V 1- Un i ch . ' '. oi Ad . tii ; the i hai j olii j al t I u'a: j win "l IV.i I S.T. i la in !u !. 1 If j ii L Inn ! K--i will lie s seas and for i who vear fel Wakt I - A TTOF AIM) Lewisbur and in open disregard of the right of the people of the Territory. And having made these enactments lor the ratablisbmeent of Slavery, the Legislature ap pointed Sheriffs, Judges and other officers of the Ter ritory for their enforcement ; Ihua depriving the peo ple of all power over the enactment of their own ki and the choice ot officers tor their execution. That these despotic acts, even if they bad been pass A ty a Legislature duly elected by the people of the Territory, would have been null and void, inasmuch as they are plainly in violation ul the federal Constitu tion, is too clear tor argument. Congress itself is ex presaly forbidden by the Constitution of the United State to make any laws abridging the freedom of speech and of the press; aud it is absurd to suppose that a Territorial Legislature, deriving all iis power from Congress should not be subject to the same re strit'tiona. But thews laws were not enacted bv the people of Kansas. They were imposed upon them by an armed force. Vet the President of the United States, in a special Message sent to Congress on the 34th of January, declares that they have been enacted by the duly constituted authorities -of the Territory, and that they are ot binding obligation upon the people thereof. And on the 11th of February, IVM, lie issued his Proclamation denouncing any attempt to resist or subvert these barbarous and void enactments, and warning all persons engaged in such attempt! that they will he opposed not onlv by the local militia, but by any available forces belonginglln the regular army of the United States. Thus had the federal Government solemnly recognized the usurpa tion set up in Kansas by invaders from Missouri, and pledged all the power of the United States to its sup port. American history furnishes iiu parallel to the cruelly and tyranny of these acts of the present Ad ministration. The expulsion of aliens and the penal ties inflicted upou citizens for exercising freedom of speech and of the press under the Alien and Sedition laws, which were overthrown by the Republican party of 17iti, were lenient and mild when compared with the outrages perpetrated uhjii the people of Kansas, under color of law, by the usurping invaders, sustained by the Federal Government. With a full sense ul the importance of the declara tion, we atlirm that the execution of these threats by the President of the United Slates upon the people of Kansas, would be an unconstitutional exercise of Ex ecutive power, presenting acase of intolerable tyranny that American citizens cannot submit to it and re main free, aud that if blood shall be shed in the prose cution of so unlawful a purpose, those by whose agency it may be spilt will be held to a strict and stern ac count by the freemen of the Republic. So plain, pal pable and deliberate a violation of the Constitution would justify the interposition of the States, w hose du ty it would be, by all the constitutional means in their power, to vindicate the rights and liberties of the citi zen against the power ot the Federal Government ; and we take this occasion to express to our fellow, citizens in Kansas, against whom these unconstitu tional acts are directed, our profound sympathy with tbem in the resistance which it is their right and their duty to make to them, and our determination to make that sympathy efficient by all the means which we may lawfully employ. Thus for a period of twenty-live years has Slavery been contending, unoer various pretexts, nut with con stant success, against the tendencies of civilization and the spirit of our institutions for the extension and perpetuation of its power. The degree in which the General Government has aided its efforts may bo traced in the successive steps it has taken. In 17s7, all the States in the Confederacy united in ordaining that Slavery should be forever prohibited from all the territory belonging to the United States. In Key, the Aral Congress of the United States passed a law re affirming this ordinance aud reenactuig the prohibition of Slavery which it contained. In 1320, the slavehold ing interest secured the admission of Missouri as a Slave State into the Union, by acceding to a similar prohibition of Slavery from the Louisiana territory lying north of 36 deg. 3U mm. In HW, thut prohibi tion was repealed, and the people of liic territory were left free to admit or exclude Slavery in their own discretion. In ISsM. the General Government pro claims its determination to use all the power of the