VOLUME 2. LATER FROM TEXAS. AdJress by Governor Hamilton. The Union Association of Gavleston appointed a Committee to wait upon Gov. A.J.Hamilton, and requested him to deliver an address to the citizens of Gal veston on Thursday evening last at . p. in., at the Court-lloUso. The Governor assented. lie appeared at tha hour ap pointed, when an address was delivered on the part of the Committee by Judge C. Caldwell of Navasoia, to which the Governor responded. ADDRESS TO THE COMMITTEE GOVERNOR : We have been solicited „ g a committee of the Loyal Union As sociation of Galveston and vicinity to ex tend your Excellney a cordial greeting and welcome, in their behalf. Many of them, like yourself, have long been ex iles from the endearments of home, and nil those associations which render life gweet and agreeable. You are not unac quainted with their sufferings and their wrongs. Others again, from circumstan ces over which they could exercise no control, were prevented from leaving the scenes of their misfortunes. You have not failed, however, to learn from fugitive patriots the story of their persecutions —how hundreds were cruel ly treated, and many murdered for their devotion to the Union of their fathers.— It is, therefore, with no ordinary emotion they welcome you back to the State heartily rejoiciug in your selection as our Provisional Governor. Wo have an abiding faith, Governor, that under your Administration Union sentiment will be fostered and maintained, and Union men find in you a protector and friend. Now that the terrible strife is over, your wis dom has been verified by the result. — Your patriotism by the tenacity with which you cling to the emblems of your country's sovereignty and power, which now proudly floats over all armed oppo sition. The sacrifice upon the altar of liberty has indeed been great, but coming gene rations will regard it as not having been made in vain, if we are but true to the obligations that lay so plainly before u.s. With the mind unfettered, a free press and free speech, with civil governments restored to us upon the basis of a just re ward for labor and human liberty, its natural progress we may in all confidence look forword to a career of unparalelled prospects for our common country. Wo tender you, Governor, our cordial and zealous support in the discharge of your duties, and in upholding the nation al authority. J. 11. Romaine, A. Allen, S. Murrison, —l'rosh, J. Burk, Committee. HESI'ONEF. OF GOV. HAMILTON. JUDGE CALDWELL : For this kind welcome by the Union Association and citizens of Galveston, I have no language that will adequately express my feelings I can only say to you and to those you represent —I thank you. Fellow-citizens, to be permitted once moro to stand upon Texas soil iin d thus address you, fills me with emotion. I well remember when, and under what circum stance, I last addressed a public audi» once in this city. It was in November, 1800, when organized Rebellion was first beginnittg. Even then I was informed it would not be pleasing to those who were in favor of a disruption of the Gov ernment for me to speak at all. But in the hope of effecting some good, I did speak at the Market-House all public halls being refused me—and those here now who can testify how earnestly, on that occasion, I labored to dissuade the people of this city from any participation in the proposed Rebellion. But the teachings of the dominant party in the ! South had done its work—reason was powerless, passion was in the ascendant. To such lengths bad perverted doctrines of States Rights gone, vhat in the pre ceding Spring the Democratic party of Texas held a convention in this city, in which, among other things, it was sol emnly resolved that Texas, in annexing l herself to the United States, surrendered none of her original sovereignty, but only orcutcd her an agent for the purpose of exercising certain powers for her during her pleasure ; that she was a mere attor ney, in fact, acting under the authority of, aud revocable at the pleasure of Tex as. The revolutionary teachers not only claimed a legal and political right to se cede, but asserted that it would be peace ful in its character and would not inyolvc war. The argument was that, inasmuch as the compact of union was between in dependent States voluntarily entered into, they could in the exercise of the same independence, secede from i.t at pleas ure. The very reason urged an unans werable argument against the right claimedj When parties do contract, be AMERICAN CITIZEN ing lie 2 to contract or not, they are held to their contrtct, otherwise they are com pelled by force. If this be the rule, un der the laws of all civilized governments, with regard to individual contracts, how much more necessary is it to apply the rule to the highest and most solemn of all contracts that man can enter into— that of a people each agreeing with each and all the others to the formation of a government for the protection and benefit of all. Such a contract can never be violated or disregarded upon any defensi ble principle, except that of resistance to such an abuse of power as has changed the character of the Government and made it a curse instead of a blessing. No one has ever yet charged the United States Government with a wrong to any State or citizen. But the theory of the right of a State to secede was utterly un practicable. If it is true that one State could, with or without