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BY. W. LEWIS.
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For the Huntingdon Globe:
'Pauperism and Poor Houses..
MR. EDITOR :—Several articles, treating of
the conduct and management of the County
Poor House, have recently appeared in the
public papers, and the subject has become a
topic of frequent conversation and criticism
in circles not exclusively political. Indeed,
the merely party bearing of the matter is of
little general interest, as it is of small import
to tax-payers:what the political tendencies of
the Poor House Steward may be provided he
performs his duties economically and effi
ciently. The establishment at Stairleysburg
is yet in its incipiency, many errors have
doubtless crept into the system of manage
ment which experience will remedy and re
place by more salutary legulations ; from this
consideration [ have been induced to offer a
dew suggestions, which may be esteemed
worthy of a place in your columns, and, pos
sibly, their. practical -application will not be
considered altogether unsuitable to the insti
tution at Shirleysburg.
Pauperism is the embarrassing element and
chief- difficulty of large communities. In
the earlier stages of society spontaneous re
lief is administered to the necessitous—each
hamlet or village supporting its own distress
ed or superannuated residents by voluntary
contributions without the intervention of any
positive regulations or legal enactments,—
the business is performed, for the most part,
judiciously and with little difficulty,—the
_parties, requiring . assistance are known to all
and their necessities are generally, admitted,
but,--as population increases and concentrates
in large bodies, the social machinery becomes
-more, compendious and complicated and ap
plications for eleemosynary aid frequent and
annoying, regulations are loudly demanded ;
and pauperism ; no longer casual and occa
sional, becomes a fixed fact, a serious disease
preying upon the vitals of the body politic,
. Jisease not endemical in its character, but
one to which all nations are more or less sub
ject.
The mode of treating Pauperism varies in
different countries ; in Italy and some other
European' States; they "-let it alone ;" the
same course was pursued for centuries in Ire
land, and was defended'by Daniel O'Connell,
until the " Poor Law Bill for Ireland" passed
both houses of parliament despite his influ
ence and opposition—the Lazzaroni of Italy
and the sturdy Irish beggar of twenty years
ago, constitute a sufficient commentary upon
this wretched do-nothing policy. In Holland
thesevernment adopted a system of pauper
-colonisation recommended to them by Mr.
Robert Owen, father of the present American
Minister at Naples'; the colonies are self
eupporting and the experiment has led to a
successful result. In England- . the act of
Elizabeth continued in force, with trifling
modification, during a period of nearly three
centuries : under its provisions pauperism
threatened to expand_altogether beyond pub
lic control; tte evil 'annually increase 3, ap
plications from-the able bodied for out-door
relief 'became alarmingly frequent, every
winter hordes ofhealthy laborers systemati
cally demanded support from . •the parish or
-township, until it was found absolutely neces
sary to arrest the progress of pauperism and
to ebnfine it within some reasonable limits
and boundaries, and by dint. of repeal and re
enactment the present English Poor law was
established and put in force. Under the au
spices of this law, which abolished out-door
relief, pauperism has been discouraged and
taxation economised.
In America, among the densely populated
districts, the passive do-nothing policy will
receive no encouragement, and is unworthy
of 'consideration; the colonization-scheme, in
Pennsylvania - at least. will meet with little
public favor ; it would require-the . interven - - .
tion of the, State, produce increased taxation
for a time, and would-give origin to much po
litical jobbery, so there is: no course left but
to meet the necessities of the case, as they
have'already been met,by direct attack upon
the pockets of the tax-payers, and all of the
subject which remains has regard to economy
of expenditure and the internal arrangements
of the pauper establishment. The Directors
of :the Poor - have already made one step in
the right path by the abolition of an out-door
relief, except in extreme cases; much more,
lieweirer, remains Is be done in the way of
reform:' The intention of .asylums for the
poor is not to-elevate their-physical circum
stances and condition be'ond that of the in
digent but independent laborer, who, from
an honest and laudable pride, scorns to peti
tion for County support, but it is to afford to
the legitimate applicant for relief- such food,
raiment, and medical
_attendenee as shall
maintain him in health and strength, and du.
