VOLUME 9.
About Negro Equality, Amalgama
tion. &c., &c,
To the Editor of the N. Y. Tribune.
SIR: Will you be candid enough to
answer a subscriber a few plain questions,
to wit:
1. Are you in favor of elevating the
negro among us to a social equality with
the Whites ?
2. Are you in favor of their filling the
offices within the gift of the people from
the lowest to the highest, whether Legis
lative, Executive, or Judicial ?
3. And, to cap the climax, are you in
favor of Amalgamation ? ,
I have been a close reader of your pa
*per since February last, but thus tar have
seen nothing from you that enables me to
determine your views upon t lie interrog
atories propounded. 1 will not annoy you
with an argument, and I may add that,
although I have no desire to appear in
print, 1 make it a point to write nothing
lam unwilling to sign. I may as well
tell you, in closing, that I am no Demo
crat and never was ; and, as to loyalty, I
will not suffer by a comparison with the
K 'itor of the TRIBUNE or any one else;
and further, as a citizen and subscriber
(unaccustomed to asking favors), I claim
that, being a prominent journalist, it is
your duty to face the music—to show
your hand. Respectfully,
J. BALLINGER.
Sonora, Ilancock C 0.,, /'V.. July 23, 63
REMARKS.
Our correspondent s assurance that he
is "no Democrat and never was," is en
tirely superfluous. A Democrat (so the
dictionaries assure us) is one who believes
that Government should emanate from
and be directed by the whole people.—
y/ebster's great American Dictionary—
confessedly the highest standard for defi
nition—says:
I>r.Moo» <T, n. Ono who mlherr* tn a govonrment by
♦ lie I'eople, or favors the Right of StiJ/'ragc to vtl cLisict
of tun.
Such Government, Mr. li s questions
clearly imply, lias no faith in. 01
coarse, he is not a Democrat, and can nev
er be mistaken for one by any person who
knows what the word means.
—And now to his questions :
1. We do not know whether negroes
would be " elevated" or not by social
equality with Whites: some discerning
men think they would rather be degraded
by it. But there is no such thing as "so
cial equality" on earth, and never can be
while some are good, others bad ; some
intelligent, others ignorant; some coarse
and repulsive, others refined and agreea
ble Sonora is not a very large place j
yet we will venture to assert that there
are Whites in it who do not invite Mr.
Ballingcr to dinner, and others whom he
di>cs not invite. We insist that he and
every one else shall continue to enjoy per
fect freedom in the premises, and regard
whomsoever each of them severally will
as superiors, equals or inferiors. So with
all others. White or Black. We advocate
the largest liberty in all matters of social
intercourse, so that, if White and Black
choose to live on terms of social intimacy,
they may ; if not, not. Our correspond
ent will giveT our opinions whatever name
shall please him. Social equality docs
not aud never did exist; social relations
are entirely matters of choice ; and with
any other person's intimacies we do not
intermeddle.
Hut if Mr. Ballinger refers to lnjnl
equality where he talks of social, we must
tell him that we do favor legal equality
between the highest and the lowest social
*cale. We claim nil legal rights, and
what we claim we willingly concede to
others. In (ireat Britain, for example.,
Dukes are not apt to invite chimney
sweeps to dinner, and are not likely to
change their practice in this respect; but
any chiuincy sweep may invite any Duke
into court, and the invitation will have
to be accepted; Beiug in Court, the
sweep may call other sweeps to testify as
to his claim or grievance, and the Duke
must rebut their testimony or meet what
ever verdict it shall show to be just.—
Aud we do lavor such equality, and bppe
to see it established wherever it has not
already been.
2. We are in favqjr of filling offices
with iust such persons as a majority of
the legal voters shall prefer. We never
.voted, nor wished to vote, for a negro ;
but, if we ever should be required to
vote, aud should happen to kuow a negro
whom we deemed eminently fit for the
place to be filled, we should deeju it a
wrong if a law or constitutional restriction
constrained us to vote fyr some one else
or not vote at ail.
3. If by "amalgamation" is meant the
intermingling of the White and Black
races, wd, if the question be, Do you
consider this advisable or desirable ? our
answer is, No, we do not. There seems
to us a natural repulsion between Whites
and Blacks which «uay, indeed, be over
borne or defied, but which must have been
implanted for some good end, and whiph
we therefore /aspect and desire to see re
spected. will arise quite
enough prqvocations (y di£ejtacc in the
parried state without superadding this
AMERICAN CITIZEN.