cause, withdraw from the Union, it is necessarily involved the right of all the others to withdraw from any one, and thus kick her out of the Union without cause. Suppose that the other States of tlje Union, actiqg ijpoi) this theory, had determined to withdraw from Tennessee, 'l'hey could have said, Wc withdraw from you ; henceforth you are nn independent Government, foreign to us. We will form with you no treat ise of amity or commerce; we will not allow your citizens the light of way, ei ther for themselves or commerce, across our territory ; we hero you in; you arc free and independent, but you shall live and die independent upon your own soil, cut off from all the outer world. What would have been said of this by the civilized world ? What would we of Texas have srid if we had been thus treated by the United States ? Who were the parties to the contract which brought Texas into the United States? Two Governments were the parties to the solemn agreement —Texas anil the United States. Were the obligations of that contract not mu tual ? were the rights resulting fiom it not reciprocal ? Surely no sane and dis passion mind can dispute or doubt it. Then if, according to the doctrine of secession, Texas could disregard the con tract and withdraw from the Union, the United States could have done the same thing and driven Texas out of the Union at any time since annexation. It will also be admitted that while oth er States were going out, Texas had the light to remain in the Union if she tbo't proper, nay more, that none of seceding States, in such case, had any right to in terfere with any privilege or interest of hers, resulting from her membership in the Union. But after the withdrawal of Louisiana, Arkansas and Kansas, what would have been the condition ? Still in the Union legally, but in fact out of it. Bound to the other States of the Union, both by solemn contract and in heart and hopes, but territorially dissevered and dcuicd the right of way to her sister States. But the assertion of the Democracy of Texas before alluded to—that Texas by annexation yielded sowp of her original sovereignty. Shc was acknowledged and recognized among the nations of the earth with whom sho made treaties of friendship and commerce. She could and did make war--rai.se armies—equip navies—regu late trade and commerce, emit bills of credit, appoint ministers to foreign Gov ernments, aud do and perform all other acts pertaining to national sovereignty. But when sho entered the Union she agreed to do none of these things, but resigucd such powers to the United States Government, of which she became a part, and whose Constitutiou rj-j>res>/i/ forbids the exercise of any such powers by the States. But it is needless to pursue the argu m;nt further. New that the blood-let ting of a terrible civil \rar has brought the people ouce to think and reason, all will be able to perceive how pernicious and wicked such doctrines are. Hereaf ter let truth be the object of our political arguments and conclusions. I have re ferred to these things because they were the means used to delude a people who had neyer bwu wronged by their Gov ernment, to engago in armed resistance to its authority. Thd Southern heart must be fired, and hence the people must be made to believe they were in some way wrouged, although they were prosperous aud happy. They piust be prepared to tear up the Government, if only to pbov that they had the right to tear it up. They must fight for their right—thoir right to tear down a Government that had never wronged ; but had always blessed them; to ruin themselves and of people, if only to prove that a free and chivalrous people have a right to destroy as well as to institute governments. You " Let us have Faith that Right makes Might; and in that Faith let us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we understand it"~ A - LINCOLK BUTLER, BUTLER COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 16 1865. would have it tiud have got it, and now the question is. What will you do with it ? By reason of your rebellion you have impaired no right of the Unitpd States, but you have sadly changed your posi tion and standing with that government. Under the law defining treason and providing for its punishment, without the clemency of the President, unable to take any step or do or perform any act in reorganizing State Government. The former State Government having been overthrown by rebellion and the citizens generaljy laboring under such disabilities as to render them powerless to act, the question presented itself to the President "what is to be done ?" The Constitution of the United States declares that "the United States shall guarantee to every State a Republican form of government." There being no Government (State) in Texas and the people not* in condition to act without the aid of the President, it became his duty to provide the means whereby they ijiay re-establish their for mer rpla(.ions with the General Govern ment. To tliat end lie lias, to all but a few offered amnesty for the past, and to this few he has said present your claims for special amnesty, and if you show merit, your petitions will be refused. lie has appointed me Provisional Governor and made it my duty to take such steps as may be necessary to give the people an opportunity of availing themselves of his amnesty upon the terms proposed, and then, when thus prepared, to provide the means for