ring the time he is an inrriate of a Poor House
and the recipient of 'such - aid' as is there
afforded, he is bound, both by the ties of duty
and- gratitude, to observe and to conform,
with all due subordination and obedience, to
the laws and regulations prescribed for the
conduct of the establishment. The ques
tions for the Directors of the Poor-to deter
mine are: how can these objects be most
effectually accomplished? what retrench
ments can we make? and, with an eye single
to the efficient and conscientious performance
of oue.duties,, both to the pauper and to the
public, bow far can we economise? Provis
ions
,fOrm a principal item of expenditure and
a careful supervision
.of this department pre
sents a wide scope for the.exercise of frugal
ity. A,list of - articles of diet should first be
determined Upon, , specifying such only . as
shall be admitted for pauper consumption,
cheapness and relative nutrition being the
test to which all articles of diet should be
submitted. The mode of cookery is also well
deserving of special attention, and a regular
dietary routine might easily be laid down and
established. It would also be advisable to
fix upon a certain quantity of each article of
diet and constitute it a daily ration for one
individual ; the component parts of the ration
should be firmly settled, and periodical issues
of provisions made to he cooks in proportion
to the number of rations required, it,being
left to the medical attendant alone to make
individual alterations in diet in cases where
he may deem it advisable. All purchases of
provisions should be made, when practicable,
by public advertisement, and the contract
given to the lowest bidder. A strict system
of accountability ought to be adopted in ev
ery department which would enable the
Steward at any time to render an account of
his expenditures and probable requirements;
in the Commisbary this is especially necessa
ry. It would be easy to devise and develope
such a system, but my demands upon your
space are already too extensive. The preser
vation of subordination and wholesome dis
cipline cannot be too rigidly enforced. To
this end it would be well to appoint an Order
ly to each ward or room, whose duty it should
be to enforce order in every particular, to see
that the room be kept in a perfect state of
cleanliness, the beds and bedding neatly fold
ed and arranged, and that no altercation or
quarreling occur—all undue noise and vocifer
ation ought to be promptly checked, and ev
ery infraction of the rules reported. to the
Steward, and followed by such punishment
as the Directors may think proper to inflict.
Among a number of men and women such
as are eenerally congregated in a pauper asy-
Juni there is invariably a few of sufficient in
telligence, to fulfil duties of simple a char
acter as would devolve upon a room orderly.
It will be apparent that a code of regulations
and penalties will be required to the effectual
carrying out of this system.,
The ale-bodied paupers ought, if possible,
to be kept in constant employment. To such,
relief should be rendered irksome. Incessant
labor would drive the lazy from the public
crib and force them into a more independent
and honorable position. In England the
healthy pauper is engaged in cleansing the
streets and public sewers, anti is under con
stant superintendence, continually on the
move, with little relaxation, and the indolent
soon discover that the Poor House is no Par
adise; 'in fact, it is no domicil for any able
bodied man or woman ; such is not the inten
tion of these iestitutions ; characters of this
kind ought never to be recognized but as very
temporary inmates; their presence and occu
pation should be , regularly reported to the
Directors. and their discharge ordered when
the chancbes of employment would seem to
warrant it.
00 :25 00 38 00
00 40 00 60 00
Pauperism is annually increasing in Penn
sylvania, and if not checked and discouraged
will prove an evil of no ordinary magnitude.