United States to enforce upon the people obedience to laws imposed upon them by armed invaders, establish ing Slavery and visiting with terrible penalties their exercise of freedom of speech and of the press upon that subject. While two thirds of the American people live in States where Slavery is forbidden by law, and while five sixths of the capital, enterprise and productive industry of the country rest upon Freedom as their basis. Slavery thus controls all departments of their common government, and wields their power? on its own behalf. THE PLEA l'EOEI IN DEFENSE Or IHEsE AUUREs, SIONS OF KLAVERY. As a matter of course, for all these acts and tor all Ibe outrages by which they have been attended, the siavebolding interest preleuds to find a warrant iu the Constitution of the United States. All usurpation, in countries professing to be free, must have the color of law for its support. No outrage committed by Power upon Popular rights is left without some attempt at vindication. The partition of Poland, the overthrow of the Constitution of Hungary, the destruction of Irish Independence, like the repeal of the Missouri Com promise and the conquest of Kansas, were consum mated with a scrupulous observance ot the firms of law. THE lLEA THAT TUB MISSOURI OoMMluMlSE MAS NOT A UO.MFAUT I The repeal of the Missouri Compromise, it is utced on behalf of those by whom it was effected, in volved no violation of good faith, because that Com promise was merely au act of Congress, and as Mich repealable at pleasure. Kegarded as a legal technical ity we are uoldisposed to contest this plea. The Com promise was undoubtedly embodied in a Congressional enactment, subject to repeal. But in this case, by the very nature oi the transaction, the faith ot the parties was pledged that tlusenactiueut WiuuJ not he repealed. The spirit of the law. whatever its form, was the spirit of a compart. Its enactment was secured by an ex. change of equivalents. The siavebolding interest pro cured the admission of Missouri into the Union by con--rnting and voting through Us representatives in Con rrew Uiat uorth of its southern line in the Territory of Louisiana Slavery should be prohibited forever. Without that consent and that vote the admission of Missouri could not have been secured; nor would the prohibition of Slavery until or until any other date or for any other time than that specified in the act, nwnely , forever have purchased theasHentotthe Free States to the admission of Missouri as a Slave'State nto the Union. The word forever, therefore, was a material part of the law, and of the consideration for ... ....im Such a law may be repealed, but its reoeal is a rupture of the compact the repudiation of ' . . TU. Miaaruiri I Villi nftini IW ll&ll a solemn covenauu u -r- been regarded as such a compact from the date of its enactment in all sections and by all the people ol the .... s.ioaaive Presidents have invoked for it a respect and an obligation scarcely inferior to that of the Constitution nseii; anu dot as late as in 145, declared that it had been "canon ued in the hearts of the American people as a sacred thine, which no ruthless hand would ever be reck less enough to disturb." Whatever, therefore, the mere form of the bond may have permitted, good faith on the part of the Representatives of the slave, holding interest required that it should be kept inv.o- ' H Nor is this charge of bad faith, brought against the siavebolding interest, for having repealed the Missouri Compromise, answered or evaded by the pleas urgtd iiitowataw-Utat rigiMl) it wu torcihly imposed by the Free States upou the Slave States, with out their consent that it was subsequently violated by the Free Slates, in their retuaat to extend its pro visions over New-Mexico and Utah or that its repeal, having been ottered by the Free States themselves, could not be resisted or refused by the representatives of Slavery. ( I.) fcven if it were true that the prolu bition ot Slavery north ot .Ml ile. 30 mm. was origi nally enacted by the Free States, against the votes of the South, the fact that the admission of Missouri was accepted as the price of that prohibition, would have made the siaveholdiug interest a party to the trans action, assenting to itn terms and bound by its obliga tions. But the tact is not so. The act of March (I, lO'-it', which ndmitted Missouri and prohibited Slavery in the Louisiana t erritory north ot 3o deg. M mm. received in the Senate the votes of fourteen mem hers from sluvehuldnig Slates, while ouly eiA were fact against it and in the House of Repre sentatives thirty -right members from Slave States voted tor il, and thirty-seven agauidt it. A majority ot