor in thg
malarious regions of the cotton States,
though we are willing to admit that he
may not be so well qualified for this kind
of labor as the black. Emigration has
never yet doqe much to increase the pop
ulation of the South, but should its prin
cipal flow change to <h»t direction it yojjld
take years for it to produce a visible ef
fect upon its industrial resources. It is
necessary, therefoic, that much of the
labor to develop the resources of the
Southern States, if that development is to
happcu very soon, should come from some
other quarter than its own fi&a white pop
ulation or emigration. Where else then
are we to look but to the strong, healthy
blacks already in our midst, whose num
ber comprises nearly a third of our whole
population, and whose capacity for labor
is not excelled by any people on the face
of the earth ? Thete people are among
us, and they have not the means of going
elsewhere if they desired to, nor have wc
the means of sending them nor any place 1
to send them to. They have been raised
with us, and they understand and like us
as we do them. They are natives of the
country as well as we are, and they love
it as dearly as a people could. They are
thoroughly acquainted with our system of
agriculture, and seem exactly suited by
nature for it. Then as tlje demand for
their labor ( xists. as they must remain
among us and must live off the country,
laying aside all questions of abstract right
and duty, why should we not make a vir
tue of necessity, and employ the blacks in
that way that will be most advantageous
to them, most profitable to us, and best
for the country generally ? It is time
that we understood a few facts that have
stared us in the face for months, or even
years past, to which many of us yet shut
our eyes. The first is t)iat the negro is
no longer a slave, but is as free as we are;
the second is that he never can be a slave
again in any possible event, but must al
ways be free; and the third is that we
have got to regard and to treat him as a
free man—have got to operate upon and
with il? the 9Rti)e manner and by the
same influences that we operafp t}pou oth
er free men. The sooner we recognize
these facts to their fullest extent, the bet
ter for us; and uutil we do recognijse them
as facts, aud act upon them as facts, we
need expect nothing but evil to grow out
of the co-existence of the blacks and
whites iu our territory. AVe do not now
speak of the social or political relations
of the two races—with that tfe have at
present nothing to do—but only of their
beiug equally free, and equally entitled
to be considered and treated as freemen,
that is all. Then let the people no lon
ger hope to have the labor of the negro
without compensating him for it. It is
impossible—they cannot do it. The ne
gro is free to choose for himself whether
he will work for nothing, or not work at
all. It is unreasonable to suppose that
ho will make a choice different from a
white man, ami wo all know what the
white man's choice would be. The ne
gro's choice will be the same, and if he is
not paid ho will not work, and there is no
power to make him. Hut whether he
works or not, he will live, and if ho is
not allowed and induced to earn an hon
est living by his toil, he will have it some
other way. lie will act upon the princi
ple that the world qwes him a living, and
he will take the easiest methods of pro
viding for his necessities. We have said
that the negro must be compensated for
his labor, and we do not mean by this that
he must be paid one dollar for what is
worth ten or fifty to his employer. Hut
we mean that he must Ue paid just as a
white man would be paid for the same
serviuo. If his employer gives him a
part of his crop, let it be a reasonable
part. Give him a part of what he is to
take himself, or what is of equal value,
aud do not select the best and tell him to
take the leavings. Do not tell him first
to cultivate what his employer is to have,
and after that he may haye some insig
nificant little patch to cultivate for him
self. Let him understand that his em
ployer wishes no advantage of him, that
he is going to give him what fairly be
longs to him, identify his interest with his
employers, let the gain of.the one be the
gain of the other aud their loss be mu-'
tual, and we hazard the opinion that the
people will conclude that the free labor
of the negro is quite as profitable to them
and the country at large as was his labor
while a Blave. If this system was pur
sued, it strikes us there would be few in
stances of negroes deserting their employ
ment; but, if it is not pursued, we shall
not be surprised to find such desertions
hereafter much more frequent than they
have heretofore been."
UTAII MUST PONEY-UP—it will be
satisfactory to everybody to know that
Utah is at leugth about to be made to un
der stand her relations to the Govern
ment of t&e pountry. By her isolated
position ; by the isolated character of her
population, as well as by the known hos
tility of Young, their leader, to the Uni
on, the work of compulsory observance
of their duty, has been from time to timo
delayed, though it must been ap
parent to every looker-on that the longer
such means were delajed, the greater
would be the difficulty to be overcome
The time has now arrived, however, when
Utah must succumb; and the beginning
of the proceeding will be U),p collection
of the United States taxes the same as
elsewhere, .which Jjas been ordered. But
Young is sharp enough to choose wisely
—there will be agaiu postponement, un
less indeed the Governor of the Territory
sba,!l cause the act of Congress to be en
forced against polygajny, in which case
the "Prophet" might be the flrst to be
nude an cfSmple of, and this would un
doubtedly cause serious trouble.— Gcr.