The county taxation is already on -a very
high scale, and economy of expenditure in
every department is urgently demanded.—
The stream of emigration 'flowing from this
to younger and less bordered States has with
out doubt some reference to the heavy de
mands upon the pockets of the taxables; from
the same cause Ohio is avoided by immigrants
and is fast losing her position in the national
councils.. It remains to be seen whether
Pennsylvania:is to be depopulated by official
recklessness and extravagance ; or whether,
by well.devised and honestly executed plans
of economy and retrenchment, she will retain
her honorable position in thegalaxy di States,
and by the fuller developemen: of her resour
ces rise to that acme' of distinction and pros
perity to . which her vast natural endowments
entitle her. Yours truly,
BLITZ AMONG THE BOYS.—The progress
of Signor Blitz through the country might
be traced by observing the tricks of the
little• codgers in the various towns where
he, may have sojourned. The Hollidays
burg Standard says: 'One boy, the other
day, borrowed a stick of ,candy from a com
rade, to show how he could swallow it and
pull. it out of his ear. He swallowed it and
then twisted himself about in various ways
to extract it, but at length informed his
companion that he had forgotten that part
of the trick.'
Ual-le who goes to bed in anger, has the
devil for his bedfellow. t wag desires us to
say he khows a married man, who, though
he goes to bed meek and gentle as a lamb, is
in the same predicament. •
D•Charles,' said a- - father
.to his son while
working in' a saw-mill, 'what possesses you
to associate with such girls as you do 1--
Wheuf was of your age, I could.go with the
first cut.' "'Put,' said Charles, 'the first =cut
is.the
OC7 - A. good newspaper is like a sensible
and sou nd hearted friend, whose appearance
on .one's threshold gladdens the mind. with
the promise of a pleasant and profitable
hour.
. [),?Some wise person advises : When you
buy or sell, let or hire, make a clear bargain,
and never trust to ;We shall not disagree
about it.'
U :7" A. man's own good breeding is his best
security against other people's ill manners.
OThe fellow who slept under the "cover
of night," says that he came very near
freezing.
I:o=Why is an omnibus like the heart of a
fhrt Because there is always room for one
more to be taken in.
PUBLICOLA
CLAY TOWNS - 111P, March 1856.
HUNTINGDON - , MARCH 19. 1856.
From the Philadelphia North American and U.
- S. Gazette.
Mr. Falmore's Nomination.
Jt has been from no insensibility to its in
terests that we have deferred any notice of
the Presidential nomination made last Mon
day in this city. As we are, to some extent,
a representative of public opinion, we have
paused until we could at least have a glinipse
of what, in this respect, that opinion is. Al
though there is certainly a kind feeling en
tertained towards Mr. Fillmore, personally,
his nomination, under the circumstances at
tending it ; falls coldly and unimpressively
on the the public mind. The conservative
men of this community, at least, with whoin
we have so long acted, stand off in distrust of
the new association that encompass Mr. Fill
more, and which, if they do not veil him
entirely, make him an undefined and mys
terious being. How was the Convention by
which he is presented as a candidate or
ganized ? How were its members chosen ?
What is the constituent body ? Under what
obligations, secret or avowed, do either the
constituents or the representatives act ?
Was this body the creation of secret lodg
es Is it under the obligation of oaths I
Are those who belong to it bound together
by ties and duties on which the law and
the Constitution frown ? Is Mr Fillmore
—the Millard Fillmore of 1848, an Ex-
President of the United States—is he, can
he be, a member of a secret society, sworn
to a religious test, and to exclusiveness of
the strictest kind I To all these questions,
and for all these doubts, there is but one
answer, and in that answer there is cold
comfort. This is not asWhig nomination
—it is not a conservative nomination—it
is not an American nomination, in the high
and true sense of that much abused name.
It is aKnow Nothing nomination, with all its
peculiarities;and,at the very moment at which
it is made, it is proclaimed, by authority,
and, as if in vindication from aspersion,
that Mr. Fillmore was, and is, a member of
a Know Nothing lodge; in good standing,
having taken all three oaths, and that, but
for that, he would not, and could not, have
been nominated; and, on the ticket with him,
is placed a gentlemen who was Mr. Fill
more's most virulent assailant in 1850, and
who, if our memory does not mislead us, in
1844 was one of the loudest in denunciation
of Henry Clay and Theodore Frelinglmysen,
Mr.Frelinghuysen being supposed to be the
especial representative of those forms of re
ligious belief about which there is so much
outcry now. "Our opponents," wrote Mr.
