VOLUME 9. About Negro Equality, Amalgama tion. &c., &c, To the Editor of the N. Y. Tribune. SIR: Will you be candid enough to answer a subscriber a few plain questions, to wit: 1. Are you in favor of elevating the negro among us to a social equality with the Whites ? 2. Are you in favor of their filling the offices within the gift of the people from the lowest to the highest, whether Legis lative, Executive, or Judicial ? 3. And, to cap the climax, are you in favor of Amalgamation ? , I have been a close reader of your pa *per since February last, but thus tar have seen nothing from you that enables me to determine your views upon t lie interrog atories propounded. 1 will not annoy you with an argument, and I may add that, although I have no desire to appear in print, 1 make it a point to write nothing lam unwilling to sign. I may as well tell you, in closing, that I am no Demo crat and never was ; and, as to loyalty, I will not suffer by a comparison with the K 'itor of the TRIBUNE or any one else; and further, as a citizen and subscriber (unaccustomed to asking favors), I claim that, being a prominent journalist, it is your duty to face the music—to show your hand. Respectfully, J. BALLINGER. Sonora, Ilancock C 0.,, /'V.. July 23, 63 REMARKS. Our correspondent s assurance that he is "no Democrat and never was," is en tirely superfluous. A Democrat (so the dictionaries assure us) is one who believes that Government should emanate from and be directed by the whole people.— y/ebster's great American Dictionary— confessedly the highest standard for defi nition—says: I>r.Moo» cs not invite. We insist that he and every one else shall continue to enjoy per fect freedom in the premises, and regard whomsoever each of them severally will as superiors, equals or inferiors. So with all others. White or Black. We advocate the largest liberty in all matters of social intercourse, so that, if White and Black choose to live on terms of social intimacy, they may ; if not, not. Our correspond ent will giveT our opinions whatever name shall please him. Social equality docs not aud never did exist; social relations are entirely matters of choice ; and with any other person's intimacies we do not intermeddle. Hut if Mr. Ballinger refers to lnjnl equality where he talks of social, we must tell him that we do favor legal equality between the highest and the lowest social *cale. We claim nil legal rights, and what we claim we willingly concede to others. In (ireat Britain, for example., Dukes are not apt to invite chimney sweeps to dinner, and are not likely to change their practice in this respect; but any chiuincy sweep may invite any Duke into court, and the invitation will have to be accepted; Beiug in Court, the sweep may call other sweeps to testify as to his claim or grievance, and the Duke must rebut their testimony or meet what ever verdict it shall show to be just.— Aud we do lavor such equality, and bppe to see it established wherever it has not already been. 2. We are in favqjr of filling offices with iust such persons as a majority of the legal voters shall prefer. We never .voted, nor wished to vote, for a negro ; but, if we ever should be required to vote, aud should happen to kuow a negro whom we deemed eminently fit for the place to be filled, we should deeju it a wrong if a law or constitutional restriction constrained us to vote fyr some one else or not vote at ail. 3. If by "amalgamation" is meant the intermingling of the White and Black races, wd, if the question be, Do you consider this advisable or desirable ? our answer is, No, we do not. There seems to us a natural repulsion between Whites and Blacks which «uay, indeed, be over borne or defied, but which must have been implanted for some good end, and whiph we therefore /aspect and desire to see re spected. will arise quite enough prqvocations (y di£ejtacc in the parried state without superadding this AMERICAN CITIZEN. (it seems to us) uatural, instinctive repug nance of race. Hence, as a rule, we do uot think the intermarriage of Christians with Jews advisable, nor that of Roman Catholics with Protestants, nor even that of the sternly Orthodox with rationaliz ing Quakers, Unitarians and Universal is. We do not say that these differen ces of creed are insuperable bars to mar riage, but that, other things being equal, it were better to seek partners for life among those with whom you have no es ! sential difference or disagreement. —Hut if our correspondent means. 