Telegraph.
A Yankee Trick.
Some years ago, before railroads were
invented, a cute Massachusetts Yankee
was one day traveling in a stage in the
State of Connecticut. The passengers
stopped for breakfast at a place where the
landlord was .noted for his parsifpony;
and it was strongly suspected that he paid
the driver to hurry oft' the stage before
the passengers could eat half a meal, in
order to save his victuals. The Yankee
heard this talk, and he sat down to break
fast with the determination to eat his
moneys worth whether the stage left him |
or not. While, therefore, the rest of the
passengers were bolting their victuals at
the greatest possible haste, the Massa
chusetts man took his time. The passen
gers had scarcely finished a cup of cof
fee, and ato two or three mouth fuls, when
they heard the sound of the horn, and
the driyer exclaim, "Stage ready I" Up
rise the grumblipg pay their
fifty cents, and take their seats.
" All aboard, gents ?" inquires the host.
' One missing," said they.
Proceeding to the diuing-room the host
finds our Yankee friend sery cooly help
ing himself to an immense piece af steak,
the size of a horse's lip.
"You'll be left sir! Stage going to
start V
"Waal, I hain't got pothin'tew say
agin it!"
"Can't wait, sir; better take your
seat."
" I'll be gaul darned ef I dew, nuther,
till I've got my breakfuss ! I've got tew
pay my half a dollar, and I'm goin' to
get the vallee on't ? and ef yew calkalate
I ain't, yew air mistaken."
So tlie stage did start, and left the hun
gry New Knglander, who continued his
attack of the edibles. Biscuit*, coffee,
steaks, etc., disappeared rapidly before tho
eyes of the astouished landlord. *
" Say, squire, them there cakes is 'bout
mst ; fetch us nuther grist 011 'em. You,
(to the waiter,) nuther cup uv thar ar cof
fee. Pass them eggs, liaise yewre own
pork, squire?—this is amazin' nice ham.
Land 'bout ycare tolerablo cheap, squire,
I ealhite ? Don't lay yewre own eggs, do
ye?" and thus the Yankee kept quiring
the landlord, until he had made a hearty
meal.
" Say, squire, now I'm about tew con
clude payin' my dewours to this table,
but if ye'wd jist givo me a bowl of bread
and milk tew sorter top off with, I'd be
much obleeged tow ye."
So out goes the landlord and waiter for
the bowl, milk and bread, and set them
before tjje Yankee.
"Spoon, tew, if you please!"
But no spoon could be found. Land
lord was sure he bad plenty of silver ones
lying on the table when the fctjge stop
ped
" Say ! dew yew think tiuejn passen
gers is goin' to pay yew for a brcakfuss
and not git no compf.mation ?"
"Ah I what! do you think any of the
passengers took them 1"
" Dew I think ? No, I don't think,
but I'm sartin. If they aro all as green
as you, about here, I'm goin' tew locate
immediately and tew onst."
The landlord rushes out to the stable,
and etartsa man off after the stage, which
had gone about three miles. The man
overtakes the stags, and says something to
the driver in a low tone. He immedi
ately turns back, and on arriving at the
hotel, our Yankee comos-out to take his
seat and says:—
" llf;o\r \f.\f yejv ! gen.ts 1 I'w glad tew
see yew back."
" Can you point out the man you tbipk
has the spoons 1" asked the landlord
"Pint him out? Sartinly, I ken.—
Say, squire ! I paid you four ninepences
i\r a breakfuss, and I callato I got the
vallee on't. You'll hnd them spoons'in
the coffee pot!"— Which was found to be
the case.
WIIY IIE COULDN'T. — I read lately of
a boy, you may oamo Joiin if you like,
who ran into the house one evening and
said :
pother, Willie played truant this af
ternoon, and he wanted me togo wo.LiU
I couldn't."
" CouUln't, why not, my SOIJTJ
" Because," said little
his arms most lovingly around his moth
er's necjf, "J thought it would make you
so sorry, and that is why I eoijtfn't-"
1 wish I knew that boy. There is
something so lofty io his Jor not
going wijth Willie that I really love him.
You see it was pot fear , but love that gov
erned him. He couldn't play truant be
cause it' would make bis mother feel so
■orry.