Fillmore to Mr. Clay, in - 1844; "by pointing
to the Native Americans and to Mr. k'reling
_huysen, drove votes from us, and lost us- the
day." A leader of those opponents, who
thus cried down "the Native Americans and
Mr. Frelinghuysen," is now Mr. Fillmore's
companion on this strange ticket. Well
may considerate men hold back, when, by
such processes, such results are produced.
The public, thus puzzled as to the orign and
results of this strange Convention, have look
ed to its record, and find little there to recon
cile them to action. That scenes of disorder
and confusion will arise in all large political
bodies every one knows, and no one wonders
at. But it is only when underneath the
frothy surface, there are at work secret ele
ments, and those elements of the most acrid
kind, that turmoil and disturbance become
serious. Who can read the proceedings of
this Convention, without feeling that its vital
and_ only cohesive principle was some farm of
religious intolerance; and from religious pro
scription and sectarian jargon the true Ameri
can heart always has and always will revolt.
One hardly knows what sentiment predomi
nates,on.looking at this painful and grotesque
rccord.We have read it anew,and make our ex
tracts from the revised report of the National
,Inteligencer, a paper certainly not addicted to
unkind caricature, and, which seems to justify
its very doubtful acquiescence in Mr. Fill
more's nomination by publishing the strange
doings of his new friends. Our citations are
few, but significant :
"Mr. Small, of Pennsylvania, obtained
leave to say that he would accord with the
views of Gov. Call, for the sake of harmony,
and would, if the latter would abide by it,
strike out all in his resolutions, after the
words 'Bible and Constitution.' [Applause.]"
"Gov. Call again stated his determination
to retire. He had come to battle against the
innovations of the foreign party in the 'Uni
ted States, and the influence of the Pope of
Rome. Gov. Call now said, "Farewell."
On the next day we read :
"A recess was then taken. At the af
ternoon session there were several amusinE
scenes.
The Reverend Mr. Brownlow arose and
proposed to receive into the church Gen.
Call, of Florida, Percy Walker, of Alabama,
and all others who had gone astray.
• "Mr. Browalow, amid great app:ause, ad
vanced toward Ger. Call and embraced him,
causing a deal of merriment.
- "Gen. Call said he had given his hand
to his brother, and he now gave his heart to
the Convention," &c., &c. •
- Our last brief excerpts relate to those
nearer- home, the representatives of Penn
sylvania lodges, and gentlemen who have
slowly come to the conclusion • that the doc
trine of reserve gis no longer politic or com
fortable.
"Mr. 1. Hazlehurst, of Philadelphia, said
he was from the district and the ward in
which independence was declared in 1776.
He 'appealed to the South not to leave the
American party, but to remain with it in
its opposition to a foreign foe. He urged
compromise, and he cared for no platform
but- Americanisin and opposition to foreign
foes. Mr. H. made a strong speech for
'Sam !11 . 2 '
"Mr. J. Williainson, of Huntingdon, Pa.,
could not be transubstantiated into a free
soil abolitionist by St. Hildebrand, or all
the rest of the saints in the Calendar. In
his district they did not know an aboli
tionist from a spavined horse. He coun
selled union and harmony?'
Now it is from a Convention thus de
porting itself, whose members, men of 1114.-
tore age and social position; clergymen and
lawyers and nondescripts, hug each other
in. maudlin enthasia6m, and make speeches
about "Sam," and "St. Hildebrand," and
,"spavined horses," that this nomination
I comes; and coming thus, it has no right
to ask the support of Whigs and fair-mind
ed men of any party. Surely we may be
permitted to hesitate. As, surely is the
painful distrust which on this subject fills
the public mind justified.