the votes from siavebolding States, in each branch of Congress, were thus given fur the bill; and so far were the representatives ol Slavery from regard nig it as having been forced upon them, thalCuAai.Es PilikNfcv, oik- ol their greatest and ablest leaders. declared on the night of itn passage that "il was re- itaideil hy the stuvehtildnig States (is a triumph. '.) Still more absurd is it lo say that the reliibal ot the iNorth lo extend the provisions of the Compromise over other regions wa-i s violation of its term, or in any way released the parties lo it from their obliga tion to abide by its requirements. (J.) It is true that the oHtensible author of the proposition to repeal it was a Senator from a tree Stale; but that tact does not authorize the inference that the sentiment uf the Free Stales was justly and truly represented by his action. I here was, indeed, no room to doubt that it was condemned by the unanimous voice of the Free States, and that it would be regarded by them, and by the country al large, as u very gross and wanton vio lation uf obligations which had heeu voluntarily as sumed. -No matter from what geographical quarter of the I 'nion it came, it was brought forward in the interest and on behalf of the slaveholders. This, in deed, is among the worst of the effects ot Slavery, and among the most signal proofs of its ascendancy, that able mid judicious men should enlist in its service and volunieer to perlorm olhces on its behall which its representatives would scorn lo perforin themselves from the conviction that by that path the honors and dignities of the General Government are to be secured. 1 he siavebolding interest owed it to honor and good faith to resmt the temptations which such men might hold out for the repudiation of it obligations. THE W.EA THAT lllNURESS HAS No POWER TO PROHIBIT SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES. III. But it is urged that the original enactment ol the Missouri Compromise, by which Slavery was pro hibited from entering a portion of the Territory of the United State?, was a violation of the Constitution , that Congress has no rightful p..er to make such a prohibition, but that into any Territory over which he Constitution is extended, ihe slaveholder has a right, by virtue of its provisions, to Hike Ins elavet. In reply to this we answer, f" ir . Tliat w hether the plea be true or false, it comes too late : that the siaveholdiug interest conceded the constitutionality of the prohibition by assenting tu its enactment and aiding it hy the votes of its repre sentatives : Sfconil.- That if the plea wi re true, the enaclinent was null and void, hy reason of its unconstitutionality. and its repeal, therefore, was a needless otcutalinn of bad faith : and Third: That the plea is not true, but is directly contrary to the plain loiter as well as lo the spirit of the Constitution, and to the uniform practice ot Ihe Government from its foundation. The Constitution declares that "the Congress i hall have power to make all needful rules aud regulation respecting the Territories, or other property belong ing to the I nited States. 1 Ins language is very plain and very broad. It imposes no limitation upuii the power of Congress to make rules and regulations resivoiii!f tin- 1 erritories, except that they shall he such as are ii'-edfit! ;" anil tfur;, of cour.-i', it lies in the oisrrclioti of Con;'re.--'s to determine. It assumes that jiower to legislate for the Territories which are the common property of the Union, miil exist some where; and also that it may most justly, and most safely, be placed in the common Government of the Union. The authority of Congress over the Territo ries is. therefore, without any other limit than such as its judgment uf what is " needful" of what will best promote their welfare, and that of the whole country to which they belong, may inqiose. If Congress, therefore, deem it expedient to make a rule and regu lat ion which shall prohibit Slavery from any Territory, we find nothing in the Constitution which removes such a prohibition from the sphere of its authority. The power of Congress over the Territories of the United States is as complete and as full as that hm sersed by any Stale Legislature over Territory be longing to that State; and it the latter may prohibit Slavery within its own Territory, so may the firmer alto. It has bm-ti iireed, we are aware, that the rules and regulations which Congress is authorized to make respecting the Territories, are restricted In them re garded as property ; and that this clause of the Con stitution colliers no Governmental power over them whatever. But this cannot be so because it is under this