'Would you by law prohibit and punish intermarriagesbetweeu White and Black?' —our answer luuijt be, No, we would not. Civil law has no warrant to interfere in matters of taste. We should certainly advise no White to marry a Black ; but, if such a couple were resolved to marry, we would kiterpose no ! gal obstacle and desire none. And, if the question were —" Sh>, 11 they marry or be intimate with out marriage ?" we should say, " Let them marry," thoqjjli our judgment is against all such relatioas, regular or irregular, lawful or unlawful. —We trust Mr. Ballinger will find our answers at least explicit. The New Democratic Test. We have seen six Northern Democrat ic papers, and we find extracts in them from a dozen others, taking open ground in favor of general sympathy for the four conspirators lately hung by the President's order, after the fiuding of the military court. Frotti these sheets it would seem that to be a good Democrat is to make common cause in defense of the murder ers of Lincoln. Tn the North Democra cy is in synipa'hy with these conspirators and in tho South Democracy planned the movements of the assassins. Two of these papers deliberately attempt to prove the innocence of the condemned. This is by no means strange, when wo reflect that these Democratic papers, one and all, have, for four long years, been on tho side of the common enemy. The Democracy are beginning to stir a little. They have but few principles now that they can fully agree upon, and they are embodied in tho following brief platform : Resolved, That we aro superior to col ored citizens of African decent Resolved , That we were mistaken when we resol-ed that the South could not be coerced. Resolved, That if ire had believed that our two-sided Chicago platform would have been so well understood we would have made it more ambiguivus. Resolved, That as tho war is over, we aro ready to join tlio Union party and div.de .he offi e . Resolved. That the Democracy always held the offices, ynd it is unconstitutional to take the advantage of our unpopulari ty and rule Democrats out iu their old ago. Resoleed, That if Democrats rejoice over the assassination of Lincoln, it is not owing ro their exuberance or good feeling, but tho deepest grief.—Knox vil/e Whig. A LITTLE DEAF.—In tho olden timo, before-Maine laws were invented, Wing kept the hotel at Middle Grainville, and from his well-stocked bar, furnished "ac commodation toman and beast." He was a good landlord, but terribly deaf.— Fish, the village painter, was afflicted ;n the same way. One day they were sitting by them selves in the bar-room. Wing was be hind the counter, waiting for the next customer; whiltf Fish was lounging be fore the fire, with a thirsty lo"k, casting sheep's eyes occasionally a Wing's decan ters; and wishing devoutly that some one would couie iu and treat. A traveler from the south, on his way to Brandon, stepped into enquire tho distance. Going up to the counter, he said, "Can you tell me,Jsir, how far it is to Brandon ?" ♦'Brandy ?" says the ready landlord, jumping up. "yes, sir, I have some," at the same time handing down a decanter' of the precious liquid. "You misunderstood me," says the sprangcr, "I asked how far it was to Brandon." "Thev call it pretty good brandy," says Wing. "Will you take some sugar with it ?" raachinir as he spoke, for the bowl and toddy-stick. The desj>airiog traveller turned to Fish. "The landlord," said he, "seems to be deaf, will you tell me how far it is to Brandon ?'■' "'I hank you," said Fish : "I don't care if I do take a drink with you I" The stranger treated and fled. Mrs. Partington, in illustration of the Proverb, "a soft ans.wer taroeth away wrath," mays, '-that it is better to speak parajjorically of** person than to be all the time flmgijjg epitaphs at him." "Let us have Faith that Right makes Might; and in that Faith let us, to the end,dare to do our duty as we understand it"— A - LINCOLN BUTLER, BUTLER COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 9 1865. Striding. It is difficult at times not to feel that we are living in a land of 'dreams. Good old-fashioned thinkers moralize about "even pace"of nations ; but in the latter days it seems that nations stride, and that over the whole world there is one con tinuous rush and roar. The month of July ended the most magnificent hun dred days in history. 'The hundred days of 1815 are memorable for the multitude of events that crowded them, although nothing remaiued but a Government which took no root and lasted thirty years, and tho exile of a man who only wanted that exile to turn the world's hatred into the world's pity. In those Hundred Days Europe was thrown back a century. — Tyranny and superstition and oppression were all sustained and protected by the great name of Wellington. The tinged, expensive and dusty robes that England calls royalty, and which, cover the clog and check everything like free thought and free deed, were burnished anew and wrapped tighter around the growing liuibs of-a struggling people. In our Hund red ays we have completed the overthrow of IJebellion ; we have reduced our ar mies to a mere contingent; (disarmed a navy and sent sliips-of-war back to the better duties of carrying corn and cotton; hurried a victorious army into the mines ani'l ations oi'.he Western Territories, and raised money enough out of our own farms and looms to pay the extraordinary ex penses of the