But the Whigs of Pennsylvania and Phila
delphia have peculiar motives for resolute re
serve just now. No where has the party
which nominated Mr. Fillmore left more de
plorable traces than hereabouts. Neither lo
cally nor in the nation has it been such, we
mean administratively, as to command con
fidence. Less than two years ago it sprang
into gigantic existence, and commanded
something kindred to admiration or fear.—
With a strong hand and a grasp so bold that
a stout and honest heart seemed to nerve it,
it took possession in one place or another of
power and patronage. Pennsylvania and
Massachusetts and New York all yielded.—
But the instant it conquered, power it show
ed itself unfit or unable to administer it.—
This was manifest to every eye, and there
were many, ourselves among the number,
who looked at this result with disappoint
ment. The two repulsive elements of secre
sy and sectarian proscription, alien to the
heart and intelligence of the American peo
ple, only worked out their genuine fruits
when secret and sectarian party got into
place. A general sentiment of distrust per
vaded every one's mind, and the end was
what we said. Now, is it to be wondered
at that with these facts still recent—for two
years is the limit—conservative men should
regard with suspicion a nomination about
which they have not only not been consul
-tod, but from which they have been repel
led
' To such conservative men who have not
yet spoken, we say, in all earnestness, re
serve your judgment. This nomination has
no antecedents to command acquiescer.ce
from Whigs or those who act with Whigs.
Least of all, has it any claims on Pennsyl
vanians. We have not forgotten the scenes
"of last winter's legislation, and its impotent
intrigues, and remember well that the party
whose Convention now nominates Mr. Fill
mere was in power and responsible then.—
Philadelphians, too, may well pause before
they follow this New Yoik city lead, find
ing.; as they do, among Mr. Fillmore's prom
'bent thanksgivers in this Convention, those
who have wgnalized themselves by bitter op
position to our local interests. The time
will• soon come when those who have hereto
fore professed Whig principles, and who have,
as yet i formed no other coanexion, ought to
determine on their course and manfully pro
claim it.
The Atmosphere—lts Wonders
The atmosphere forms a spherical shell
surrounding the earth to a depth which is
unkdown to us, by reason of its growing te
nuity as it is released from the pressure of its
own superincumbent mass. Its upper sur
face cannot be nearer to ua than, fifty, and
can scarcely he more than five hundred miles.
It surrounds us on all sides, yet we see it
not; it presses on us with a load of fifteen
pounds on every square inch of surface
_of
our bodies, or from seventy to one hundred
tons on us all, yet we do not so much as feel
its weight. Softer than the finest down,
more impalpable than the finest gossamer, it
leaves the cobweb undisturbed, and scarcely
stirs the slightest flower that feeds on the
dew it supplies; yet it bears the fleets of na
tions on its wings around the world and crush
es the most refractory substances with its
weight. .
*hen in motion, its force is sufficient to
level the most stately forests and stable buil
dings with the earth ; to, raise the waters of
the ocean into ridges like mountains, and
dash the strongest ships to pieces like toys.
It warms and cools by turns the earth, and
the living creatures that inhabit it. It draws
up vapors from the. sea and land, retains
them dissolved in itself or suspended in cis
terns of clouds, and thrown them down
again as rain or dew when they are requi
red. It bends the rays of the sun from
their path to give us the twilight of even
ing and of dawn ; is disperses and refracts
their various tints to beautify the approach
and the retreat of the orb of day.
But for the atmosphere, sunshine would
burst upon us and fail us at once, and at once
remove us from midnight darkness to the
blaze of noon. We should have no twilight
to soften and beautify the landscape, no
clouds to shade us from the' scorching heat;
but the bald earth, as it revolved on its
axis, would turn its tanned arid weathered
front, to the full and unmitigated rays of the
lord of day. It affords the gas which vivifies
and warms our frames, and receives into it
self that which. has been polluted by use, and
is thrown off as noxious. It feeds the flame
of life exactly as it does that of the fire. It is
in both cases consumed : in both cases it be
comes combined with charcoal, which re
quires it for combustion, and is removed by
it when this is over.