(it seems to us) uatural, instinctive repug
nance of race. Hence, as a rule, we do
uot think the intermarriage of Christians
with Jews advisable, nor that of Roman
Catholics with Protestants, nor even that
of the sternly Orthodox with rationaliz
ing Quakers, Unitarians and Universal
is. We do not say that these differen
ces of creed are insuperable bars to mar
riage, but that, other things being equal,
it were better to seek partners for life
among those with whom you have no es
! sential difference or disagreement.
—Hut if our correspondent means.
'Would you by law prohibit and punish
intermarriagesbetweeu White and Black?'
—our answer luuijt be, No, we would not.
Civil law has no warrant to interfere in
matters of taste. We should certainly
advise no White to marry a Black ; but,
if such a couple were resolved to marry,
we would kiterpose no ! gal obstacle and
desire none. And, if the question were
—" Sh>, 11 they marry or be intimate with
out marriage ?" we should say, " Let them
marry," thoqjjli our judgment is against
all such relatioas, regular or irregular,
lawful or unlawful.
—We trust Mr. Ballinger will find our
answers at least explicit.
The New Democratic Test.
We have seen six Northern Democrat
ic papers, and we find extracts in them
from a dozen others, taking open ground
in favor of general sympathy for the four
conspirators lately hung by the President's
order, after the fiuding of the military
court. Frotti these sheets it would seem
that to be a good Democrat is to make
common cause in defense of the murder
ers of Lincoln. Tn the North Democra
cy is in synipa'hy with these conspirators
and in tho South Democracy planned the
movements of the assassins. Two of
these papers deliberately attempt to prove
the innocence of the condemned. This
is by no means strange, when wo reflect
that these Democratic papers, one and
all, have, for four long years, been on tho
side of the common enemy.
The Democracy are beginning to stir
a little. They have but few principles
now that they can fully agree upon, and
they are embodied in tho following brief
platform :
Resolved, That we aro superior to col
ored citizens of African decent
Resolved , That we were mistaken when
we resol-ed that the South could not be
coerced.
Resolved, That if ire had believed that
our two-sided Chicago platform would
have been so well understood we would
have made it more ambiguivus.
Resolved, That as tho war is over, we
aro ready to join tlio Union party and
div.de .he offi e .
Resolved. That the Democracy always
held the offices, ynd it is unconstitutional
to take the advantage of our unpopulari
ty and rule Democrats out iu their old
ago.
Resoleed, That if Democrats rejoice
over the assassination of Lincoln, it is
not owing ro their exuberance or good
feeling, but tho deepest grief.—Knox
vil/e Whig.
A LITTLE DEAF.—In tho olden timo,
before-Maine laws were invented, Wing
kept the hotel at Middle Grainville, and
from his well-stocked bar, furnished "ac
commodation toman and beast." He
was a good landlord, but terribly deaf.—
Fish, the village painter, was afflicted ;n
the same way.
One day they were sitting by them
selves in the bar-room. Wing was be
hind the counter, waiting for the next
customer; whiltf Fish was lounging be
fore the fire, with a thirsty lo"k, casting
sheep's eyes occasionally a Wing's decan
ters; and wishing devoutly that some one
would couie iu and treat.
A traveler from the south, on his way
to Brandon, stepped into enquire tho
distance. Going up to the counter, he
said, "Can you tell me,Jsir, how far it is to
Brandon ?"
♦'Brandy ?" says the ready landlord,
jumping up. "yes, sir, I have some," at
the same time handing down a decanter'
of the precious liquid.
"You misunderstood me," says the
sprangcr, "I asked how far it was to
Brandon."
"Thev call it pretty good brandy,"
says Wing. "Will you take some sugar
with it ?" raachinir as he spoke, for the
bowl and toddy-stick.
The desj>airiog traveller turned to Fish.
"The landlord," said he, "seems to
be deaf, will you tell me how far it is to
Brandon ?'■'
"'I hank you," said Fish : "I don't care
if I do take a drink with you I"
The stranger treated and fled.
Mrs. Partington, in illustration of
the Proverb, "a soft ans.wer taroeth away
wrath," mays, '-that it is better to speak
parajjorically of** person than to be all
the time flmgijjg epitaphs at him."