the assemblage of a convention of delegates to a convention to be elected by the people to alter or amend the present State Constitution, or frame a new one, as to them shall seem best, to bo submit ted to the people of the State for their action. In the discharge of the duty as signed me, I can only say, 1 have but one object, that is to carry out as 1 under stand them, the views of the Government at Washington, in enabling you once more to occupy your proper positions in the Union. Officially no feeling of ma lice or spirit of revenge, will cause me to swerve to the right or to the left. I came as an humble instrument in the name of the President and Government of the United States, to tender faith, friendship and Union to those who have it in their hearts ta accept the offer. All else depends upon the people. Henry S. Foote 011 Negro Suffrage. Henry S. Foote has written a long let ter to Hon. A. 0 P. Nicholson on the question of Negro suffrage. It is pub lished entire in the Montreal papers. Mr. Foote declares that slavery is dead, find its future revival impossible. As late fts last December, if proper counsels had prevailed, the South might have made terms with the National Government upon the basis of gradual emancipation, uni versal amnesty and reasonable compensa tion to owners of slaves. The opportuni ty was lost. "We have been compelled to ( surrendcr at discretion.'' In relation to the duty of the South in enfranchising the freedmen he says: We must, in order to assure our return to liberty and happiness not only recog nize the colored denizens of the South as now free, but we must allow them the same means of preserving their freedom that we ourselves desire to possess. They must be frecdmen in fact as well as in name. We must consent to their beiug invested with the elective franchise; anil this must be done, too, no matter what cherished notion we may entertain in re gard to the mental inferiority of those whom some of us have heretofore regard ed as the doomed posterity of Ham.— Nor can we now safely talk about carry ing them through a course of special tu telage and probation surh as I understand you to recommend,ere we make them our own equals before the law of the land.— These are not at all matters for our regu lation, but we are to be attended to by those who hold in their hands exclusive ly the sword and the purse of the na tion. I tell you, my dear Sir, and, thro' you, I wish to urgo upon the whole mass of ray fellow-couutrymeu of the South, that tho«e things must be done by us, else our States wili wot be allowed to have Representatives and Senators in Congress, or even be permitted, without molestation, to administer their own municipal con cerns. lie states the reasoas why the Northern people require it to be done, thus : The people of the North are not will ing lo trust us of the South with the ex clusive control of this affair, because they believe, and wo cannot possibly convince them to the contrary, that, should tiey permit fls to become represented ajiain in the two Houses of the Federal Congress, before we shall liave carried into opera tion fully the arrangements which they hav.e heretofore stipulated in lehj.it' of the colored race, we should afterward either openly resist the execution of the compact or at least attempt to evade its provisions; and some imprudent move- roeuts which have recently occurred in the South have greatly tended, I fear, to aggravate this unfortunate feeling of dis trust. Moreover, the people pf the North are almost the exclusive holders of the bonds which represent the vast debt which has grown out of the prosecution of the war,- and they are apprehensive that if the exercise of the elective fran chise is limited to the white population of the South, the whole voting power of our sectiou may be hereafter wielded in favor of repudiating that debt. We shall never be able to satisfy them that this debt will be safe without the eounterpoiso of negro suffrage. He has no doubt of the success of the new system of labor in the South, nor does he think that any injury can arise from extending the elective franchise to both races alike. Southern plantations will be as prosperous under the new as they were under the old agricultural sys tem. lie is decidedly of opinion that there will be as little fraud in elections hereafter as there was formerly, and as judicious an exercise of suffrage. Since it is a fixed fact that the negroes jnust be free, ''it will he far better to make friends, and neighbors and brethren of them, than to retain them iu our midst as l'ariahs or Ilelotes. 1 ' Our true interest lies in assimilating our whole Southern population in politi cal rights, in sentiment, in mental cul ture, in a just and affectionate neighbor ship, and in a true and loyal brotherhood. We have to deal with a race whom we knew to be mildly affeutioned, docile, and readily subject to all high and command ing influences, and it will be greatly our own fault if we do not get along with them iu the relation now in process of in stitution far better than we ever did be fore. He intimates the duty of the South to be sincere in their regard for the Nation al Government in the following reference to the preseut relations of Canadian peo ple : 11 Before I conclude, permit 1110 to say that here in this beautiful city, I daily and hourly witness the friendly associa tion, personal and official, of gentlemen who less than