clause IhalCoiigress does govern the Territories thai il organizes their governments and prov ides for their ultimate admission as Slates. There is no other clause of the Constitution from which this power of government can be interred ; as it unquestionably ex ists, therefore, it must rest upon this provision. But from whatever source il may be derived, the authority toifoveru necessarily implies the right to decide what policy and what laws will best promote the welliire of those on whose behall that authority is exercised. II Congress, therefore, believes thai the well-being of the Territories and of the country at large will be pro moted, by excluding Slavery from tlii-m, it has, be yond all question, the ri!'bt thus ' prohibit and ex clude it. This view of the authority of Congress over the Territories ol" the dinted States is sustained by other clauses of the Coustitut ion. Ill the ninth section of the first article, il is declared that "the migration or importation of such persons as any of the Slates nou; exist i in may think proper lo admit, shall not be pro hibited by Congress prior to the year 1((8." This is Out a grant of Kiwer. On the contrary, it is a restric tion imposed upon power assumed to exist. The lan guage of the clause takes it tor granted tiiat Congress bad power lo prohibit the migration and the importa tion of Slaves a power doubtless conferred by the au thority "to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several States," for, whether Slaves are to be regarded as persons or as property, commerce of necessity relates to both. This clauseof the Consti tution, therefore, inipo-es upon the authority of Con gress to prohibit the migration or importation of slaves, a specific and a limited restriction namely, ihat this power should not be exercised over any of the States then existing, prior to the year 1SU8. Over any Stale not then existing, and by still stronger implication, over any Territories of the United States the exercise of its authority was unrestricted; and it might prohibit the migration, or importation of slaves into them, at my time in its own discretion. Nor do any considerations connected with alleged rights of property in slaves contravene the existence ir the exercise of this authority. The Constitution Joes not recognize slaves as property in any instance or to any extent. In the clause already cited they are called "persona," in the clause respecting their escape into other States they are to be returned, not as property, but as "fugitives from justice." And in the apportionment of representation and of direct taxes it is provided by the Constitution that to ihe vv hole num ber of Free persons are to be added three fifths of all other "persons." In all its pruv isioiia which have re ference to slaves they are described and regarded as persons. The idea ol their being property is carelul ly and intentionally excluded. If they are properly at all. then-tore, it is not by virtue of the Constitution, but of local laws and only within meir jurisuiciion The local laws of any State are excluded from the territories of the United States by the necessity of Ihe case as well as by the exclusive sovereignty comer red upon Congress. THE PI.EA OK POPULAR KOVEREIUNTY. Failinir thus to establish the right ot the slave holder lo carry his slaves as property, by virtue of the Constitution, into territory belonging u me un.ieu States, the siavebolding interest has been compelled to claim, for the inhabitants of the Territories them selves, the right lo provide lor excluding or admitting Slavery, as a right inherent in their sovereignty over Ihuir own allairti. This principle ol 1'opular twjver eignty, as it isstvled, was embodied in the bills tor or ganizing New Mexico ami Utah, and is made the sub stitute for the prohibition of Slavery in the Missouri Compromise, which it repealed; and the siavebolding interest is now sustained by the Federal t ioverniiieiit in thisnew position, as it has been ill all the positions it has successively assumed. The principle ol l'opu lar Sovereignly is fundamental in our institutions. No one doubts that the People are sovereign over all the territories, as well as over all the States ot the Confederacy. But this sovereignty is subject to lim itation and definition, and ran only exist within the limitations of the Constitution. The Peopleare sove reign in the House ot Kepresentalives, bill Iheir sov ereignty may be overruled by tin: Senate, or deleated hy the veto ol the President. I he States are sover eign ; but only within certain limits, and in subordi nation to the sovereignty of the nation. I wo sover eignties over the same country and on the same sub