"Let us have Faith that Right makes Might; and in that Faith let us, to the end,dare to do our duty as we understand it"— A - LINCOLN
BUTLER, BUTLER COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 9 1865.
Striding.
It is difficult at times not to feel that
we are living in a land of 'dreams. Good
old-fashioned thinkers moralize about
"even pace"of nations ; but in the latter
days it seems that nations stride, and that
over the whole world there is one con
tinuous rush and roar. The month of
July ended the most magnificent hun
dred days in history. 'The hundred days
of 1815 are memorable for the multitude
of events that crowded them, although
nothing remaiued but a Government which
took no root and lasted thirty years, and
tho exile of a man who only wanted that
exile to turn the world's hatred into the
world's pity. In those Hundred Days
Europe was thrown back a century. —
Tyranny and superstition and oppression
were all sustained and protected by the
great name of Wellington. The tinged,
expensive and dusty robes that England
calls royalty, and which, cover the clog
and check everything like free thought
and free deed, were burnished anew and
wrapped tighter around the growing liuibs
of-a struggling people. In our Hund
red ays we have completed the overthrow
of IJebellion ; we have reduced our ar
mies to a mere contingent; (disarmed a
navy and sent sliips-of-war back to the
better duties of carrying corn and cotton;
hurried a victorious army into the mines
ani'l ations oi'.he Western Territories, and
raised money enough out of our own farms
and looms to pay the extraordinary ex
penses of the Goyernuient. Our victo
ries of peace are even greater than the
victories of war. On one side our pion
eers are girdling the Rocky Mountains
with railroads —on the other wo stand
waiting to grasp the hand of the English
man who brings us' within an [jour ot
London. There is something uneasy in
our very ambition. To the South we
have a territory newly conquered —un-
settled, and sadly wanting "Reconstruc
tion"—and yet wo begin to look longing
ly to the North, and covet, tho St. Law
rence and tho vast Canadian Countries,
and chafe at any boundary this sidq of
the Polar Sea. In the majesty of newly
asserted strength wo stride toward a daz
zling destiny.
Do we feel that every step brings us
more important and burdensome duties?
For the second time in the world's his
tory we aro called upon to riseup and con
trol the destiny of tho world. This is
no vain thought. Men aro but the rep
resentatives of ideas—and ideas are not
bounded by religion, race, or territory. —
Cromwell, Washington, Franklin, Mira
beau, Napoleon, Hugo. John Brown, Lit!
coin—step by step tho Idea of Resistance
to Tyranny has traveled over the world,
saved England, revolutionized Franco—
destroyed Slavery in America. Those
who look at these men and their times,
and see what they call tho ebb and flow
of ideas—Cromwell followed by Charles,
Mirabeau by Napoleon, Franklin by Cal
houn, Hugo banished by a Bonaparte,
and Brown hanged by Bucliannan—forget
that generations ate but as days —that
whatever temporary tbb may come the
tide always rises—that Cromwell dead
was as powerful as in life—and that when
John ljrown's body went down to moul
der in the dust, his soul still marched—
on. Nor is our work done. It is mere
ly beginuing. When John Stuart .Mill
triumphed over palace and treasury, aid
ed by "two hundred workmen," it was
the logical result pf Graut's success. —
Those workmen took comfort from Ameri
ca, and were strong and bold when they
saw men of their own blood and lineage
defending their flag and giving up their
lives for a government with tnore devo
tion than royalty ever commanded.—
America has not triumphed in vain.—
There is not a desponding Republican
that crouches under the i.apsburgs and
Bonaparts or eats hard bread away down
in a dismal mine, thot my Lord of West
minster niqp carry a stick before ller
Majesty and eat up thousands of broad
acres in feeding foxes, hounds and deers,
who does not feel stronger, ami-more reso
lute, and more anxious for the hour to
strike. Men call this a selfish, sensual,
mercenary age, but only in our moments
of petulance and impatience. It is a
grand old Nineteenth Century, full of
good deeds and brave endeavors, and
proudly to be remembered in song and
story and over many a cup of generous
wine in the good days coming.— N. Y.
Tribune.