"It is only the girdling encirling air," says
a. writer in the North American Review, "that
flows above add around us and makes the
whole world kin. The carbonic acid with to
day our breathing fills, the air, to-morrow
seeks its way round the world. The date
trees that grow round . the fall of the Nile will
drink it in by their leaves ; their stature; the
cocoa nuts of Tahita will grow rapidly upon
it; and the palms. and bananas of Japan will
change it into flowers.
The oxygen we are breathing was distilled
for us some short time ago by the magnolias
of the Susquehannah, and the great tress that
skirt the Orinoco and the Amazon; the giant
rhododendrons of the Himalays contributed
to it, and the roses and myrtles of Cashmere,
the cinnamon tree of Ceylon, and the forests ol
der than the flood, buried deep in the heart of
Africa, not behind the Mountain of the Moon.
The rain we see descending was thawed for
us out of the icebergs which have watched
the polar star for ages; and the lotus lilies
have soaked up from the Nile and exhaled as
vapor, 'snows that rested on the summit , of
the Alps."
The British Enlistment Question.
We give this week an abstract of the im
portant correspondence and other documents
communicated to the Senate on the subject
of British military enlistments in the United
States. Nothing is more thoroughly settled,
as a doctrine of public law, than every people
is master in its own territory; that each
country has a right, if it pleases, to remain
steadily neutral, in the face of other beliger
ent countries; and that no one beligerent na
tion has a right to use, for its beligerent pur
poses, the territory of any neutral state. Of
coarse, the beligerent cannot, without the
consent of the neutral, recruit within its for
ces of either land or sea. Moreover, if the
neutral, in the exercise °f l its sovereign dis
cretion, permits this to one beligerent with
out permitting the same to the other, it for
feits its neutrality, and becomes itself a be
ligerent party.
Nay, without regarding the subject in the
particular relation of neutral rights, it may
be assumed as indisputably certain that every
state has exclusive right to the use of its own
military means; and especially of that prima
ry and most indispensable of all the instru
ments of war, men. Of course, not even a
friendly state, in the time of the most pro
found peace, has any right to enlist men
within another's territory without the con
sent of the latter; and the attempt to do it,
under any circumstances, and for any pur
pose whatever, without such consent, is an
act of intrusion, of disrespect, and even of
outrage on the national sovereignty.
The United States, in common with most
other modern nations, have municipal laws
founded upon, and enacted in aid of, this
great universal principle of the public law of
Europe and America. An act of Congress
provides "thAt if any person shall, within the
territory or jurisdiction of the United States,
enlist or enter himself, or hire or retain
another person to enlist or enter himself, or
to go beyond the limits or jurisdiction of the
United States with intent to be enlisted or en
tered in the service of any foreign prince,
State, colony, district, or people, as a soldier,
or as a marine or seaman, on board of any
vessel-of-war, letter-of-marqe, or privateer,
every person so offending shall be deemed
guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall be fined
not exceeding one thousand dollars and be
imprisoned not exceeding three years."
Thus it will be seen that the statute makes
provision to punish as malefactors all indi
viduals, who engage in foreign enlistment in
the United States. But the statute could not
meet, and does not profess or pretend to meet.
the wrongful act of any foreign government,
which should undertake, as a government,
to open-recruiting offices in our cities, or to
spread recruiting officers over the country, in
order to raise men fel its military service.
We cannot indict foreign governments; we
cannot arrest them and put them in pi icon ;
we cannot redress their misdeeds by.means of
the ordinary judicial or administrative author
ities, in the course of internal public adminis
tration.. In such a contingency, the govern
ment aggrieved has to deal with the govern
ment aggrieving on the great principles of
sovereign right, which regulate the interna
tional relations of independent states.