ject il is manliest cannot coexist; one must uf neces sity exclude the other. Hut the Constitution, in express and unmistakable terms, makes Congress sov ereign over the 1 emlories, hy coutcrring upon it power lo make "all needful rules and regulations re specting them." The doctrine of Popular Sovereignty in the people ol the I emlories huds no w arrant or sup port in the Constitution. In the language uf .Mr. Cal houn, "it involves an absurdity; if the sovereignty over the Territories be in their inhabitants instead ol the United States, they would ceus.; tube the Territo ries of the United Slates the moment we permit them to be inhabited." So lung as they remain Territories they are the possession and under the exclusive domin ion ol the I luted States; and it is for the General Government to make fur them such laws as their wel fare and that of the nation may require. v e deny that Congress may abdicate a portion ol its authority, and commit to the inhabitant."; of a terri tory power conferred upon it by the Constitution. Such an abdication is an abandonment of duly, and cannot be justified on the prelended principle ol Kqe ulor sovereignty. 1 nat principle, indeed, is discarded In th" very art of Congress in which it is claimed to be embodied. It sovereignty exists, it must he ex ercised through the organized department ol Govern ment the legislative, executive, and iudicial. Hut the art to organize the Territories of Kansas and Ne braska prescribes the requisites of citizenship and the qualilications of voters, confers upon the President and Senate the appointment of a Governor, who is clothed with the veto power, and ot judges by whom the law shall be interpreted. Kach department of the Government thus rests virtually in the power of the President ol Ihe United Mates. To style the small remnant of power which such a law leaves lo the people. " popular sovereignty." is au abuse ol lan guage, and ail insult to Common sense. Vet even tius has been etlectually destroyed hy the invasion of armed men, sustained by the General Government m their high-minded endeavor to force Slavery into Kan sas against the will uf the har.lv settlers who have made it their home. The whole system ol 'doctrine by which Slavery cks possession ol the 1 emlories ol the United States, either by asserting the sovereignty of thsir inhabit ants, or by denying the power of Congress to exclude iiml prohibit Slavery from them, is nun-l and alien to the principles and the administration of our Govern inent. Congress llasalwavs asserted and exercised the right of prohibition. It was exercised by the vote ol the first Congress, in 17?l. reaffirming the ordinances of the old Confederacy by winch Slavery was prohibit ed from Ihe territory northwest of the Ohio River. It was exercised in lMO. in. the prohibition of Slav ery from the Louisiana territory north ol deg. M mm. It was exercised in when Slavery was prohibited Irom the Territory of Oregon. Nor is it in the least degree impaired by the argu ment that these Territories, when tin y become Slates and are admitted into the Union, can establish or pro hibit Slavery, in llieir discretion. The.r nuhts as States do not begin until their obligations as Terrilo-riebi-nd. The Constitution knuvvs nothing f "in choate Stales." Congress has power to make "all needful rules and regulations" for them -is Territories until they are admitted into the I'ihoii as ineuiliers of the common confederacy. 1EN KR.VI. TENDENCY OK FEDERAL I.EUISLATI11N N THE SUBJECT OF SLAVERY. Ill all these successive acts, in the admission of Mis. souri and of Arkansas, in the annexation of Texas and the provision for admitting four new States from her territory, in the war with .Mexico and the conquest of her provinces, in ihe reieal of the Missouri Compro mise, and in the cruel war now waged against the people of Kansas lor the exteinuoii uf Slavery into thai territory, we trace the footsteps of u powerful interest, aiming at absolute political power ami strid ing onward lo a complete ascendancy over the Gen eral Government. It liuds powerful allies and an open lield in the iolitical arena tor the prosecution nl its purposes. Always actiug as a compact unit, it timls its opponents divided by a variety of interests. Partisan alliances and personal aiuhilioiu have hith erto prevented any union against its aggressions, ami not feeling or tearing the displeasure of their consti tuents, representatives from the Fret- States have been induced to aid in the promotion ol' its dcsius. All other interests have been compelled to give way before it. The representatives of freedom on the Moors of Congress have been treated with contumely, if they resist