—A Gentleman at the Astor House ta
ble, Eew York, asked the person sitting
next to bim if he would please pass th
mustard. "Sir," said the man, "do you
mistake me for the waiter?" "Oh no,
sir," was the reply! "I mistook you for a
gentleman."
—What is the worst seat a man can sit
on? Self oon-ceit.
Santa Anna and Maxamillian.
A proclamation to the Mexicrns has
been recently iisued, purporting to come
from the ex-President and ex-Dictator
Santa Anna, and calling upon all the
parties of the country to unite for the
restoration of the Republic and tho over
throw of the Empire. Supposing the
document to be authentic, the name of
its author undoubtedly clothes it with
great political importance.
Santa Anna has been longer and more
prominently active upon the political stage
of Mexico than any other Mexican states
man now living. He has been himself
seven times President and twice Dicta
tor, and was once evqn supposed to be on
the point of being elevated to an imperi
al throne. On the great questions which
have agitated Mexico, Santa Anna has
repeatedly changed party connections,
being, in turn, a Centralist, a Federalist,
an opponent and a friend of the Chutch
claims. The proclamation just issued ex
plains these variations from tho desire to
respect always the decision of the ma
jority of the people. The same desire,
the proclamation further states, led Sau
ta Anna to the recognition of the Em
pire. On this point, however, the au
thor of the proclamation feels the need of
a more detailed apology. Santa Anna, in
recognizing, in 1804, the Empire, said:
"Tho last word of my conscience and of
my couuictions is Constitutional Monar
chy " This, he assorts, was exported fom
him by the French authorities at Vera
Cruz. His stay in Mexico was made de
pendent upon tho recognition of the
French intervention and upon his keep
ing quiet. This he would not have done
had not tho sufferings of his wife and
the advice of several friedds who capiq to
moot him overcome his doubts. He was
willing to recognize and to accept Maxi
milian as ihe choice of the majority of
the Mexican people, but not as tho tool
of the French Emporer.
Santa Anna claims to have now gained
tho conviction that Maximilian has no
intention to pursue a truly national and
reformatory policy, but that he is estao
lishing a despotism which all Mexicans
should unite to overthrow. That this ap
peal will moot with responses, and that it
will add to the opposition which is still
made to tho Empire, cannot bo doubted.
Santa Anna is a name known to every
Mexican, and which has always had and
still has the power to rally around it a
party. There are, moreover, few Mexi
cans who have a better acquaintance of
the current opinion among their country
men than Santa Anna, and who have b en
more eager to turn this knowledge tolbeir
own.advantage. Tho recent pronuncia
mcnto may, therefore, be taken as a
that its author has satisfactory informa
tion of the decline of the cause of the
Empire among his countrymen. .
Although' as a general rule, the war
bull.oting of both the beligprent parties in
Mexico cannot bo received with too great
caution, there are many indications, en
tirely trustworthy, that in tho Govern
ment circles of-Mexico the situation is
not regarded as satisfactory. There are
ominous admissions in the letters written
by the most devoted partisans of the Em
pire that the Juarist officers who had
given in their submission show again a
tendency to join the Republican army:
that considerable bodies of Republican
farces are maintaining theinsolves in ev
ery State of the Confederation, and that
no progress is made in the pacification of
the Western States. Letters published
iu Frentjh, Austriau and Belgian papers
also clearly prove that many of the for
eign mercenaries who have been, sent
to Mexico to subdue the people begin to
see that the task is much more difficult
than it at first appeared to be, and that
they are as far as ever fronj realizing it.
Two things seem to us to be well estab
lished—the unpopularity of the cause of
the*Etnpire iu Mexico as well as in Eu
rope, and the popularity of the Republi
can cause at h me are both on the increase.
—N. Y. Tribune.
NORTH-WESTERN HARVEST. —The
Chicago Times has two columns of
reports from ihe great grain growing
counties of Illinois, Indiana, Michi
gan and Minnesota—all of which en
courage the expectation that the
forthcoming har est in all that re
gion. wil be' one of the most boun
tiful on record, notwithstanding the
serious damage influenced by recent
severe storms. In Indiana plone,
there would seem to be some doubt
a» to the yield of wheat on acount. of
injuries received from rain and rust.
In many places the stalk has not
been cut, the yield being so poor.—
The hay crop on the contrary, is
vi ry fine, and promises in some pla
ces a yield of five t mes as Urge as
that of the previous season. Corn,
oats . and potatoes are all 'thriving
firie'y, and 'ive indications of an
abundant yield.