Hence it follows that no foreign govern
ment, in such a matter, has any right to look
into our municipal laws, or examine what
their tenor is on such a subject. That is
none of its business. That is the sole con
cern of the officers of justice and of the accu
sed individual . party in the prisoner's box.—
The foreign government has no right to look
to any other point, save whether we consent
that it may recruit men in our territory; it is
bound, as the first step, to ask our consent;
if it proceed to recruit without our consent,
in so doing it injures us,-it insults us; it gives
us right to all such redress as the circumstan
ces require, just, as in any other case of na
tional wrong,.such as the capture of our ships,
or the hostile attack of our cities.
In 'all such cases it is perfectly immaterial
Whether there be or not any municipal law to
punish the individua I offender. Take, as il
lustration, the analogous case of the marching
of troops across our territory, which is an ex
ample of the invasion of neutral rights, placed,
in works on public law, side by side with the
enlistment of troops for foreign service. If
a foreign government should undertake, with
out our consent, to march troops across our
territory, would it be any answer to our de
mand of redress to say that it is not forbidden
by act of Congress? Clearly not. No more
is it material to consider, or has any foreign
government business to inquire, in the mat
ter of recruiting, whether the thing done or
attempted be or not within the letter of an act
of Congress.
One thing more: If a foreign government,
presuming, as it has no business to do,to look
into our statutes on the subject, undertakes,
in the language of an eminent judge, to look
into them in order to see how, by a series of
arrangements artfully devised, its agents may
evade those laws, then the national wrong is
only the more flagrant. it has no right to do
the thing any way, whether forbidden by
statute or not. If it professedly disregards
the law, that is manly at least. If, professing
to observe the law,.the foreign government
undertakes, by ingenious and elaborate devi
ces, to defeat and evade it, that is disingehu
ous, as well as otherwise wrongful to our na
tional sovereignty.
All these considerations are plain, palpa
ble,"almost self-evident truths of natural jus
tice.
Accordingly, at the very commencement of
the existing war in Europe, Mr. C. the British
minister in the United States, addressed the
Secretary of State, to express the confident
trust of his government that the United States
would sincerely exert every effort to enforce
upon their citizens the necessity of observing
the strictest neutrality. To be sure, he after
wards proceeded to apply this to the contin
gency of Russian maritime armaments in the
ports of the United States, expressing again
the confident hope that orders would be giv
en to prevent the equipment of privateers un
VOL. .11, NO. 89.
der Russian colors -in our ports, and, also,
"that the citizens of the United States shall
rigorously abstain from taking part in arma
ments of this nature, or in any other measure
opposed to the duties of a strict neutrality."
Mr. Crampion said nothing expressly berg
of tire enlistment of soldiers in the United
States. Mr. Marcy, in a letter addressed to
him a few days afterwards, quietlyleminded
him of this by saying that our government
would not permit the equipping of privateerit
in our ports, neither would it permit the en=
listing of men within our territory ; assuring
Mr. Crampton "that the United States, while
claiming the full enjoyment of their rights ad
a neutral power, will observe the strictest
neutrality towards each and all the belliger
ents."
It is a most memorable fact, that this - ap
prehended abuse of our neutral territory for
beligerent purposes, which the British gov
ernment took so much pains to prevent on
the part of Russia, has been perpetrated' by
Great Britain herself, and by heralone. Sho
had "drifted" into a great war without the
slightest forethought of adequatemilitary or
even naval preparation. We will not ven
ture to speak, as her own journalists and
public men law , *.a. done, of the deplorable de
ficiencies oftife military force which she
had in the trenches before Sebastopol. Suf
fice it to say, that her
.ministers, instead of
proposing great and honorable measures for a
great national exigency, resorted to the mis
erable make-shift expedient of recruiting in
dividual mercenaries in foreign neutral coun
tries, in deliberate and open violation of the
neutral rights and national sovereignty of all
the world. She scattered her recruiting
agents over Germany,' the Netherlands,
Switzerland, Italy, -and the. United States;
placed the recruiting officers under the in
struction of her diplomatic agents; and per
severingly continued, to her own discredit
and to the disturbance of her friendly rela
tions with other governments, raking up for
her military service the scum of the popula
tion of Europe and America.