or question the right of supremacy of the siaveholdiug class. The iiibor and commerce of sections where Slavery docs not exist, obtain tardy and inadequate recognition Iroin the General Gov ernment, which is swayed by its influence and for the accomplishment of its ends. The Executive of the natiuu is the willing servant ol its behestu, und sacrifices to its favor the rights and the interests of the other sections of the country. The purse and the sword of the nation are at its command. A hundred millions of dollars were expendsd in the annexation of Texas, and Ihe war with Mexico, which was part of its price. Two hundred millions have been offered for Cuba, and war with all F.urope is threatened, il necessary, to prevent the emancipation of ils slaves. Thus ib ihe decision of great questions of public policy, touching vast interests and vital rights, ques tions even of peace and of war, made to turn, not upon the requirements of justice and of honor, but upon its relation to the subject cf Slavery upon the effect it will have upon the interest of the siavebold ing class The people ot the Free States have cherished the hope that the efforts made to extend Slavery which hive fallen under their notice were accidental, and in dicative of weakness rather than ambition. They have trusted that the aagacioua statesmen of the slave-holding States would gradually perceive and acknowledge the inconvenience and the danger of Slavery, and would take auch measures at they might deem wise and date tor its ultimate removal, iney have feared the effect of agitation upon this subject, relied upon the good faith and honor of the siavehold iug States, and believed that time, the natural growth of population, and the recognized laws of political and social economy, would gradually and peacefully work out the extinction of a system so repugnant to justice and the national character and welfare. It baa seemed to them incredible that in this late age, when Christianity has for nearly two thousand years been filling the world with its light, and when almost every natiuu on earth but our own has abolished Chattel Slavery, the effort should he made, or the Wish cher ished, by any portion of our people, to make the interest ul Slavery predominant, and to convert thio Republic, the only government which professes to be founded upon human rights, into the mightiest slave empire the world has ever seen. But it is impossible to deceive ourselves longer. The events of the past two years have disclosed the designs of the slave power, and the desperate means it is prepared to use for their accomplishment. We cannot abut our eyes Ioniser tu the tact that the s'aveholding interest is determined to counteract the tendencies of time and civilization, by it-i own energy, by its bold appropria tion of all the pow ers and agencies of the Govern inent, and by the violation, if need be, of the most sacred compacts and compromises. Ir is resolved that Slavery ihall be under the protection of the na tional Hag that it shall no longer be the creature ot local law. but that it shall stand clothed with all the sanctions and sustained by al! tbe power of tins great Republic. Il is determined that the President shall do its bidding, and that Congress shall legislate ac cording fij its decrees. It is resolved upon the de thronement of the principles ot Republicanism, aud the establishment hi their stead ot an Olioabcbi, bound together by a common interest in the owner ship of slaves. Nor have we any teumiu to Deiieve Uiat Slavery will be content with this absolute supremacy over the Fed eral Government, which il has already so well nigh hieved. i m the contrary, the dark shadow ot its scepter liills upon the sovereignty of the several States and menaces them with dire disaster. South Carolina, abandoning her once-cherished doctrine of State Rights, asserts the Federal supremacy over laws m ule by Slates, exclusively for the protection of their citizens. The Stale of Virginia is contest- courts of law, the right of the State oi New York to forbid the existence of Slavery within her limits. A Federal court in Pennsylvania has denied the right of lhat State to decree freedom to slaves brought by their masters w ithin her borders, and has procia.uu-d that Slavery exists by the law of nations. Ihe divi.