Goyernuient. Our victo ries of peace are even greater than the victories of war. On one side our pion eers are girdling the Rocky Mountains with railroads —on the other wo stand waiting to grasp the hand of the English man who brings us' within an [jour ot London. There is something uneasy in our very ambition. To the South we have a territory newly conquered —un- settled, and sadly wanting "Reconstruc tion"—and yet wo begin to look longing ly to the North, and covet, tho St. Law rence and tho vast Canadian Countries, and chafe at any boundary this sidq of the Polar Sea. In the majesty of newly asserted strength wo stride toward a daz zling destiny. Do we feel that every step brings us more important and burdensome duties? For the second time in the world's his tory we aro called upon to riseup and con trol the destiny of tho world. This is no vain thought. Men aro but the rep resentatives of ideas—and ideas are not bounded by religion, race, or territory. — Cromwell, Washington, Franklin, Mira beau, Napoleon, Hugo. John Brown, Lit! coin—step by step tho Idea of Resistance to Tyranny has traveled over the world, saved England, revolutionized Franco— destroyed Slavery in America. Those who look at these men and their times, and see what they call tho ebb and flow of ideas—Cromwell followed by Charles, Mirabeau by Napoleon, Franklin by Cal houn, Hugo banished by a Bonaparte, and Brown hanged by Bucliannan—forget that generations ate but as days —that whatever temporary tbb may come the tide always rises—that Cromwell dead was as powerful as in life—and that when John ljrown's body went down to moul der in the dust, his soul still marched— on. Nor is our work done. It is mere ly beginuing. When John Stuart .Mill triumphed over palace and treasury, aid ed by "two hundred workmen," it was the logical result pf Graut's success. — Those workmen took comfort from Ameri ca, and were strong and bold when they saw men of their own blood and lineage defending their flag and giving up their lives for a government with tnore devo tion than royalty ever commanded.— America has not triumphed in vain.— There is not a desponding Republican that crouches under the i.apsburgs and Bonaparts or eats hard bread away down in a dismal mine, thot my Lord of West minster niqp carry a stick before ller Majesty and eat up thousands of broad acres in feeding foxes, hounds and deers, who does not feel stronger, ami-more reso lute, and more anxious for the hour to strike. Men call this a selfish, sensual, mercenary age, but only in our moments of petulance and impatience. It is a grand old Nineteenth Century, full of good deeds and brave endeavors, and proudly to be remembered in song and story and over many a cup of generous wine in the good days coming.— N. Y. Tribune. —A Gentleman at the Astor House ta ble, Eew York, asked the person sitting next to bim if he would please pass th mustard. "Sir," said the man, "do you mistake me for the waiter?" "Oh no, sir," was the reply! "I mistook you for a gentleman." —What is the worst seat a man can sit on? Self oon-ceit. Santa Anna and Maxamillian. A proclamation to the Mexicrns has been recently iisued, purporting to come from the ex-President and ex-Dictator Santa Anna, and calling upon all the parties of the country to unite for the restoration of the Republic and tho over throw of the Empire. Supposing the document to be authentic, the name of its author undoubtedly clothes it with great political importance. Santa Anna has been longer and more prominently active upon the political stage of Mexico than any other Mexican states man now living. He has been himself seven times President and twice Dicta tor, and was once evqn supposed to be on the point of being elevated to an imperi al throne. On the great questions which have agitated Mexico, Santa Anna has repeatedly changed party connections, being, in turn, a Centralist, a Federalist, an opponent and a friend of the Chutch claims. The proclamation just issued ex plains these variations from tho desire to respect always the decision of the ma jority of the people. The same desire, the proclamation further states, led Sau ta Anna to the recognition of the Em pire. On this point, however, the au thor of the proclamation feels the need of a more detailed apology. Santa Anna, in recognizing, in 1804, the Empire, said: "Tho last word of my conscience and of my couuictions is Constitutional Monar chy " This, he assorts, was exported fom him by the French authorities at Vera Cruz. His stay in Mexico was made de pendent upon tho recognition of the French intervention and upon his keep ing quiet. This he would not have done had not tho sufferings of his wife and the advice of several friedds who capiq to moot him overcome his doubts. He was willing to recognize and to accept Maxi milian as ihe choice of the majority of the Mexican people, but not as tho tool of the French Emporer. Santa Anna claims to have now gained tho conviction