twenty years ago were ar rayed against each other in a political contest, aggravated into actual war. This happy effect has been produced by the patriotic submission of the defeated Ca nadian insurgents, and the liberal and christian policy of the Government, which not only granted a general amnes ty, but generously remunerated even "de nounced rebels" for losses incurred in the conflict. What a glorious example for the emulation of our country 1" Labor at the South. There is no surplus of Labor at the South—-far from it. Southern staples never before commanded such prices in peace as they do now; and they are cer tain to be high for the next eighteen mouths, and probably much longer. And, as half the arable land in the South now lies fallow, arjd can be bought very cheap ly, Labor ought to be in great demand there and to be well paid. And the la borers are there, willing to work, if only assured of fair wages, good treatment, and honest payment. Industry at the South remains disorganized and Produc tion deficient, mainly because the late slaveholders, in too many instances, are not reconciled to the idea of paying ne groes for work as they would pay Whites. They still cling to the hope that Slavery —in essence, if not in name—may some how be restored. In proof of this, we extract the following from the leading editorial of the Memphi* Argus of the 29 inst. — N. I*. Tribune : " The number of free laborers lost to the country in the Southern States, in consequence of the rebellion, is very great; besides, there has been no emigration whatever for four years or more, abd idle ness aud dissoluteness have grown to an alarming liight among all classes. It will be impossible for the white population al ready in this .country to bepome at once active aud zealous laborers, though we have no doijbt., it may and will do so in time; for we altogether reject the theory that the white man cannot labor in thg malarious regions of the cotton States, though we are willing to admit that he may not be so well qualified for this kind of labor as the black. Emigration has never yet doqe much to increase the pop ulation of the South, but should its prin cipal flow change to <h»t direction it yojjld take years for it to produce a visible ef fect upon its industrial resources. It is necessary, therefoic, that much of the labor to develop the resources of the Southern States, if that development is to happcu very soon, should come from some other quarter than its own fi&a white pop ulation or emigration. Where else then are we to look but to the strong, healthy blacks already in our midst, whose num ber comprises nearly a third of our whole population, and whose capacity for labor is not excelled by any people on the face of the earth ? Thete people are among us, and they have not the means of going elsewhere if they desired to, nor have wc the means of sending them nor any place 1 to send them to. They have been raised with us, and they understand and like us as we do them. They are natives of the country as well as we are, and they love it as dearly as a people could. They are thoroughly acquainted with our system of agriculture, and seem exactly suited by nature for it. Then as tlje demand for their labor ( xists. as they must remain among us and must live off the country, laying aside all questions of abstract right and duty, why should we not make a vir tue of necessity, and employ the blacks in that way that will be most advantageous to them, most profitable to us, and best for the country generally ? It is time that we understood a few facts that have stared us in the face for months, or even years past, to which many of us yet shut our eyes. The first is t)iat the negro is no longer a slave, but is as free as we are; the second is that he never can be a slave again in any possible event, but must al ways be free; and the third is that we have got to regard and to treat him as a free man—have got to operate upon and with il? the 9Rti)e manner and by the same influences that we operafp t}pou oth er free men. The sooner we recognize these facts to their fullest extent, the bet ter for us; and uutil we do recognijse them as facts, aud act upon them as facts, we need expect nothing but evil to grow out of the co-existence of the blacks and whites iu our territory. AVe do not now speak of the social or political relations of the two races—with that tfe have at present nothing to do—but only of their beiug equally free, and equally entitled to be considered and treated as freemen, that is all. Then let the people no lon ger hope to have the labor of the negro without compensating him for it. It is impossible—they cannot do it. The ne gro is free to choose for himself whether he will work for nothing, or not work at all. It is unreasonable to suppose that ho will make a choice different from a white man, ami wo all know what the white man's choice would be. The ne gro's choice will be the same, and if he is not paid ho will not work, and there is no power to make him. Hut whether he works or not, he will live, and if ho is not allowed and induced to earn an hon est living by his toil, he will have it some other way. lie will act upon the princi ple that the world qwes him a living, and he will take the easiest methods of pro viding for his necessities. We have said that the negro must be compensated for his labor, and we do not mean by this that he must be paid one dollar for what