Letter from Governor Foote.
We clip the following from the Knox
vitte Whig of the 26th ult. :
" The following letter from Henry g.
Foote, late rebel Congressman, now in
Canada, wiij be perused by our East Ten
nnessee friends who listened to his speech
es in 1861, with more than ordinary in
terest. Mr. Foote is a sedsible man, and
like the Prodigal Son, has cpme to his
proper mind. He is more to blame for
going into the rebellion under the leader
ship of Davis, than many others were.—
Foote nevjr had any confidence in the
talents, integrity, or patriotism of Davis,
and we have heard him so declare, both
publicly and privately."
MONTREAL, July Bth, 1865.
To Ilis Excellency Gov. Bronlow:
SIR—I trust that you will see some apol
ogy for the present letter iu the circum
stances which surround me. Some very
good friends of mine, always heretofore
devoted to tho Union cause, have thought
that I could with propriety make appli
cation to President Johnson for release
from the pains ond disabilities incurred
by nic in connection with the late armed
rebellion in the South, and I have done
so accordingly, in a frank and respectable
letter, in which, without unmanly servil
ity or sycophautic adulation. I have call
ed his attention to the leading particular*
of my own case, and requested him to act
upon the facts presented in such manner
as Ijo might deem right and proper, in
view ol tho high public responsibilities
restiiig upon him. 1 have made no effort
jo invoke special sympathy iu my favor,
regarding tho whole question as to the
manner in which, as well as the extent to
which exeevtive clemency should be ex
ercised, as depending upon principles of
public policy alone.
I discover, and am glad to learn, that
in the State of Tennessee, you will be
looked to for advice iu regard to all appli
cations arising there. This is, in my
judgment, obviously right in itself, and I
have heretofore greatly misunderstood
you character if in the performance of a
duty equally grave and delicate, you are
nof, found acting both with wisdom and
tnagnanmity.
Whethei or not it would be prudent to
release tne from tho penalties which 1
confess myself to have incurred, pepends,
as 1 suppose, mainly upon what has been
my course heretofare. 1 venture to hope
that on this subject you are already very
fully informed. I aid of any special en
quiry which you may deem it requisite to
make, I have ventured to send you the
letter which I addressed to President
Johnson a month or two since, which,
though written. T confess, when I was
not in a very good humor with Mr. Hun
ter, embodies a statement of facts which
you will find te be iu all respects strictly
accurate.
It would bo wrong in 1110 not to Bay on
this occasion, that I have long since been
satisfied that in yielding my sanction to
the war so needlessly and madly commen
ced in 1861, by the secession leaders of
the Cotton States , a war in the orvjina
lion of which I had as little hand as any
man in North Aine.iea. I committed a
most grievous and censurable blunder ; a
bluuder which I immediately perceived
on reaching Richmond in 1862, but which
it was then too late to correct. All must
now see the true policy of the South, af-,
ter Mr. Lincoln's had occurred, (mainly
in consequence of the absurd and liictious
course of those who controlled the action
of the Charleston Convention in I860,)
was to strive by purely constitutional
methods, in connection witu our Northern
conservative allies, to ward off t}ie dan
gers then sugposed to be menaced. The
unwise course pursued in withdrawing
from Congress, seceding from the Feder
al Union; establishing a new government
at Montgomery, and commencing war
against the Federal Government, I con
demned strongly at the time; but injudi
ciouslo and weakly yielded to the general
feeling of sympathy towards our South
ern fellowcitizen3, who at the time were
evidentlp about to be overwhelmed by su
perior numbers, and gave my assent to
the co operative policy ultimately adopted
by the State of Tennessee. So soon as I
discovered the mistake which I had made,
I labored to prevent as far as in my pow
er the fearful consexuences which have
bince been so fearfully realized. Ido not
yretend to justify my conduct ;,but if af
ter maturely considering all the circum
stances of the case, yeu should judge it;
safe to interpose with President Johnson
in my behalf, you will place me under
special obligations. You are awaire, I
hope, that none of the oppressive and
cruel conduct putin exercise toward
yourself and your Union friends in Ten
nessee, ever had my approval, and you
will learn from Mr. Baxter and others of
| East Tennessee, that I exerted myself
zealously and untiringly to relieve all
those in that unfortunate region whowere
subject to such sore persecution on ac
count of the conscientious entertainment
of Union sentiments by them.