-iou of California and the organization of a Slave State within her limits have been proposed. A Senator on the floor of Congress has demanded the restoration of the African slave trade, and the demand repeated by Southern journals and by leading public men in the Southern Stales. When these great objects shall have been accom plished when the States, as well as the Gen -ral Government, shall have become subject to the aw ot biavery.aud wnen doU.OUO slaveholders shail hold lespot.c ruie over the millions of tin-) R-puh ic. Sla very cannot fail, from the necessity ol its nature, to attempt outrages whicn will awaken storms that will sweep it in carnage from the face of the earlh. Tne lunger tyranny is practiced unresisted, the fiercer and the more dreadful is the resistance which in the end it provokes. History is full of instances to prove that nothing is so dangerous as a wron? loiiv unre dressed, that evils which at the outset it wouid have been easy to remove, by sufferance becomes rata! to those through whose indifference and toleration thev have increased. The tendency of the measures adopted by the slavehoiding interest to secure iiaown xtension, through the action ot the Federal Govern ment, is logive to Congress jurisdiction of the gene ral suujeci ; ana us representatives must be savracious enough to perceive that if they establish the principle that Congress may intertere w ith Slavery lor its pro tection, it may interfere with it also for its destruction. If therefore, they succeed in such au enlargement of the power ot Congress, having already discarded the priuciple of compromise from legislation, they mut foresee that the natural effect of llieir encroachments upon the rights and liberties of the non-slavenoiding population of the country, will be to arouse them to the direct exercise ol the power thus piacvd in then- hands. Whether it is sale or wise for tn-ii inter.! t.. m ite fuch a contest, we need not here consider. Th.- time draws nigh, tellow-countrvmtii. when will he called on to decide upon the policy and the principles of the General Government. Your v.-.te. at the approaching Presidential election will deter mine whether Slavery shall coutinue to be the pari uiount and controlling influence in the Federal Ad ministration, or whether ottier riehts and other mi.r. esls shall resume the degree of consideration to which they are entitled. 1 be issue is upon us by no act of oura. and it cannot be evaded. Coder a profound con viction of impending dangers, the grounds whereof we have now set forth, we call upon von m the Constitution and the Union from the subluxation winch threatens both. Holding, with thp lt M, Calhoun, that "the obligation to repel aggrenion is not much less solemn tnan that of abstaining from making aggression, and that the party which submits to it when it can be resisted is not much 1.. ,.,!.. and responsible for conseauences ibn ...u.-i. makes it," we invoke a surrender m rejiul.ces and all is-rsonal teelimts. an. I . d.al and earnest union for the vindication of rights am! liberties which we cannot anrnj... . gini.atron and shame. We summon rnu i a cgate.-. in number three times as larVe as xollr representation in I oiigress. lo meet in ('mr.ni: Philadelphia, on the 17th day of June next, to nomi nate candidates K,r the Presidency and Vice Pres,. dency of the United States. Letlheni come prepared to surrender all personal preferences, ami .11 c-,,..i or local views resolved onlv to maLo u..,.i. lions, and to take such action, as shall advance the' principles vve hold and the purposes we seek to nro- Ilisclaiminir any intention to ,.,Trt.,. Dele Slavery in the States where it exists, or to invalidate those portions of Ihe Constitution by which it is re moved from the national control, let us prevent the increase of its political power, preserve the i:..nnr.i Government from its ascendancy, bnnir Ivo-l- ..i ministration to the principles and the practice of it wiseand illustrious founders, and thus vindicate the Constitution and the Union, and secure the b!e--in,ra Liberty tu ourselves and our posterity. TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. The People f the United States, without regard to pa-t pohti. a! differences or divisiona, who are opposed to the repeal f the Missouri Compromise, to the policy of the present Administration, to tbe extension of Sla very into the Territories, in favor of tbe admission of Kansas as a tree State, and of restoring the action of the Federal .ovenimeut to the principles of Washington aud Jefferson. a,e invited by the .National CommitUee, appointed hy the Pittsburg Convention of the M ot February, Isub, to eend from each Stat, three LWnates from every Congressional District, and . Debates at lame, to meet in PHILADELPHIA, o ths ssv E.frsii.vTa day of Jixk next, for the pnrpose of recouiu.en.i.m; candidates to be supported lor the offices ot Ure.iuenl and ice-Pre?ident of the United States. By order of the National Committee. WMLEtToit, March 29, IUS. Lwitbur
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