is worth ten or fifty to his employer. Hut we mean that he must Ue paid just as a white man would be paid for the same serviuo. If his employer gives him a part of his crop, let it be a reasonable part. Give him a part of what he is to take himself, or what is of equal value, aud do not select the best and tell him to take the leavings. Do not tell him first to cultivate what his employer is to have, and after that he may haye some insig nificant little patch to cultivate for him self. Let him understand that his em ployer wishes no advantage of him, that he is going to give him what fairly be longs to him, identify his interest with his employers, let the gain of.the one be the gain of the other aud their loss be mu-' tual, and we hazard the opinion that the people will conclude that the free labor of the negro is quite as profitable to them and the country at large as was his labor while a Blave. If this system was pur sued, it strikes us there would be few in stances of negroes deserting their employ ment; but, if it is not pursued, we shall not be surprised to find such desertions hereafter much more frequent than they have heretofore been." UTAII MUST PONEY-UP—it will be satisfactory to everybody to know that Utah is at leugth about to be made to un der stand her relations to the Govern ment of t&e pountry. By her isolated position ; by the isolated character of her population, as well as by the known hos tility of Young, their leader, to the Uni on, the work of compulsory observance of their duty, has been from time to timo delayed, though it must been ap parent to every looker-on that the longer such means were delajed, the greater would be the difficulty to be overcome The time has now arrived, however, when Utah must succumb; and the beginning of the proceeding will be U),p collection of the United States taxes the same as elsewhere, .which Jjas been ordered. But Young is sharp enough to choose wisely —there will be agaiu postponement, un less indeed the Governor of the Territory sba,!l cause the act of Congress to be en forced against polygajny, in which case the "Prophet" might be the flrst to be nude an cfSmple of, and this would un doubtedly cause serious trouble.— Gcr. Telegraph. A Yankee Trick. Some years ago, before railroads were invented, a cute Massachusetts Yankee was one day traveling in a stage in the State of Connecticut. The passengers stopped for breakfast at a place where the landlord was .noted for his parsifpony; and it was strongly suspected that he paid the driver to hurry oft' the stage before the passengers could eat half a meal, in order to save his victuals. The Yankee heard this talk, and he sat down to break fast with the determination to eat his moneys worth whether the stage left him | or not. While, therefore, the rest of the passengers were bolting their victuals at the greatest possible haste, the Massa chusetts man took his time. The passen gers had scarcely finished a cup of cof fee, and ato two or three mouth fuls, when they heard the sound of the horn, and the driyer exclaim, "Stage ready I" Up rise the grumblipg pay their fifty cents, and take their seats. " All aboard, gents ?" inquires the host. ' One missing," said they. Proceeding to the diuing-room the host finds our Yankee friend sery cooly help ing himself to an immense piece af steak, the size of a horse's lip. "You'll be left sir! Stage going to start V "Waal, I hain't got pothin'tew say agin it!" "Can't wait, sir; better take your seat." " I'll be gaul darned ef I dew, nuther, till I've got my breakfuss ! I've got tew pay my half a dollar, and I'm goin' to get the vallee on't ? and ef yew calkalate I ain't, yew air mistaken." So tlie stage did start, and left the hun gry New Knglander, who continued his attack of the edibles. Biscuit*, coffee, steaks, etc., disappeared rapidly before tho eyes of the astouished landlord. * " Say, squire, them there cakes is 'bout mst ; fetch us nuther grist 011 'em. You, (to the waiter,) nuther cup uv thar ar cof fee. Pass them eggs, liaise yewre own pork, squire?—this is amazin' nice ham. Land 'bout ycare tolerablo cheap, squire, I ealhite ? Don't lay yewre own eggs, do ye?" and thus the Yankee kept quiring the landlord, until he had made a hearty meal. " Say, squire, now I'm about tew con clude payin' my dewours to this table, but if ye'wd jist givo me a bowl of bread and milk tew sorter top off with, I'd be much obleeged tow ye." So out goes the landlord and waiter for the bowl, milk and bread, and set them before tjje Yankee. "Spoon, tew, if you please!" But no spoon could be found. Land lord was sure he bad plenty of silver ones lying on the table when the fctjge stop ped " Say ! dew yew think tiuejn passen gers is goin' to pay yew for a brcakfuss and not git no compf.mation ?" "Ah I what! do you think any of the passengers took them 1" " Dew I think ? No, I don't think, but I'm sartin. If they aro all as green as you, about here, I'm goin' tew locate immediately and tew onst." The landlord rushes out to the stable, and etartsa man off after the stage, which had gone about three miles. The man overtakes the stags, and says something to the driver in a low tone. He immedi ately turns back, and on arriving at the hotel, our Yankee comos-out to take his seat and says:— " llf;o\r \f.\f yejv ! gen.ts 1 I'w glad tew see yew back." " Can you point out the man you tbipk has the spoons 1" asked the landlord "Pint him out? Sartinly, I ken.