I feel it to be but right that I should
further add, that regarding African Sla
very as having now become extinct.
(mainly too' through the instrumentality
of its leading champions in the South,
who, despite all the warnings they re
ceived of the mischiefs likely to arise,
kept up from 1850 to 1860, a constant
agitation of sectional questions;) were
1 relieved from the disabilities under
which I now labor, I should feci bound
to uphold, with zealous fidelity the status
now existing in Tennessee in regard to
this matter.
I well know that if you think it pru
dent that I should be allowed to return tQ
Tennessee, you wi 11 have the manliness
to facilitate my doing so, and that if, on
the other haud, you come to the conclu
sion that my return would in any degree
endanger the public quiet, ypji will inter
pose to prevent it. In cither case, I ut
ter no unmanly compliint, but submit to
what may be judged most conductive to
the general welfare with composure and
cheerfulness, I have the honor to be your
obedient servant.
11. S. FOOIE.
Hanging a Woman.
Those who think that men have an ex
clusive right to the gallows, think it an
outrage that a woman should be swung up
by the neck under Any circumstances.—
No people on earth treat tlje weaker sex
with more consideration than do the peo
ple of the United States Such is the
gallantry and respectful deffcrence of our
people towards women, that few cases of
hanging ever occur, either by order of
the kjfcate or National authorities. The
French, with all their politeness, frequent
ly hang, and otherwise publicly execute
females. records of the black Mon
day's at Newgate are filled with the names
of women brought to the gallows by laws
of England, and not always justly.
Those who accept capital punishment
as proper, should not revolt at the idea of
its infliction upon a woman. The terri
ble thing is not, that a woman should be
hanged, but that a woman should commit
the crime that merits hanging. There
arc hundreds of wom<jn in the South,
during the past four years, have richly de
served hanging. They rushed into the
brutal and bloody crimes of the rebel
lion, they encouraged assassination, and
pointed out Union men and prisoners,
with u view of having them murdered,
and in hundreds of instances succeeded.
The wickedness aud malice of female
rebels in this war has sar out-run amything
that men were equal to, and ofton stimu
lated insult and cruelty that the black
guards in uniform were ashamed of, and
turned from in disgust. The bitter taunts
of •Southern women drove many Southern
men into the field, and kept them there
long after hope had flad. And yet, these
same she devils are clad in mourning for
the very men they forced into the jaws of
death. The hanging of such criminals
excites no sympathy with us.— Kiwxuille
Whig.
Interesting from X. Carolina.
HALKIGH, July 24.—Gov. ilolden has
recovered from his recent illness, and is
at his post again.
The large landholders in this city and
county, who comprise the aristocracy and
and leading rebel sympathizers, made a
strong effort through Gov. Ilolden, to
hive the Government tax suspended, but
fai ed, and are now promptly paying the
taxes to save ther property.
The Raleigh Proyrew continues to
make fresh disclusures of the designs of
the rebel element in this State against
the Union men and negroes to be put in
to effect when the troops are withdrawn
and the new State Government goes into
operation.
The Kaletgh Standard say tj;at the
rebel papers are springing up in differ
ent parts of the State, which openly defy
the Government and proufulgate treason
of a dangerous character that their im
mediate suppression would be justifiable.
Most of the federal appointees in North
Carolina are unable to qualify not being
in a position to take the oath presectcd
by Congress. Among this number is
lion. K. P. Diet, rcceutly appointed
Distsict Judge.
The announcement that the arrogant
rebels of Virginia are to receive the full
qenefit of the confiscation act is making
many friends for the administration in
North' Carolina, where the same rigor ia
greatly needed.
—A somewhat juvenile said to
a fair partner at a ball, "Dop't you think
Miss, ray mustaches are becoming?"—
To which she replied, ''Well Sir, they
'may be coming, but they have uot yet
arriyed "
ONE of the latest tnventijop for ,which
a patent has been taken oat is that of sha
king carpot by steam.