that Maximilian has no intention to pursue a truly national and reformatory policy, but that he is estao lishing a despotism which all Mexicans should unite to overthrow. That this ap peal will moot with responses, and that it will add to the opposition which is still made to tho Empire, cannot bo doubted. Santa Anna is a name known to every Mexican, and which has always had and still has the power to rally around it a party. There are, moreover, few Mexi cans who have a better acquaintance of the current opinion among their country men than Santa Anna, and who have b en more eager to turn this knowledge tolbeir own.advantage. Tho recent pronuncia mcnto may, therefore, be taken as a that its author has satisfactory informa tion of the decline of the cause of the Empire among his countrymen. . Although' as a general rule, the war bull.oting of both the beligprent parties in Mexico cannot bo received with too great caution, there are many indications, en tirely trustworthy, that in tho Govern ment circles of-Mexico the situation is not regarded as satisfactory. There are ominous admissions in the letters written by the most devoted partisans of the Em pire that the Juarist officers who had given in their submission show again a tendency to join the Republican army: that considerable bodies of Republican farces are maintaining theinsolves in ev ery State of the Confederation, and that no progress is made in the pacification of the Western States. Letters published iu Frentjh, Austriau and Belgian papers also clearly prove that many of the for eign mercenaries who have been, sent to Mexico to subdue the people begin to see that the task is much more difficult than it at first appeared to be, and that they are as far as ever fronj realizing it. Two things seem to us to be well estab lished—the unpopularity of the cause of the*Etnpire iu Mexico as well as in Eu rope, and the popularity of the Republi can cause at h me are both on the increase. —N. Y. Tribune. NORTH-WESTERN HARVEST. —The Chicago Times has two columns of reports from ihe great grain growing counties of Illinois, Indiana, Michi gan and Minnesota—all of which en courage the expectation that the forthcoming har est in all that re gion. wil be' one of the most boun tiful on record, notwithstanding the serious damage influenced by recent severe storms. In Indiana plone, there would seem to be some doubt a» to the yield of wheat on acount. of injuries received from rain and rust. In many places the stalk has not been cut, the yield being so poor.— The hay crop on the contrary, is vi ry fine, and promises in some pla ces a yield of five t mes as Urge as that of the previous season. Corn, oats . and potatoes are all 'thriving firie'y, and 'ive indications of an abundant yield. Letter from Governor Foote. We clip the following from the Knox vitte Whig of the 26th ult. : " The following letter from Henry g. Foote, late rebel Congressman, now in Canada, wiij be perused by our East Ten nnessee friends who listened to his speech es in 1861, with more than ordinary in terest. Mr. Foote is a sedsible man, and like the Prodigal Son, has cpme to his proper mind. He is more to blame for going into the rebellion under the leader ship of Davis, than many others were.— Foote nevjr had any confidence in the talents, integrity, or patriotism of Davis, and we have heard him so declare, both publicly and privately." MONTREAL, July Bth, 1865. To Ilis Excellency Gov. Bronlow: SIR—I trust that you will see some apol ogy for the present letter iu the circum stances which surround me. Some very good friends of mine, always heretofore devoted to tho Union cause, have thought that I could with propriety make appli cation to President Johnson for release from the pains ond disabilities incurred by nic in connection with the late armed rebellion in the South, and I have done so accordingly, in a frank and respectable letter, in which, without unmanly servil ity or sycophautic adulation. I have call ed his attention to the leading particular* of my own case, and requested him to act upon the facts presented in such manner as Ijo might deem right and proper, in view ol tho high public responsibilities restiiig upon him. 1 have made no effort jo invoke special sympathy iu my favor, regarding tho whole question as to the manner in which, as well as the extent to which exeevtive clemency should be ex ercised, as depending upon principles of public policy alone. I discover, and am glad to learn, that in the State of Tennessee, you will be looked to for advice iu regard to all appli cations arising there. This is, in my judgment, obviously right in itself, and I have heretofore greatly misunderstood you character if in the performance of a duty equally grave and delicate, you are nof, found acting both with wisdom and tnagnanmity. Whethei or not it would be prudent to release tne from tho penalties which 1 confess myself to have incurred, pepends, as 1 suppose, mainly upon what has been my course heretofare. 