— Say, squire ! I paid you four ninepences i\r a breakfuss, and I callato I got the vallee on't. You'll hnd them spoons'in the coffee pot!"— Which was found to be the case. WIIY IIE COULDN'T. — I read lately of a boy, you may oamo Joiin if you like, who ran into the house one evening and said : pother, Willie played truant this af ternoon, and he wanted me togo wo.LiU I couldn't." " CouUln't, why not, my SOIJTJ " Because," said little his arms most lovingly around his moth er's necjf, "J thought it would make you so sorry, and that is why I eoijtfn't-" 1 wish I knew that boy. There is something so lofty io his Jor not going wijth Willie that I really love him. You see it was pot fear , but love that gov erned him. He couldn't play truant be cause it' would make bis mother feel so ■orry. -t-The yoymg man who went on a bri dal toyr with angel in muslin re turned with a termagant in hoops. En couraging to bachelors—very. NUMBER 35 Traitors and their Boots. The treason of Benedict Arnold was discovered in the boot of &|ajoc Andre, and it was the same appen dage that enabled the troopers of Col. Pritchard to detect Jeff. Davis under the petticoats of his wife; but wo hove nowhere seen : t stated that Aaron Burr was captured under al most similar circumstances, and that but for the shape and appearance of his boots he might have contrjyed to escape. We extract from Patrons "Life of Burr," page asfpllows; "Un a cold evening in February two young lawyers -were playing backgammon in a cabin of the village of Wakefield, Washington Co., Ala. The hour of ten arrived, and they were still absorbed in the game, when the distant tranp of horse; arrested their attention. Two travelers rodq up to the door, one of whom, without dismounting, inquired for the tavern. It was pointed out to him. lie then asked the road to liinson's, a noted resident of the vicinity. One of the lawyers, Perkin» by name, replied that the house was seven miles dis tant, and the road 9 exceedingly diffi cult to find, and there was a danger* ous creek to be crossed. '•While he was explaining the road the fight of their pine wood fire flash ed occasionally upon the countenancq of the travelers who had tisked the questions. Perkins gazed upon iho face as though it fascinated him.— The eyes of the stranger sparkled like diamonds, as he sat composed and erect upon a supurb horse, better caparisoned than was usual in the wilderness. Ilis dress was the rude homespun of the country, but the quick eye of Perkins observed that his boots were far too el'-gantly sha ped, and of materials much too fine, to accord with the coarse, ill-cut pan taloons, from uhich they protuded." The travelers rode on. Perkins' sus picions were aroused. The striking features of the man whom he had conversed,the incongruity of his dress his superior air, the lateness of thq hour for tho stranger to be abroad in a region so wild and unknown, all confirmed the itr.pression which had been left on his mind. Hushing into the cabin, ho exclaimed : "That is Aaron Burr J 112 hay* read a description of him in the proc lamation. I cannot be mistaken.— Let us follow him to liinson's and take measures for his arrest.'' "His companion, not so easily moyed, ridiculed the project of pur suing a traveler at so late an hour merely on a conjecture, and, in short refused to go. But Perkins, not de terred from his purpose, hasteped tq a neighboring cabin, roused the sher iff of the county, and told him the story. In a few minutes fhc two men were equipped, and rode off at a rapid pace through the pine woods." And upon the information given, Bijrr and his companions were subse; qucntly arres^etj. —lt was announced some time ngo that the Hon. Robert Dale Oweij was about to commence writing the Life of President Lincoln, and we now learn that the task has been commenced, and laborious is u considered that it will require two years to complete it. His publisher, so cognizant is he of the of tho work and the distinguished ability brought to bear upon it, pays Mr. Owden three thousond dollars in advance, and fifteen thousand when the work is ready for the press. It was due to the life and memory of this great and good man that his biogra oher should bo one of the first men of £j;e nation ; and are free to say that in no better hands could th'» sacred task be confided. TUE WORTHLEBSNEBS or SLAVEHY —ln different States, where only the oth er day Slavery was regarded as the su-. prcme earthly blessing, its abolition is now pronounced to bean excellent thing ! —"Now," says one authority, (from ( South-Carcmaa,) ."our sjate will proceed in her material prosperity witojit the drawback and clog of Slavery."—"We neyer did conscientiously believe, (Ken tucky,) that the institution of Slavery was a benefit to the State- How could wo ; —how could any one so believe, with the progress of the free State of Ohio along side of us."—"The liberation of the Slaves (Texas,) has proved advantageous to the people." And so on we could quote halfa column. The only support ers of Slavery heft, are in the North. - '• * J »•»j —Small boj on tip-toe to his com prions—" 'Sh —stop your noise ajl of you." ' ■' ■ Companions—''llello ? Tommy! what is the matter ?" Small boy—"We've got g, new bar, by—it's very weak and tired—walk ed all the way from , heaven', lastri night—rausn't be kicking up a row round here now."
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