NUMBER 34
THE QUEEN'S SPEECH.—From th 6
Queen's speech delivered by commis
sion at the prorogation of Parliment
we extract the part of most interest
in this country:
Wo are commanded to inform you
that Her Majesty's relations wit!}
foreign Powerb are friendly and sat
isfactory, and she trusts that therq
arc no questions pending which are
likely to lead to any disturbance
of the peace of Europe.'
Iler Majesty rejoices ! that the oivil
war in North America has ended, and
she trusts that the evils caused by that
long conflict piay be repaired, and that
prosperity may be restored iu the States
which have suffered from the contest."
Her Majesty regrets that the confer
ences and communications between Per
Majesty's North American Provinces on
the subject of the Union of those Provin
ces in a confederation have not yet lead
to a satisfactory result, such a Upion
would afford additional strength to those
provinces, and give facilities for many
internal improvements. Her Majesty
lias received gratifying assuranses of the
devoted loyalty of her North Aperioen
subjects. u. ...a
Her Msjesty rejoices at the continued
tranquility and increasing prosperity of
her Indian dominions, and she trusts
that the largo supply which those teiri
torifs will afford of the raw material of
manufacturing industry, together with
the termination of the civl war in t(iq
(Jr,it(jd Spates of North Ameripa will
prevent a recurrence of the distress which
long prevailed among the manufacturing
population of some of the northern coun
ties.
WHERE WAS OPlllß. —Professer Max
Muller, in his 'Leotures on the Science
of Language," takes up the question,
which has so long been an open question,
where the Ophir of the Scripture was
situated. He confirms what has Jong
been the prevailing opinion—that it was
India; but he does ths by an argument
(jomcwliat new and un ique. lie says:
"A great deal has been written to find out
where this Ophir was; bift therq ciin be
no doubt that it was in India. The
names for apes, peacocks, ivory, and al
inug-trees, (brought bj Solomon's fleet
from Ophir) are foreign words in Hebrew,
as much as gutta-percha or tobacco in En
glish. Now, if we wished to knoiy from
what part of the world gutta-percha was
first imported into Jingland, we might
safely conclude that it came that
country where the name gutta-percha
formed a part of the spoken language.—
11, therefore, we can find a language
which the names for peacocks, apes, ivo
ry and almug-tree, which are foreign to
the Hebrew, arc indigenous, we may be
certain that the country in which that
language was spoken must have been the
Oplrir of the Bible. That language is nc
other than Sanscrit."
FROM GEOIIOIA.—AtIanta is aheap
of ruins. No one can imagine it?
condition. I had read about the
burning of Atlanta, but never once
believed it so thoroughly destroy
ed. The Court House and churches,
the Masonic llall and the buil#hg9
belonging to the medical f&cuHy,
and cne block used as a hospital, are
all that is left standing. Everything
else is a heap of rubbish and ruini:
Fact ories, stores, banks, rolling mills,
hotels, everything is gone. Ao one
is do ng anything toward rebuilding.
The people sit sullen, and when they
speak it is to curse the Government.
Those who have any means are wait
ing to see what the Government will
The fu ther into Dixie I get, the
more hatred I 6nd toward the Gov
ernment and toward the Yankee.—
The military power is the only safe
guard. If that were withdrawen I
could not travel in the Southern
States and ever hope to get back
again alive. To moryow the State
lioad is opened through to Chatta
nooga; it has been repaired wholly q,t
the expense of the General Govern
ment. To sum up Atlanta, the Gate
City is totally destroyed. Ten years
of assiduous industry will not suffice
to rebuild it. Hood's army and
Sherman's army, marching an 1 coun
ter-marching all around it, have de
stroyed the country for miles.
(JtIODLIBKT^.
A suddenly rich boor boasting of hig
carriage, styles it his "coupon."
Fashionable Proverb " Pride must
have a Water-fall 1"
A satirical writer has obsetved that
" woman needs no eulogist—she speaks
for herself."
Why is a billiard-ball like the letter
P ?—Because the cue follows it.
Digging trenches is said to be the
groundwork af military education.
A good motto for young women whose
beaux don't t>.e the mark—Doubte Ojp
quits.
What is tie greatest stand eyer made
for civilization ?—The inkstand
They that laugh »t eveiything, au(|
they that fret at everything, are foolq
alike.
Tho .beautiful tresses ladies are noiy
ca!Lsd beau-strings.
It is a good thicg to be above board,
but generally a bad tiding to b§ pverbqanj,