-t-The yoymg man who went on a bri
dal toyr with angel in muslin re
turned with a termagant in hoops. En
couraging to bachelors—very.
NUMBER 35
Traitors and their Boots.
The treason of Benedict Arnold
was discovered in the boot of &|ajoc
Andre, and it was the same appen
dage that enabled the troopers of Col.
Pritchard to detect Jeff. Davis under
the petticoats of his wife; but wo
hove nowhere seen : t stated that
Aaron Burr was captured under al
most similar circumstances, and that
but for the shape and appearance of
his boots he might have contrjyed to
escape. We extract from Patrons
"Life of Burr," page asfpllows;
"Un a cold evening in February
two young lawyers -were playing
backgammon in a cabin of the village
of Wakefield, Washington Co., Ala.
The hour of ten arrived, and they
were still absorbed in the game, when
the distant tranp of horse; arrested
their attention. Two travelers rodq
up to the door, one of whom, without
dismounting, inquired for the tavern.
It was pointed out to him. lie then
asked the road to liinson's, a noted
resident of the vicinity. One of the
lawyers, Perkin» by name, replied
that the house was seven miles dis
tant, and the road 9 exceedingly diffi
cult to find, and there was a danger*
ous creek to be crossed.
'•While he was explaining the road
the fight of their pine wood fire flash
ed occasionally upon the countenancq
of the travelers who had tisked the
questions. Perkins gazed upon iho
face as though it fascinated him.—
The eyes of the stranger sparkled
like diamonds, as he sat composed
and erect upon a supurb horse, better
caparisoned than was usual in the
wilderness. Ilis dress was the rude
homespun of the country, but the
quick eye of Perkins observed that
his boots were far too el'-gantly sha
ped, and of materials much too fine,
to accord with the coarse, ill-cut pan
taloons, from uhich they protuded."
The travelers rode on. Perkins' sus
picions were aroused. The striking
features of the man whom he had
conversed,the incongruity of his dress
his superior air, the lateness of thq
hour for tho stranger to be abroad in
a region so wild and unknown, all
confirmed the itr.pression which had
been left on his mind. Hushing into
the cabin, ho exclaimed :
"That is Aaron Burr J 112 hay*
read a description of him in the proc
lamation. I cannot be mistaken.—
Let us follow him to liinson's and
take measures for his arrest.''
"His companion, not so easily
moyed, ridiculed the project of pur
suing a traveler at so late an hour
merely on a conjecture, and, in short
refused to go. But Perkins, not de
terred from his purpose, hasteped tq
a neighboring cabin, roused the sher
iff of the county, and told him the
story. In a few minutes fhc two
men were equipped, and rode off at a
rapid pace through the pine woods."
And upon the information given,
Bijrr and his companions were subse;
qucntly arres^etj.
—lt was announced some time
ngo that the Hon. Robert Dale Oweij
was about to commence writing the
Life of President Lincoln, and we
now learn that the task has been
commenced, and laborious is u
considered that it will require two
years to complete it. His publisher,
so cognizant is he of the
of tho work and the distinguished
ability brought to bear upon it, pays
Mr. Owden three thousond dollars in
advance, and fifteen thousand when
the work is ready for the press. It
was due to the life and memory of this
great and good man that his biogra
oher should bo one of the first men
of £j;e nation ; and are free to
say that in no better hands could th'»
sacred task be confided.
TUE WORTHLEBSNEBS or SLAVEHY
—ln different States, where only the oth
er day Slavery was regarded as the su-.
prcme earthly blessing, its abolition is
now pronounced to bean excellent thing !
—"Now," says one authority, (from
( South-Carcmaa,) ."our sjate will proceed
in her material prosperity witojit the
drawback and clog of Slavery."—"We
neyer did conscientiously believe, (Ken
tucky,) that the institution of Slavery
was a benefit to the State- How could wo
; —how could any one so believe, with the
progress of the free State of Ohio along
side of us."—"The liberation of the
Slaves (Texas,) has proved advantageous
to the people." And so on we could
quote halfa column. The only support
ers of Slavery heft, are in the North.
- '• * J »•»j
—Small boj on tip-toe to his com
prions—" 'Sh —stop your noise ajl
of you." ' ■' ■
Companions—''llello ? Tommy!
what is the matter ?"
Small boy—"We've got g, new bar,
by—it's very weak and tired—walk
ed all the way from , heaven', lastri
night—rausn't be kicking up a row
round here now."