In the United States, month after month,
from the beginnintiof March down to August,
our laws were set at nought, the public peace
I of our cities disturbed, and thd ministerial
and judicial officers of the country subjected
- to the most invidious and painful labor in the
vain attempt to put a stop to British enlist
ments, until it became necessary for our gov
ernment to make of it a public question be
tween the two nations, which question at
length 'assumed unwonted gravity, when,
after sometime, it came to be ascertained, by
irrefragable proofs, that the whole business,
unlawful and injurious to our public rights
as it was, had been conducted, all along, un
der the diligent superintendence of the British
minister, Mr. Crampton. When the matter
had thus proceeded for the period of some six
months, the . British government, it is true,
desisted from the attempt, with declaration
that it did so to avoid further wounding the
sensibilities of the United States. But, in
stead of rendering, even in words of explana
tion, any satisfaction for what it had done, it
has, on the contrary, occupied itself with dis
puting about the construction of our munici
pal law, into which it had no authority to in
quire, altogether disregarding, meanwhile,
the question of our neutral and sovereign,
rites as an independent nation.
Mr. Marcy, after discussing the question
with Lord Clarendon for the last six months
in a series of able and argumentative despatch
es, has elicited from the British government
only perseverina , defence of the wrong. We
have now reached the inevitable result. The
President of the United States, in the dis
charge of his public duty, and for the vindi
cation of the national peace and honor, has
been constrained 'to require of the British:
government the recall of Mr. Crampton and
the dismissal of. the British consuls at New
York, Philadelphia, and Cincinnati.. •
How to OvercoMe Evil.
Johnny Wilson sat on the stairway, crying
as though his young heart would break. I
took him on my lap, and told him to tell ma
why he was crying.
"Billy Johnson was just above me in the
spelling class, and because 1 turned him down,
he gat angry. At noon I was flying my new
kite on the plain he came up asking me ta
let him fly it.
Thinking it would make us
<rood friends I let him, but on purpose he let
it go into a,tree, and tore it. I'll be revenged,
yes, I'll be revenged !"
"Do good for evil," said I.
"I'll try," came sweetly from Johnny's-
lips.
That evening, as Johnny was engaged in a
"famous" game of ball, Billy came up, and
wished to play, but could not, as he was odd.
"Here, Billy, you can have my place," said
Johnny. Billy , looked at Johnny a moment in
silence, and then said, "Johnny, I tore your
kite; I am sorry ; mine is behind that tree, it
is yours; and after this we shall ba good
friends." -
That night, as Johnny knelt, and said,
"Forgive us our trespasses, as vve forgive
ihose that trespass against us," :he felt he had
forgiven one' who had trespassed against
him. •
florinsTy.—The man who would steal a
pin; would perform the same operation on a
crow bar were it • as easy of concealment.—
The man that steals not from the fear of the
mill
. far outstrips the highwayman; for the
latter has a good quality the former lacks—
courage. There are no gradations in roguery
—all who overstep the charmed line of hon
esty bear the same stamp. Honesty is the
half-way house to piety; and 'Us there ,the
fatigued way farer, on his journey of compe
tion, takes rest and refreshment. Honesty
may be ragged for a season, but the sound
heart that beats 'neath the tatters, feels a
contempt for well dressed roguery as he pas
ses and a confidence in the path before him.
The man that makes not a sacrifice in the
cause yf honesty is but a bubble on the dirty
water of roguery, that sooner or later bursts,
and forms a part of the frith.—Diogerses.
(Never condemn a friend nnbeard, or
without letting him: know his accuser or his
crime.