1 venture to hope that on this subject you are already very fully informed. I aid of any special en quiry which you may deem it requisite to make, I have ventured to send you the letter which I addressed to President Johnson a month or two since, which, though written. T confess, when I was not in a very good humor with Mr. Hun ter, embodies a statement of facts which you will find te be iu all respects strictly accurate. It would bo wrong in 1110 not to Bay on this occasion, that I have long since been satisfied that in yielding my sanction to the war so needlessly and madly commen ced in 1861, by the secession leaders of the Cotton States , a war in the orvjina lion of which I had as little hand as any man in North Aine.iea. I committed a most grievous and censurable blunder ; a bluuder which I immediately perceived on reaching Richmond in 1862, but which it was then too late to correct. All must now see the true policy of the South, af-, ter Mr. Lincoln's had occurred, (mainly in consequence of the absurd and liictious course of those who controlled the action of the Charleston Convention in I860,) was to strive by purely constitutional methods, in connection witu our Northern conservative allies, to ward off t}ie dan gers then sugposed to be menaced. The unwise course pursued in withdrawing from Congress, seceding from the Feder al Union; establishing a new government at Montgomery, and commencing war against the Federal Government, I con demned strongly at the time; but injudi ciouslo and weakly yielded to the general feeling of sympathy towards our South ern fellowcitizen3, who at the time were evidentlp about to be overwhelmed by su perior numbers, and gave my assent to the co operative policy ultimately adopted by the State of Tennessee. So soon as I discovered the mistake which I had made, I labored to prevent as far as in my pow er the fearful consexuences which have bince been so fearfully realized. Ido not yretend to justify my conduct ;,but if af ter maturely considering all the circum stances of the case, yeu should judge it; safe to interpose with President Johnson in my behalf, you will place me under special obligations. You are awaire, I hope, that none of the oppressive and cruel conduct putin exercise toward yourself and your Union friends in Ten nessee, ever had my approval, and you will learn from Mr. Baxter and others of | East Tennessee, that I exerted myself zealously and untiringly to relieve all those in that unfortunate region whowere subject to such sore persecution on ac count of the conscientious entertainment of Union sentiments by them. I feel it to be but right that I should further add, that regarding African Sla very as having now become extinct. (mainly too' through the instrumentality of its leading champions in the South, who, despite all the warnings they re ceived of the mischiefs likely to arise, kept up from 1850 to 1860, a constant agitation of sectional questions;) were 1 relieved from the disabilities under which I now labor, I should feci bound to uphold, with zealous fidelity the status now existing in Tennessee in regard to this matter. I well know that if you think it pru dent that I should be allowed to return tQ Tennessee, you wi 11 have the manliness to facilitate my doing so, and that if, on the other haud, you come to the conclu sion that my return would in any degree endanger the public quiet, ypji will inter pose to prevent it. In cither case, I ut ter no unmanly compliint, but submit to what may be judged most conductive to the general welfare with composure and cheerfulness, I have the honor to be your obedient servant. 11. S. FOOIE. Hanging a Woman. Those who think that men have an ex clusive right to the gallows, think it an outrage that a woman should be swung up by the neck under Any circumstances.— No people on earth treat tlje weaker sex with more consideration than do the peo ple of the United States Such is the gallantry and respectful deffcrence of our people towards women, that few cases of hanging ever occur, either by order of the kjfcate or National authorities. The French, with all their politeness, frequent ly hang, and otherwise publicly execute females. records of the black Mon day's at Newgate are filled with the names of women brought to the gallows by laws of England, and not always justly. Those who accept capital punishment as proper, should not revolt at the idea of its infliction upon a woman. The terri ble thing is not, that a woman should be hanged, but that a woman should commit the crime that merits hanging. There arc hundreds of wom.e the mark—Doubte Ojp quits. What is tie greatest stand eyer made for civilization ?—The inkstand They that laugh »t eveiything, au(| they that fret at everything, are foolq alike. Tho .beautiful tresses ladies are noiy ca!Lsd beau-strings. It is a good thicg to be above board, but generally a bad tiding to b§ pverbqanj,